Konrad Hahm

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Konrad Hahm (born June 10, 1892 in Ohlau , Province of Silesia , † March 15, 1943 in Berlin ) was a German folklorist .

In the 1920s he worked as a consultant for the Reichskunstwart Edwin Redslob in Berlin and was primarily entrusted with questions of folk art and folklore. From 1928 to 1935 he headed the collection for German folklore, which was affiliated with the prehistoric department of the Völkerkundemuseum in Berlin, and was director of the newly founded State Museum for German Folklore until his death in 1935 . In this context he worked on the scientific and curatorial orientation of the museum, which he tried to create its own building and a more prominent position as an institution. In addition, he tried to position folklore as a folk science and thus to secure himself and his house under National Socialism . Hahm occupies a prominent position in the development of the Berlin Museum of Folklore, which was ultimately to merge into today's Museum of European Cultures .

Life

Childhood, Education, and Early Activity

Konrad Hahm was born on June 10, 1892 in Ohlau, Lower Silesia, as the first of five children of the mayor. In his childhood, Hahms visited his maternal grandfather's estate in Heinrichsdorf in the Militsch district several times . There he came into contact with traditional rural folk life for the first time. He then studied theology, German, art history and philosophy in Breslau and Greifswald . In 1916 he was released from military service for health reasons and was able to devote himself entirely to his studies. In the following year he received his doctorate with a thesis on the poetic legacy of Georg Büchner . After completing his studies, Hahm worked for a short time at the Von Bodelschwingh Foundation Bethel and since 1919 managing director of the Silesian Association for Homeland Security in Breslau. In this role he organized exhibitions and published catalogs. This position also enabled him to establish contacts with craftsmen, artists and museum representatives from Silesia and Saxony.

Employment at the Reichskunstwart (1922–1928)

Work for the Reichskunstwart and the Reich Association for German Crafts

On April 1, 1922, Hahm received a position as a consultant at the Reichskunstwart Edwin Redslob in Berlin. Since he was supposed to dedicate himself to the working group for craft culture, half of the position was financed by the Interior Ministry and the other half by the Reich Association for German Crafts . Since 1926 at the latest, his workplace has been in Bellevue Palace , where the Reich Association for German Crafts maintained an office. The position at the Reichskunstwart allowed Hahm to get to know administrative processes and to make both national and international contacts in the field of scientific theory, which he was able to make fruitful for himself in the further course of his career. In 1924, Hahm married the Finnish cultural correspondent Haidi Blafield, with whom he maintained contacts with personalities from the state and society, which he could later use for his project to set up a museum for German folklore.

Reichskunstwart Redslob, who had been promoting the investigation and popularization of traditional folk art since the early 1920s and who himself developed concepts and published writings, encouraged Hahm's turn to folklore. He followed a pan-European trend after the First World War. With the working group for German craft culture, economic goals should also be achieved and economic impulses for the various branches of industry should be given through the cultivation of folk art. The working group should promote craftsmen through small exhibitions and also offer creative suggestions through historical models. The exhibitions were also intended to serve as preparation for a large German folk art exhibition, which had been planned since 1922, but whose concrete planning could not begin until 1926 due to inflation. As president of this exhibition, which was to be shown in Dresden in 1929 in the context of the annual exhibition of German work, Redslob developed its artistic and scientific concept, while he appointed Hahm as managing director. In addition to this activity, for example, in 1924, Hahm traveled to Silesia on behalf of Redslob, where he was supposed to collect material for the exhibition Silesian Folk Art , which particularly focused on the aspect of borderland and foreign Germanism.

When the Reichskunstwart called an international folk art congress in May 1928, which was linked to Redslob's contacts with the International Institute for Spiritual Cooperation at the League of Nations , Hahm supervised the preparations on the German side. At the congress taking place in Prague, the International Folk Art Commission was founded, to which 24 national commissions belonged. The German Folk Art Commission was chaired by Otto Lehmann , while Hahm held the position of managing director. The relationship between the folklorists organized in the commission and the Reichskunstwart was not unclouded; many of them were skeptical of his competence and the contemporary orientation of Redslob's occupation with folk art. In this context, Hahm also expressed himself disparagingly about his superior, with whom he already disagreed with the definition of folk art - for Hahm, as for most specialist colleagues, it was based on peasantry, while Redslob assigned it to the guild craft. For the commission, however, Hahm's position meant the opportunity to work towards decisions that would have led to better financial resources in the subject. In addition to the establishment of the International Folk Art Commission, the Prague Congress decided to hold an International Folk Art Exhibition in Bern. The exhibition conceived for the 1929 Annual Show of German Work in Dresden was to be used as the German contribution. However, this did not come about after the presidium of the annual show of German labor in Dresden closed the Berlin office for the folk art exhibition at the end of 1927 due to a lack of financial means, which also meant that Hahm was dismissed, and then the Reichskunstwart also did not have the funds for the world economic crisis was able to raise participation in the international exhibition planned in Bern.

