Men's movement

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The men's movement is an international social movement that deals with issues from the world of men .

Origins and Themes

It consists of very different worldview organizations and currents that address masculinity or masculinity. It has its origins in the civil rights movement and in the protest movement against the Vietnam War in the United States. Traditional concepts of masculinity in the post-war era were called into question in the sense of the utopia of a peaceful and egalitarian society . From the end of the 1960s onwards, the men's movement was shaped differently by the demands, social effects and changes in the women's movement . Since then there have been differentiations and completely new trends. It is controversial whether one should speak of a men's movement, or perhaps more accurately, of a “men's group scene”.

The movement is predominantly western, although its importance has also grown in non-western countries since the early 1990s. Topics in the men's movement include gender roles , human relationships, sexuality (including homosexual rights ), reproduction (including birth control and the abortion debate), working life, fatherhood and the role of father, health issues, violence (its causes and dissolution), men's rights, and issues of women's rights . Critical research on men developed out of the profeminist men's movement in the early 1980s .

Tendencies within the men's movement

The social pedagogue Detlef Ax differentiates between four trends, which are based on the following approaches:

  • Critical approach: The representatives of the critical approach try to create a new gender relationship. In daily life this translates primarily into the division of gainful employment, housework and parenting work.
  • Mythopoetic approach: By resorting to archetypes , myths and fairy tales , the attempt is made to strengthen the self-perception of men and to actively and proudly live being a man and fatherhood.
  • Masculinist and paternal law approaches: patrons and masculinists reject feminist theories that are viewed as one-sided. You advocate a reform of what is perceived to be unjust custody and a positive male self-confidence. A critical approach to feminist standpoints is required.
  • Antisexist / profeminist approach: The basic demand is the abolition of patriarchy as a cornerstone of the oppression of women and men. The advocates of this approach are based on the women's movement and try to adopt so-called “female characteristics”.

In the specialist literature, no categorization of the men's movement has been established so far. The men's researcher Michael Kimmel , for example, divides the men's movement into profeminists, anti-feminists and masculinists, the men's researcher Michael Flood differentiates between the men's and father's rights movement, the mythopoetic men's movement, the profeminist men's movement and Christian men's groups. The sociologist Georg Brzoska, on the other hand, denies that masculist or paternal law approaches can even be counted as part of the men's movement, since in his opinion these are "part of the dominant masculinity". The sociologist Andreas Kemper also differentiates between the men's movement that emerged in the German-speaking area in the 1970s, which questioned hegemonic masculinity and was theoretically and practically oriented towards feminism, and the anti-feminist men's rights movement .

The sociologist Hans-Joachim Lenz stated in 1997:

“The“ Movement of Men ”is not a large socio-political movement, but a conglomeration of different activities and movements by men with the aim of finding answers to the challenges of a changed gender relationship. Analogous to the other new social movements , the men's movement is characterized by its complexity, its variety of forms, its contradictions and dynamism between the poles of strength and weakness. As with other social movements (such as the peace movement, the ecological movement), their unequivocal identification is made more difficult. "

In this context, Lenz criticized the mythopoetic and patriarchal approaches, as these “serve as a reservoir for an uncritical revaluation of old male glory right up to sexist 'roll back” ”. It is critical to reflect that the men on the move are first of all men in this patriarchal society who have a certain interest in power.

As part of his research on the men's movement, the Australian philosopher Spase Karoski criticized the fact that the academic specialist literature on the topic consists predominantly of profeministic analyzes and criticism of mythopoetic and patriarchal currents, and that there is hardly any empirical research that is not ideologically motivated and laden with values. In his empirical research in Australia, he found a discrepancy between the activities of the men's movement and their echo in the specialist literature. He identified an independent tendency which, in addition to its own positions, includes various positions of the profeminist, mythopoetic and patriarchal currents that are viewed as contradicting positions in the specialist literature.