Early scientific work

In his academic work in the field of folk art, Hahm showed ethnic tendencies as early as the 1920s. In his 1928 publication, German Folk Art , he described the creativity of folk art not as a culturally justifiable constant of the rural world, but as a biologically based peasant conception of life and work. In the folklore material, Hahm recognized evidence of the “popular feeling” of the peasants, which arose on the basis of the actions of “folkism”, “tribe”, “clan”, “hereditary community”. For him, the small variations in ornaments and symbols proved the dimensional stability of folk art, which would have led to the transmission of Germanic cultural elements from the Bronze Age to the present. This ahistorical projection of ideas of the Germanic or German nation back into the past in Hahm corresponded to similar developments in contemporary prehistoric research. From the established continuities of the forms, Hahm derived the existence of an intact community of the common people, which is why the artistically expressed "community belief" can be found in folk art. This position served as a political argument in the discussion about the alienation of humans in the technological age. However, Hahm did not completely reject modern developments. In 1929, for example, he wrote the introduction to the volume of Neue Werkkunst about the Wroclaw architect Theo Effenberger . Effenberger belonged to the progressive environment of Hans Scharoun and Hans Poelzig , but combined modern elements with the Heimat style in his architecture, which is why he certainly corresponded to Hahm's idea of ​​an organic development in the sense of Heimatschutz work in Silesia.

In the early 1930s, Hahm was supposed to teach at Berlin University for the first time. In the winter semester of 1931/32, lectures on the relationship between craft and folklore were planned in Berlin, which were to be open to students from all universities and the vocational education institute. The German Craft Institute in Hanover was supposed to support this company financially, but the lecture series did not take place. Hahm complained that his approach to relate folk art and handicrafts to one another had not been followed by either folklore or art studies; the necessary material is widely scattered and small museums do not have the means to publish it to the necessary extent. Therefore, Hahm applied for travel funds from the German Craft Institute so that he could start giving the lecture in the winter semester of 1932/33. In February 1932 the institute announced that it would apply to the Prussian Minister for Science, Art and Education for a teaching position. Both the minister and the philosophy faculty of Berlin University had agreed, so that the advisory board of the institute proposed Hahm for the teaching assignment and provided funds. It is unclear whether this teaching assignment actually took place before the Nazis came to power at the end of January 1933. Hahm did not appear in the course catalog until 1936/37.

Head of the Collection of German Folklore (1928–1935)

Develop the collection and fight for your own home

Since half of the financing of Hahm's position at the Reichskunstwart was lost with the dismissal by the Reich Association for German Crafts at the end of 1927, Redslob tried to find a job for Hahm in the Berlin cultural scene and thus secure the further developments that were initiated beyond the canceled folk art exhibition. When the head of the folklore collection at the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Karl Brunner , retired in autumn 1928, Hahm was appointed as custodian as his successor on November 1, 1928. The exact circumstances of this appointment are not known, also because the files of the General Administration of the State Museums are war losses. However, it is likely that in the course of preparations for the folk art exhibition planned for 1929 in Dresden, contacts with the folklore collection of the State Museums had come about and that he was familiar with these and their problems. As the head of the folklore collection, Hahm subsequently also took over the chairmanship of the German Folk Art Commission.

Exhibition view of the Royal Collection for German Folklore in the Palais Creutz , ca.1910.

When Hahm took over the management of the folklore collection, it had to struggle with organizational and spatial problems. Within the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, to which the collection had belonged since 1904, it did not have the status of an independent museum, but was attached to the Museum of Prehistory and Early History. The Palais Creutz at Klosterstrasse 36, which had previously housed a trade school and had served as its building since the Folklore Museum was founded in 1889, only allowed an inadequate presentation of the collection, which was described as chaotic and which had a lack of light in the rooms. Under these difficult circumstances, Hahm sought to popularize the collection by trying through schools and teachers to make its educational and popular education aspects fruitful for students. On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the museum in October 1929, Hahm, together with the Prussian Academy of the Arts and the Association of German Associations for Folklore, organized an exhibition in the premises of the Academy of the Arts on Pariser Platz , which was opened by Max Liebermann . The concept of the exhibition with the separation of the objects according to material groups followed the principles that had been developed in the working group for German craftsmanship at the Reichskunstwart. With this show, Hahm intended on the one hand to convey the importance of the collection to the public and at the same time to draw attention to the unsatisfactory spatial situation. This exhibition met with great interest from the population of Berlin, whose reactions ranged from general enthusiasm to discourses on the “ethnic-German industrial diligence”. The influence of Jewish patrons such as James Simon and Alexander Meyer Cohn , who donated a large collection of costumes to the museum, was also expressed. The journalist Paul Schmidt contrasted this Jewish promotion of the museum collection with the neglect by nationalist forces. So Hahm's calculation to draw attention to his museum with this show paid off.

While the search for a new museum building dragged on, after his appointment as head of the folklore collection, Hahm was able to significantly improve the personnel situation and thus an efficient one by employing three academic staff and further technical staff for library, administration and storage in work contracts To create a museum. Together with the Association of Folk Studies Associations, Hahm developed concepts for the museum and submitted submissions to the Prussian Ministry of Culture. As a new museum building, three options were considered: the building complex Prinz-Albrechtstrasse 8, the Grunewald hunting lodge and the Bellevue palace . The latter two offered the possibility of setting up open-air facilities. In an undated memorandum, which Hahm probably wrote in 1929, he preferred Bellevue, as it was centrally located and well connected in terms of transport. On the other hand, the location in Grunewald was favored by ministers. In 1930 a cost estimate was issued for the necessary renovations in the Grunewald hunting lodge, but no final decision was made due to the global economic crisis.

Work within the framework of the German Folk Art Commission

In addition to his work as director of the museum, in his function as managing director of the German Folk Art Commission, in cooperation with the German Association for Rural Welfare and the Reich Association of Agricultural Housewives' Associations, in May and June 1932 , Hahm organized the 2500 square meter exhibition of folk art, domestic diligence and handicrafts in the atrium of Wertheim Department store . Since the department store paid for the implementation and most of the work was done on a voluntary basis by members of the German Folk Art Commission, no public funds had to be used for this exhibition. The concept was based on the preparations for the failed Dresden exhibition and was still developed by Hahm with a view to the possible international exhibition in Bern. 400 workshops presented their products in the show and also offered them for sale. The exhibition project was rated positively overall because it offered the German Folk Art Commission in particular the opportunity to gather theoretical and practical experience for the organization of such projects. Overall, this exhibition project is also characteristic of Hahm's approach to revitalizing his museum: Since he was subordinate to a subdivision of the Völkerkundemuseum, he pursued projects outside of official channels and, among other things, made use of his position in the German Folk Art Commission. He also made use of his contacts with the Prussian Ministry of the Interior and Finance, which he had made while working for the Reichskunstwart. With Johannes Popitz , State Secretary from 1925 to 1929, acting head of the Prussian Ministry of Finance from 1932 and Minister of Finance after the Nazis came to power in 1933, Hahm had a friendly relationship that served to secure Hahm's museum plans financially and to promote folk art research as a whole.

Work towards a new museum building under National Socialism

After the National Socialists came to power in 1933, on the one hand, Hahm adapted his use of language to the new requirements, and on the other, he used the unclear conditions in the cultural sector to advance his plans for the State Collection of German Folk Art. On April 27, 1933, he signed a paper by Max Hildebert Boehm from the Institute for Border and Foreign Germanism , in which the undersigned acknowledged Adolf Hitler and the NSDAP and expressed their willingness to collaborate in the "ethnic German movement". His entry into the NSDAP in 1933 is also to be located in this context, since Hahm and other signatories asked to join the party, avoiding this fact becoming known. Rudolf Hess personally complied with this request . Hahm also tried to persuade Joseph Maria Ritz , with whom he was working on the German Folk Art Commission, to join the party, but the latter refused.