Currents of the men's movement

Anti-sexist and men's liberation movement

In the context of the civil rights movement and the protest movement against the Vietnam War in the 1960s, young men increasingly questioned traditional concepts of masculinity from the post-war era. At the beginning of the 1970s, with the spread of the women's movement , the men's movement began to organize itself in the form of consciousness raising groups (literally: 'awareness / awareness raising / raising groups'). This group work, understood as a form of political action, was developed by radical feminism at the end of the 1960s ; it combines therapeutic approaches with political awareness-raising. The groups were mainly carried by young white, politically left-wing middle-class men who were unsettled by their partners' participation in the relevant groups of the women's movement and who now felt excluded from the women's movement. Feminism was seen as an opportunity to liberate everyone. Parallel to the first groups, the gay movement emerged after the uprising on Christopher Street in the late 1960s.

Within the consciousness raising groups, two directions developed from the start. The current, which describes itself as anti-sexist, saw it as a task to support the women's and gay movement; it saw men as a privileged group. She saw in the consciousness raising groups the danger that men would unite against women instead of critically dealing with their sexist attitudes. The current of Men's Liberation, on the other hand, saw men and women equally affected by stereotypical gender roles and therefore primarily aimed at dealing with aspects of their own gender role, with the price they perceive of masculinity.

In 1973 the number of Men's Liberation groups was estimated at 300. Anti-sexists accused them of fading out the power structures between the sexes and that they were in truth part of the backlash against feminism of narcissistically offended men.

Both currents were pro-feminist and differed in which feminism they adhered to. Anti-sexists were closer to radical feminism, the Men's Liberation groups to liberal feminism.

Male support and participation was initially welcomed by the women's movement. However, with the displacement of Betty Friedan's liberal feminism by radical feminism, which ended in the mid-1970s, male support was increasingly rejected. The anti-sexist tendency was still active in supporting the women's and gay movements, although they remained marginalized and without influence in these movements.

The importance of the men's liberation trend decreased at the same time. At the end of the 1970s she had disappeared, she had either integrated herself into the profeminist men's movement or the emerging men's rights movement.

The sex role theory prevailing in the men's liberation trend as well as in research at that time was published in 1977 in the reader “For men against sexism: a book of readings” and in 1985 in the formative essay “Toward a New Sociology of Masculinity “(Carrigan, Connell, Lee) sharply criticized. For example, Carrigan, Connel, and Lee argue that the male or female role that constructs masculinity and femininity does not exist and that the focus on prescribed roles, rather than actual interactions, ignores historical and social contexts and power hierarchies. A concept of the different masculinity was presented. In men's research, an approach was now established that viewed masculinity as a system of power relations, constantly changing social constructs, rather than a simple system of stereotypes, gender roles or recognizable gender differences. In particular, ethnic and class-specific differences were also considered, but in patriarchy, according to this concept, all men ultimately benefit from the gender order ( patriarchal dividend ). This concept also spread in the anti-sexist men's movement, which, however, beyond its establishment as critical men's research, increasingly lost its importance.

Mythopoetic movement

In the 1980s, the mythopetic approach arose in the self-image of men. On the one hand, a school, often called Wild men , emerged, for which Robert Bly's book “Eisenhans” is considered paradigmatic. In Connell's view, instead of dealing with ideas from the women's movement, there was the “restoration of a masculinity that was believed to have been lost or damaged by social change”. The roots of this movement lie in Romanticism and in the late writings of CG Jung, and in the " New Age " subculture that emerged in the 1960s . With "Eisenhans" the term "men's movement" found international spread for the first time.

Parts of this trend criticized that masculinity in the modern world is defined by success, power and wealth. Men would be mentally mutilated by military service ("We are all war invalids" Sam Keen in his book Fire in the Belly ).

The activists and authors of this movement point out that there is a lack of rituals in which men could find themselves and their masculinity. Sam Keen stressed the need to "turn away from femininity in order to find a deeper masculine truth". Only when men develop a positive self-image in dealing with other men are they able to have equal relationships with women.

In the more modern approaches from 2011, which are represented by Björn Leimbach , for example , the women's movement is recognized as such, but it is not about dealing with the “opposite woman”, but with one's own personality as a man. The ideas of Robert Bly's archetypes are taken up in the modern approaches . Determination, sincerity, assertiveness, kindness and positively lived aggression are emphasized as originally explicitly positive male characteristics. The spiritual development of the male is also emphasized, but less esoteric than was the case at the beginning of the movement in the 80s. Male-to-male contact and male initiation are seen as the source of positive male development.