While Hahm's previous sponsor, Edwin Redslob, was dismissed and the post of Reichskunstwart was removed in 1933, he continued to pursue his plans in collaboration with Popitz: he updated his memorandum from 1929 and added new arguments. In addition, he painted the other two buildings under consideration and referred only to Bellevue Palace. In January 1934 the castle was taken over as a museum building and the necessary renovations began. At this point in time, the Reich Ministry for Science, Education and National Education , which was responsible for museums and which only emerged in May 1934 from the merger of the Prussian Ministry of Culture and the responsibility for education that had been outsourced from the Reich Ministry of the Interior, was not yet active.

Director of the State Museum for German Folklore (1935–1943)

View of the exhibition of German peasant art at the Museum of German Folklore in Bellevue Palace, 1935–1938.
The Bellevue Palace during the state visit of Yosuke Matsuoka in 1941 after the German Museum of Folk Art give up the location had and the castle was converted into a guest house of the national government.

Work for the State Museum for German Folklore

On October 1, 1935, the State Museum for German Folklore, which was now a separate institution in the Association of State Museums in Berlin, opened in Bellevue Palace. On the occasion of the opening, a Polish folklorist and renowned experts Sigurd Erixon from Sweden and Georges-Henri Rivière from France spoke . The exhibition on German peasant art shown in Hahm's central building on this occasion , which was extended several times beyond its planned duration of six months due to a lack of financial resources for new projects, met the ideological expectations of the National Socialists: It began with an introduction to Germanic peasantry , which had been taken over as a loan from the Neumünster Industrial Museum , and also comprised a section on symbols and meaning , which served to convey the ideological image of the German peasant in particular. On the occasion of the opening, Hahm also noted that his house was now emerging from fifty years of shadowy existence, criticizing the shortcomings of the previous policy of the Ministry of Culture and contrasting it with the positive developments in National Socialism. Under Hitler's leadership, the intellectual elite and the state could have been united by a common völkisch view of history. With the opening exhibition, however, Hahm also embarked on a new curatorial path: he deviated from the regional principle of origin, which was customary in ethnology, and instead organized the objects according to material groups that corresponded to landfilling based on conservation considerations. With the presentation in spacious showcases, Hahm achieved a clear effect that differed from the chaotic impression of the former exhibition rooms. In addition, there were other modern presentation methods with the isolation of individual pieces and the colored wall design. Hahm himself related this to the aesthetics of a department store and used it as a means of establishing a connection between folk culture and high culture.

View of the Prinzessinnenpalais , from 1938 the administration and exhibition building of the Museum of German Folklore. Recording: around 1938.

Despite his good connection with Finance Minister Popitz, Hahm, as director of the museum, had to struggle with limited financial resources and had to accept the minister's influence on the content. The planned opening of the Spree wing of Bellevue Palace, which was to be used for the permanent exhibition, was delayed from June 1937 to May 1938 for financial reasons. Of the five planned topics, the first, which was to deal with tribal and racial aspects, was opened Popitz recommendation to compensate for reduced funds deleted. The topic of German handicraft culture was also dropped, as the museum was already taking part in a traveling exhibition of the imperial class of German handicrafts , which was also to be shown in Bellevue Palace. The scope for Hahm in designing his house was therefore limited. Nevertheless, he succeeded in developing from the type of the foam museum the new type of the "mobile work museum", which was characterized by changing exhibitions and lecturing activities. This concept was perceived and adapted across national borders. Rivière's considerations to implement a “living museum” in France followed Hahm's example. Hahm bought the possibilities in this direction with the ideological commissioning of his house. Despite this preliminary work for the National Socialist regime, the permanent exhibition in Bellevue Palace no longer opened because the museum had to vacate it at the beginning of 1938 so that it could be used as a guest house for the German Reich. In this situation, Hahm turned on the one hand to the responsible officers in the Ministry of Finance and Culture, and on the other hand to the General Director of the State Museums Otto Kümmel . In addition to a new building, he demanded the creation of new jobs and the necessary spatial and financial resources in order to maintain and further increase the activities of the museum, especially in educational work. The museum initially moved - as suggested by Hahm - to the Prinzessinnenpalais located on Unter den Linden , while the magazine was moved to the house of the Great National Mother Lodge "To the Three Worlds" in Splittgerbergasse, which was dissolved by the National Socialists . The work of the museum subsequently concentrated primarily on the school exhibitions, four of which were devoted to a different group of materials between 1939 and 1943.

Institutional and university work

During the establishment of the State Museum for German Folklore as a separate house in the Association of State Museums, Hahm continued the work within the framework of the German Folk Art Commission, as this gave him the opportunity to work on a larger scale than his own house allowed. After the Reich Ministry of the Interior suggested a reform of the commission in the autumn of 1932 in order to establish it as a legal person with a new statute, the conversion into a registered association was sought. Although a corresponding draft statute had already been submitted to the Ministry in November 1932, this process dragged on until October 1935, when the German Folk Art Commission was linked as a registered association to the State Museum for German Folklore and financially assigned to the State Museums Berlin. Based on plans that came from the commission, Hahm also tried to found an institute for folk art research at the museum. Bernhard Rust , the Reich Minister for Science, National Education and Upbringing, approved a teaching assignment for research into German folk art at the Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Berlin and gave the order to set up the institute at the museum, but no further steps were taken to implement it. This development was due to the objection by the Research Association of German Ahnenerbe , whose race office wrote to the ministry on September 11, 1936, requesting that the minister be brought forward. Without being aware of this objection, Hahm wrote to Rust and Finance Minister Popitz in a letter dated October 12, 1939, requesting that the Minister be able to announce the foundation of this institute on October 27, 1939 on the occasion of the museum's anniversary this is psychologically important for the museum. In June 1940, the Institute for Folk Art Research was finally founded at the Berlin University and thus an affiliation to the museum was finally rejected. His annual budget was 1200 Reichsmarks. Against the objections of the National Socialist German Lecturer Association , Hahm received an honorary professorship thanks to Popitz's support . Due to health problems, however, Hahm was hardly able to teach, which is why he had to be represented by his assistant Wolfgang Schuchhardt . The Institute for Folk Art Research was in competition within the university: Both Adolf Spamer and Richard Beitl offered events on folklore so that it was taught at separate locations within the university.

Contacts to the Ahnenerbe

Despite the objection of the ancestral inheritance in 1936, Hahm maintained good contacts with some of the scientists working for this institution. So the leading member of the ancestral heir, Joseph Otto Plassmann , who had published folkloric writings himself, kept in contact with him until Hahm's death and published in his journal Volkswerk ; Heinrich Harmjanz , also in a leading position in the Ahnenerbe, provided Hahm with publication opportunities in popular magazines. In addition to Plassmann and Harmjanz, Hahm was in writing with other members of the Ahnenerbes. When Plassmann was moving manuscripts and archives from various castles that had been relocated in France back to Paris, he asked Hahm on July 30, 1940 whether he had any wishes. Even if Hahm cannot be proven to have been directly involved in the art theft, he would have had networks available to him to confiscate desired objects and collections in occupied France. He pointed out the Ahnenerbe in the Netherlands, among other things, to a high loom , which aroused interest in the contact there. However, it is not clear whether there was a seizure. Hahms Museum then benefited directly from the theft of cultural property in the occupied parts of the Soviet Union. Hahm reminded Plassmann that the Ukrainian private scholar Zaloziecki in Chernivtsi had given his folklore collection to the German consul as a donation for his museum in order to keep it safe from the Soviet occupation in 1940. After the invasion of the Red Army, the collection still in Zaloziecki's house was released on the intervention of the consul. But then their trail was lost. At the beginning of 1942, Hahm inquired of the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle and inquired about the whereabouts of the collection. When he learned that she was being held there, he asked for her to be released. Since this could only be done after approval by the Ahnenerbe, its director Wolfram Sievers arranged for the transfer to be carried out on the condition that all of the Hutsul materials of particular interest to Heinrich Himmler be prepared.