Profeminist men's movement

The pro-feminist men's movement developed out of the men's liberation movement after it had split into two opposing camps in the 1970s, the pro-feminist men's movement and the anti-feminist men's rights movement. The first organized event by professional men in the United States was the 1975 Men and Masculinity Conference in Tennessee . Profeminist men were influenced by the second wave of the women's movement , student movement , peace movement , gay movement and civil rights movement. The pro-feminist men's movement is the current of the men's movement that welcomes the gender equality goals of feminism.

Profeminist men question traditional ideals of masculinity and believe that social norms and expectations have led men to orientate themselves towards rigid gender roles and are restricted in their expressiveness and social behavior because only certain behaviors are seen as appropriate for men. In addition, profeminist men are committed to fighting sexism and against discrimination against women. Together with feminists, they have campaigned for a number of feminist goals such as: These include the Equal Rights Amendment , the recognition of women's reproductive rights, anti-discrimination laws in the workplace, affordable childcare and the reduction of sexual violence against women .

Examples of important pro-feminist organizations in the United States are the National Organization for Men Against Sexism and National Organization for Changing Men . One initiative that works to end male violence in relationships is the White Ribbon campaign (symbol: white ribbon). The movement was founded in Canada in 1991 by the current chairman of the New Democratic Party, Jack Layton , and has now spread internationally. She runs v. a. Awareness work in public and partly also for gender-conscious school boy work .

Men's rights movement

The ideas of the men's rights movement can be traced back to the American men's rights movement , as a response to the exaggerations of the women's movement that they perceive as a reaction to the perceived disadvantages of men, especially in family law. The gender equality policy enforced by the feminist movement leads to a disadvantage for men, since men now have to give up the advantages of the traditional gender order while retaining its disadvantages. The positive discrimination practiced against women ultimately represents direct discrimination against men. The dominance of men in business, politics and the military, described by feminism as a sign of male rule, is often evidence of the opposite; Men are forced to wage war and work for their families, while women are spared. Feminism continued to lead to widespread misandry . Masculists reject many, if not most, of the philosophical ideas of the men's movement.

Susan Faludi described these trends in her 1991 book Backlash - The Men Strike Back as the suppression of feminist ideas.

Organizations and representatives of the emancipatory men's movement in German-speaking countries clearly distance themselves from the masculist / anti-feminist men's rights movement , such as the Bundesforum Männer, an umbrella organization with 29 men's associations, in an open letter from October 2012.

The political scientist Thomas Gesterkamp, ​​who is committed to men's politics , notes that men’s rights activists mainly spoke in right-wing conservative media. Her core thesis is that “gender equality has been achieved and women's emancipation complete. They complain about a «caste of gender functionaries» whose cultural hegemony suppresses any contradiction. “However, that has little to do with reality.

Markus Theunert , President of the umbrella association of Swiss men's and father's organizations, saw masculist and anti-feminist movements in 2012 as a single bloc and programmatically excluded them; He reserved the term men's policy (s) for a program "which recognizes the recognition of gender equality as a premise, equality as a condition, equal opportunities as a vision, gender dialogue on equal terms as the foundation and gender politics as a method". A year later, however, he stated "Approaches to expanded alliances in the service of real gender equality"; There is a wide range within the anti-feminist trend towards men's rights. As “anti-feminists in the narrower sense”, Theunert describes trends that advocate a “natural gender order” and reject any form of gender politics as a harmful interference with it. According to Theunert, men’s rights activists also argued with anti-feminist thought patterns, but, unlike the anti-feminists, loudly called for men’s political measures to compensate for the alleged advantage of women through gender equality policy. Men’s rights activists would regard any difference between the sexes as deliberate discrimination against men. The efforts of some men’s rights activists to “develop an allegedly 'left men (right) policy'” have also caused movement in the fronts.