Research in National Socialism

Hahm embedded his research in the National Socialist discourse. In the foreword to his publication on German peasant furniture in 1939 he noted programmatically: “With this reorganization of art history, a path has been taken that will and must also lead to a theory of heredity in the field of art in the broadest sense, if one does not, of all things, create creative work of a people wants to split off from the general laws of life of the people's laws. ”He used the rhetoric of struggle that was widespread under National Socialism. In this context, Hahm's reference to the anti-Napoleonic movement with Friedrich Ludwig Jahn , Ernst Moritz Arndt and Johann Gottlieb Fichte can be found. His study of the East Prussian peasant carpets from 1937 also shows such traces, as Hahm narrowed the initially open cultural-historical layout and ignored both Old Polish inscriptions and the Ottoman-Sarmatian influences from the 18th century on the motif tradition. He stopped exchanging ideas with Polish colleagues. Hahm's research was reflected directly in the collection of the museum, for which he purchased some of these carpets. This argumentative approach to National Socialism is placed by the biographical research in the context of his not undisputed position within the regime: His proximity to Jewish patrons and politicians of the SPD as well as to a closely observed folklorist like Richard Beitl left doubts about Hahm's reliability come up. For example, Matthes Ziegler from the Rosenberg Office criticized in his publication German Folklore in Literature. A guideline for the training and education work of the NSDAP in 1938, among other things, the appreciation of James Simons by Hahm and denounced the proportion of Jewish folklorists. In addition, Hahm was keen to move his subject out of its peripheral location, which is why he propagated folklore as a national science.

In contrast, the actual museum work remained largely unaffected by this ideological orientation. The “School and Museum” office under the direction of Adolf Reichwein and most of the museum publications remained committed to a cultural-historical orientation. The yearbook of the Museum für Deutsche Volkskunde initiated by Hahm in 1940 with the name Volkswerk followed this direction. The contributions came from the most famous representatives of folklore such as Sigurd Erixon , who referred to Franz Boas and Wilhelm Fraenger , the former ostracized under National Socialism and the latter dismissed in 1933 for political reasons. Before Hahm published Volkswerk , he was already co-editor of the Dictionary of German Folklore from 1936 .

Death and aftermath

East Prussian knotted carpet, 1789, Museum of European Cultures in Berlin. The carpet was acquired by the West Berlin Museum in 1951 in memory of Hahm.

As a result of the symptoms of a serious illness that had appeared since the summer of 1941, Hahm undertook several longer stays in the Silesian spa town of Bad Altheide . During this time he ran the business of the museum and institute through an intensive correspondence. On March 15, 1943, Hahm died at the age of 50 as a result of a cerebral haemorrhage . His grave is in the Dahlem Forest Cemetery in Berlin.

After the end of the Second World War, the folklore collections in both West and East Berlin were rebuilt in the tradition of Hahm: the focus continued to be on living and working in the countryside in the German-speaking areas. In 1961, the relocated museum holdings, which had been returned to the German Democratic Republic by the Soviet Union, were reintegrated into the collection presented in the Pergamon Museum . These included the East Prussian peasant carpets acquired and researched by Hahm. As early as 1951, the West Berlin collection had acquired an East Prussian knotted carpet in memory of Hahm and processed it scientifically. The organizational schemes of the folkloric canon that Hahm had introduced into museum work were only deconstructed by a new generation of folklorists in the 1970s. The exhibition The Image of the Farmer , for example, was important for the change towards an approach to everyday history . Ideas and Reality from the 16th Century to the Present , which was shown in the Dahlem Museum in 1978. With this change of perspective, the character of the collections changed, among other things, increasingly dedicated to the urban population and reaching into the industrial age as well as the present.

Publications

  • Silesia in color photography , edited by Heinz Braune and Konrad Hahm in conjunction with the Silesian Federation for Homeland Security . Weller Publishing Institute for Color Photography, Berlin 1923.
  • The Finnish Ryijen. In: Die Form 1 (1925/26), pp. 49-53.
  • New architecture: Haus May, Frankfurt a. M. In: Die Form 1 (1925/26), pp. 293-298.
  • Silesia. Text and picture collection , Günther Grundmann and Konrad Hahm, Munich: Delphin 1926.
  • German folk art , Berlin: German Book Community, [1928].
  • German folk art (= everyone's library. Nature of all countries, religion and culture of all peoples, knowledge and technology of all times. Volume 14). Shepherd, Breslau 1932.
  • The art in Finland. German Art Publishing House, Berlin 1933.
  • The reconstruction of the State Museum for German Folklore in Bellevue Palace, Berlin. In: Zentralblatt der Bauverwaltung 55 (1935), pp. 851–854.
  • The new State Museum for German Folklore in Bellevue Palace, Berlin. In: German science, education and popular education. 2 (1936), unofficial part, pp. 47-50.
  • with Julius von Farkas : culture of the ugro-Finnish peoples (= handbook of cultural history, section 2: history of national life. Volume 6). Athenaion, Potsdam 1936.
  • Dictionary of German Folklore. Co-editor, from 1936.
  • East Prussian peasant carpets. Diederichs, Jena 1937.
  • German Christmas Toys. Advertising leaflet, Berlin 1937.
  • German country furniture. Diederichs, Jena 1939.

literature

  • Erika Karasek : Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between new beginnings and doom. In: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121-136.
  • Elisabeth Tietmeyer , Konrad Vanja : The Museum of European Cultures and National Socialism. A story of customization in two parts. In: Jörn Grabowski , Petra Winter (Ed.): Between Politics and Art. The Staatliche Museen zu Berlin in the time of National Socialism (= writings on the history of the Berlin museums. Volume 2). Böhlau, Cologne 2013, ISBN 978-3-412-21047-2 , pp. 387-408.
  • Barbara Schier : Konrad Hahm, Joseph Maria Ritz and the German Folk Art Commission 1932–1938. An annotated correspondence , in: Yearbook for Folklore, New Series 12, 1989, pp. 43–50.
  • Timo Saalmann, Art Policy of the Berlin Museums 1919–1959 (= writings on modern art historiography. Volume 6). De Gruyter, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-05-006101-6 .

Obituaries:

Individual evidence

  1. a b Horst Junker, Horst Wieder, on the staffing of the Museum for Pre- and Early History since 1829. Personnel index - short biographies - job overview , in: Wilfried Menghin (ed.), The Berlin Museum for Pre- and Early History. Festschrift for the 175th anniversary (Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 36/37 (2004/2005)) , Staatliche Museen zu Berlin - Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin 2005, ISBN 3-88609-907-X , pp. 513-591, here: p 542.
  2. a b Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: p. 121.
  3. a b Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Aufbruch and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: p. 122.
  4. a b Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: p. 123.
  5. Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: pp. 123 and 124.
  6. Timo Saalmann, Art Policy of the Berlin Museums 1919–1959 . De Gruyter, Berlin 2014, p. 204.
  7. a b Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: p. 124.
  8. Timo Saalmann, Art Policy of the Berlin Museums 1919–1959 , De Gruyter, Berlin 2014, p. 210.
  9. Timo Saalmann, Art Policy of the Berlin Museums 1919–1959 , De Gruyter, Berlin 2014, pp. 210 and 211.
  10. Wolfgang Brückner, The Reichskunstwart and Folklore 1923-1933. Exhibition hopes , folk art commission, chair plans (1993) , in: Heidrun Alzheimer-Haller, Christoph Daxelmüller, Klaus Reder (eds.), Science and institutional history of folklore (= folklore as historical cultural studies. Volume 78. Collected writings by Wolfgang Brückner ), Bavarian Blätter für Volkskunde, Würzburg 2000, pp. 142–195, here: pp. 183–185.
  11. Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Aufbruch and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: pp. 124 and 125.
  12. a b Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: p. 125.
  13. ^ Elisabeth Tietmeyer, Konrad Vanja, The Museum of European Cultures and National Socialism. A history of adaptation in two parts , in: Jörn Grabowski, Petra Winter (ed.), Between Politics and Art. The National Museums in Berlin during the Nazi era , Cologne 2013, pp. 387–408, here: pp. 390 and 391.
  14. a b c Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: p. 126.
  15. Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: p. 127.
  16. Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Aufbruch and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: pp. 127 and 128.
  17. Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121-136, here: p. 128.
  18. Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121-136, here: p. 134.
  19. Barbara Schier, Konrad Hahm, Joseph Maria Ritz and the German Folk Art Commission 1932–1938. An annotated correspondence , in: Yearbook for Folklore, New Series 12, 1989, pp. 43–50, here: pp. 45 and 46.
  20. Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Aufbruch and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: pp. 128 and 129.
  21. a b Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121-136, here: p. 129.
  22. Timo Saalmann, Art Policy of the Berlin Museums 1919–1959 , De Gruyter, Berlin 2014, pp. 205–207.