Men's movement in the Federal Republic of Germany

The men's movement in West Germany emerged in the mid-1970s in the student spontaneous scene. In the USA and Great Britain it existed a few years earlier. The first men's groups came about when feminists asked their friends and roommates in the shared apartments to discuss their sexist structures with other men. This is how a man from the first three Berlin men's groups told at the first nationwide meeting (February 1975 ) of men's groups in Germany:

“We met earlier this year, but that came out less from us men than from the women we have or had a relationship with. The women came up with the idea that it would be good to make a group of men - laughter - and they then organized the schedule and so on. "(Wolfgang Müller et al .: Men pictures , 1982.)

During this time, the men's group scene was very closely linked with the beginning gay movement . Fears of contact among men, responsibility for the household, contraception and children were just as much a topic as “politics”. The “ Nationwide Men's Meeting ” has been held annually since 1983 . An important book from this period comes from Volker Elis Pilgrim Manifesto for the Free Man (1977). The well-known quote contained there is symptomatic: "The man is socially and sexually an idiot", which was later placed in front of the series Mann in the Rowohlt-Taschenbuchverlag together with a drawing by Ralf König . They sought to change the male gender roles in society. Inspired by feminist values, they tried to bring out the "female and gay elements".

With the expansion of the alternative movement in the 1980s, the men's movement also expanded. Her clientele was no longer just students from the alternative milieu. The topics of masculinity and what is masculinity? were discussed in all layers during this time. Two popular songs that emerged during this period expressed this discussion; The country needs new men from Ina Deter (1983) and men from Herbert Grönemeyer (1984). The band Extrabreit recognized the signs of the times as early as 1981 and named their second album Welch ein Land - what für Männer .

Adult education centers and the churches offered groups for men. A wide range of “male communication literature” developed, which understood itself to be an alliance with the women's movement until the early 1990s . Well-known pro-feminist men's magazine of that time was the “Herrmann”. With the men's offices founded in many cities, a professionalization of men's work began , but at the same time also a depoliticization. In the left-wing radical men's group scene, men's cafes emerged. The professionalization of men's work included work with boys , work with male perpetrators, men 's therapy, men 's education and men's research .

At the beginning of the 1990s, the men's group scene split. Initially, three currents could be differentiated, from 2000 a fourth developed:

  • the radical left-wing profeminist men's groups, which were largely located in the autonomous scene and who belonged to the readership of the profeminist men's circular . From the ranks of these men's groups, there were attacks on Bundeswehr facilities and on porn shops, as well as tangible confrontations with music groups and writers who were perceived as particularly sexist.
  • the new man movement , which was about a moderate renewal of individual male behavior. They were largely part of the reading circle of the Switchboard and Moritz magazines .
  • spiritual groups of men, to which on the one hand church groups, on the other hand esoteric groups such as the mythopoetic groups.

It is controversial whether mythopoetic groups also belong to the men's movement. Georg Brzoska counts the Mythopoeten among the masculinists in 1991 and therefore assumes that mythopoetic approaches are not part of the men's movement.

In addition, the men's rights movement developed, which includes masculinism and part of the father's movement . Since this is explicitly anti-feminist , according to some sociologists it does not belong to the men's movement, since the men's movement was founded as a pro-feminist project. Georg Brzoska: "In addition to these individualistic and anti-sexist currents within the men's movement, there are other groups and organizations that can be described as masculinist and that are not part of the men's movement, but are part of the dominant masculinity."

Men's movement in Switzerland

Part of the men's movement in Switzerland refers less to the anti-patriarchal struggles of the twentieth century and tries to integrate the various currents pragmatically.

The men's organization Männer.ch deals with a variety of topics from a male perspective. These include, for example, a fairer distribution of gainful employment and family work and a greater presence of men in raising children. The association is specifically committed to increasing the proportion of men who work part-time and to legally enshrining paternity leave of several weeks. Swiss men's and father's organizations are also striving to reorganize parental care and have already achieved initial successes on a political level.