  23. ^ Elisabeth Tietmeyer, Konrad Vanja, The Museum of European Cultures and National Socialism. A history of adaptation in two parts , in: Jörn Grabowski, Petra Winter (ed.), Between Politics and Art. The State Museums in Berlin during the National Socialist era , Böhlau, Cologne 2013, pp. 387–408, here: pp. 392 and 393.
  24. Timo Saalmann, Art Policy of the Berlin Museums 1919–1959 , Berlin 2014, pp. 212 and 213.
  25. Nicolas Adell, The French Journeymen Tradition: Convergence between French Heritage Traditions and UNESCO's 2003 Convention , in: Regina F. Bendix, Aditya Eggert and Arnika Peselmann (eds.), Heritage Regimes and the State , Göttingen 2013, pp. 177–193 , here: p. 178. online
  26. a b Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: p. 130.
  27. a b Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: p. 131.
  28. Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Aufbruch and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: pp. 131 and 132.
  29. Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Awakening and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: pp. 132 and 133.
  30. Wolfgang Brückner, Berlin und die Volkskunde (1988) , in: Heidrun Alzheimer-Haller, Christoph Daxelmüller, Klaus Reder (eds.), Science and Institutional History of Folklore (= Folklore as Historical Cultural Studies. Volume 78. Collected writings by Wolfgang Brückner ), Bayrische Blätter für Volkskunde, Würzburg 2000, pp. 196–214, here: p. 205.
  31. Timo Saalmann, Art Policy of the Berlin Museums 1919–1959 , Berlin 2014, pp. 224 and 225.
  32. Konrad Hahm, Deutsche Bauernmöbel , Jena 1939, p. 10, quoted from: Elisabeth Tietmeyer, Konrad Vanja, The Museum of European Cultures and National Socialism. A history of adaptation in two parts , in: Jörn Grabowski, Petra Winter (ed.), Between Politics and Art. The Staatliche Museen zu Berlin in the time of National Socialism , Böhlau, Cologne 2013, pp. 387–408, here: p. 396.
  33. a b Elisabeth Tietmeyer, Konrad Vanja, The Museum of European Cultures and National Socialism. A history of adaptation in two parts , in: Jörn Grabowski, Petra Winter (ed.): Between Politics and Art. The Staatliche Museen zu Berlin in the time of National Socialism , Böhlau, Cologne 2013, pp. 387–408, here: p. 396.
  34. ^ Elisabeth Tietmeyer, Konrad Vanja, The Museum of European Cultures and National Socialism. A history of adaptation in two parts , in: Jörn Grabowski, Petra Winter (ed.): Between Politics and Art. The Staatliche Museen zu Berlin in the time of National Socialism , Cologne 2013, pp. 387–408, here: p. 399.
  35. ^ Konrad Vanja, Constructions - Deconstruction - Reconstruction. Cultural-historical and cultural-political perspectives on museum order systems , in: Silke Göttsch, Christel Köhle-Hezinger (Eds.): Complex world. Cultural systems of order as orientation. 33rd Congress of the German Society for Folklore in Jena 2001 , Münster 2003, ISBN 3-8309-1300-1 , pp. 81–91, here: p. 82, footnote 5.
  36. ^ Elisabeth Tietmeyer, Konrad Vanja, The Museum of European Cultures and National Socialism. A history of adaptation in two parts , in: Jörn Grabowski, Petra Winter (ed.): Between Politics and Art. The National Museums in Berlin during the Nazi era , Cologne 2013, pp. 387–408, here: pp. 397 and 398.
  37. Erika Karasek, Konrad Hahm (1892–1943). Museum between Aufbruch and Doom , in: Yearbook for Folklore , New Series 26, 2003, pp. 121–136, here: p. 135.
  38. ^ Hans-Jürgen Mende: Lexicon of Berlin burial places . Pharus-Plan, Berlin 2018, ISBN 978-3-86514-206-1 , p. 581.
  39. Ulrich Steinmann , Museum für Volkskunde , in: Research and Reports , Vol. 3 (1961), pp. 170–172, here: p. 170.
  40. Werner Stief , An East Prussian knotted carpet. Konrad Hahm († 1943) in memory of the sixtieth anniversary of his birthday (born June 10, 1892) , in: Berliner Museen , Vol. 2, No. 1/2 (1952), p. 8-14, here: p. 8th.
  41. ^ Konrad Vanja, Constructions - Deconstruction - Reconstruction. Cultural-historical and cultural-political perspectives on museum order systems , in: Silke Göttsch, Christel Köhle-Hezinger (Eds.): Complex world. Cultural systems of order as orientation. 33rd Congress of the German Society for Folklore in Jena 2001 , Münster 2003, pp. 81–91, here: pp. 84 and 85.
This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on April 29, 2019 .