See also

literature

  • Georg Brzoska: Men's politics and men's movement . In: Holger Brandes and Hermann Bullinger (eds.): Handbuch Männerarbeit. Psychologie Verlags Union, Weinheim 1996, pp. 74-89.
  • Susan Faludi : Backlash. The Undeclared War Against American Women . New York: Crown Publishers, New York 1991.
  • Michael Flood : Backlash: Angry men's movements in: Rossi, Staceay E .: The Battle and Backlash rage on. 2004, XLibris Corp., ISBN 1-4134-5934-X , pp. 261-287 ( PDF ).
  • Michael Flood: Men's movements in: XY magazine, vol. 6. 1996. On masculism, s. P. 69 ( PDF )
  • Thomas Gesterkamp : Gender struggle from the right: How men's rights activists and family fundamentalists radicalize themselves against the enemy image of feminism (PDF; 190 kB) . May 2010. [Expertise of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation ]
  • Thomas Gesterkamp: The ›men's movement‹ between gender dialogue and anti-feminism . In: Andreas Kemper (ed.): The masculists. Organized anti-feminism in German-speaking countries . Unrast Verlag, Münster 2012, ISBN 978-3-89771-523-3 , pp. 12-17
  • Sven Glawion: Whole men between CG Jung and Jesus . Overcoming fantasies of the men's movement. In: Sven Glawion, Elahe Haschemi Yekani and Jana Husmann-Kastein (eds.): Redeemer. Figurations of male hegemony. Verlag transcript, Bielefeld 2007, pp. 155–167.
  • Karoski, Spase: Men on the move: the politics of the men's movement 2007, University of Wollongong
  • Judith Lowder Newton: From Panthers to Promise Keepers ( July 21, 2008 memento on the Internet Archive ). Rethinking the Men's Movement, Lanham / MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005.
  • Willi Walter: Gender, Gender and Men's Research . In: Christina von Braun and Inge Stephan (eds.): Gender Studies. An introduction. Metzler Verlag, Stuttgart 2000, pp. 97-116.
  • Rich Zubaty: What Men Know That Women Don't . Virtualbookworm.com Publishing, College Station, Texas, Kaunakakai, Hawaii 2001, ISBN 978-1-58939-039-3 ( at Google Books [accessed November 21, 2010]).
  • Paul M. Zulehner and Rainer Volz: Men on the move . How Germany's men see themselves and how women see them. A research report. Schwabenverlag. Ostfildern 1998
  • Markus Theunert (ed.): Men's politics: What makes boys, men and fathers strong. Springer VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2012, ISBN 978-3-531-18419-7 .

Web links

overview
bibliography

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Spase Karoski: Men on the move: the politics of the men's movement . 2007, p. 35 ff. (Online) .
  2. ↑ Detlef Ax: Trends in men's research / men's work / men's movement, circular "Critical men's research" No. 18/19 (Berlin 2000), p. 13 f.
  3. ^ Michael Kimmel : Men's Responses to Feminism at the Turn of the Century . In: Gender & Society . 1, No. 3, 1987, pp. 261-283. doi : 10.1177 / 089124387001003003 .
  4. ↑ Michael Flood : Men's movements ( Memento from May 17, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 411 kB). In: Michael Flood, Judith Kegan Gardiner, Bob Pease and Keith Pringle (Eds.): International Encyclopedia of Men and Masculinities . Routledge, London / New York 2007, pp. 418-422, ISBN 978-0-415-33343-6 .
  5. ↑ a b Georg Brzoska: Men's politics and men's movement . In: Holger Brandes / Hermann Bullinger: Manual men's work . Beltz / Psychologie Verlags Union, Weinheim 1996, ISBN 3-621-27331-X , p. 85: “In addition to these individualistic and anti-sexist currents within the men's movement, there are other groups and organizations that can be described as masculist and that are not for Men's movement are to be counted, but are part of the dominant masculinity. "
  6. ↑ Andreas Kemper: Men's movement versus men's rights movement . In: Andreas Kemper: The masculists . Unrast Verlag, Münster 2012, ISBN 978-3-89771-523-3 , pp. 28-44.
  7. ↑ Hans-Joachim Lenz: Men and the history of the "movement of men" . Lecture at the conference A Future for Women and Men , November 12-14, 1997.
  8. ↑ Karoski 2007, p. 18.
  9. ↑ Karoski 2007, e.g. BS 20.
  10. ↑ Karoski 2007, pp. 35/36.
  11. ↑ Karoski 2007, pp. 36/37.
  12. ↑ Karoski 2007, p. 38.
  13. ↑ Roger Melvin: Men's Liberation: A Critique ( Memento of October 17, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 774 kB). In: Race Gander Class . July 1986, pp. 43-45.
  14. ↑ Michael Flool: Men's movements ( Memento of October 17, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 696 kB). In: XY magazine. 6, 1996, p. 67.
  15. ↑ Karoski 2007, p. 45.
  16. ^ Michael Messner: Politics of masculinities: men in movements . Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks / Calif. 1997, ISBN 978-0-8039-5576-9 , p. 48 .
  17. ↑ Jon Snodgrass (Ed.): For men against sexism: a book of readings . Times Change Press, Albion / Calif. 1977, ISBN 978-0-87810-531-1 .
  18. ^ A b Tim Carrigan, Raewyn Connell and John Lee: Toward a New Sociology of Masculinity . In: Theory and Society . 14, No. 5, pp. 551-604. doi: 10.1007 / BF00160017 .
  19. ↑ José María Armengol Carrera, Gendering Men: Theorizing Masculinities in American Culture and Literature, Tesi doctoral, Programa de doctorat "Literatures i cultures" 2000-2002, Universitat de Barcelona, ​​p. 47/48 ( PDF ( Memento of October 17, 2013 in the Internet Archive ))
  20. ↑ Robert W. Connell: The Made Man, Construction and Crisis of Masculinity. Verlag Leske + Budric, Opladen 2000, p. 228
  21. ↑ Karoski 2007, p. 51.
  22. ↑ Karoski 2007, p. 52.
  23. ↑ Sam Keen: Fire in the Belly. About being a man. Bastei-Lübbe Taschenbuch, Bergisch Gladbach 1993, p. 76.
  24. ↑ Robert W. Connell: The Made Man, Construction and Crisis of Masculinity . Verlag Leske + Budric, Opladen 2000, p. 231.
  25. ↑ cf. Sam Keen: Fire in the stomach. About being a man . Bergisch Gladbach 1993, p. 51 f .: Farewell to WOMAN .
  26. ↑ Björn Leimbach: Living masculinity .
  27. ^ A b c Michael A. Messner: The Limits of the “Male Sex Role”: An Analysis of the Men's Liberation and Men's Rights Movement's Discourse . In: Gender & Society . 12, No. 3, pp. 255-276 . doi: 10.1177 / 0891243298012003002 .
  28. ↑ Anna Gavanas: Fatherhood Politics in the United States: Masculinity, Sexuality, Race, and Marriage. University of Illinois Press, Urbana 1996, ISBN 978-0-252-02884-7 , p. 15 .
  29. ^ A b c d e Julia T. Wood: The Rhetorical Shaping of Gender: Men's Movements in America . In: Gendered Lives: Communication, Gender, and Culture . Cengage Learning, Belmont / Calif. 2008 (8th edition), ISBN 978-1-4282-2995-2 , pp. 82-103 (PDF; 3.2 MB).
  30. ↑ a b c Michael Kimmel and Amy Aronson (eds.): Profeminist Men . In: Men and Masculinities: A Social, Cultural, and Historical Encyclopedia . ABC-CLIO, Santa Barbara / Calif. 2004, ISBN 978-1-57607-774-0 , pp. 634-635 .
  31. ↑ An answer to the many accusations made by men who see themselves as the mouthpiece of “the” men , Bundesforum Männer, October 2, 2012
  32. ↑ Thomas Gesterkamp: For men, but not against women - essay . In: Federal Center for Political Education (Ed.): From Politics and Contemporary History (APuZ), No. 40/2012 (online, p. 2) .
  33. ↑ Markus Theunert (ed.): Men's politics: What makes boys, men and fathers strong , VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften 2012, ISBN 978-3-531-18419-7 , p. 15
  34. ^ Markus Theunert: Co-Feminism. How men sabotage emancipation - and what women get out of it. Verlag Hans Huber, Bern 2013, ISBN 978-3-456-85280-5 , p. 65.
  35. ^ Markus Theunert: Co-Feminism. How men sabotage emancipation - and what women get out of it. Verlag Hans Huber, Bern 2013, ISBN 978-3-456-85280-5 , p. 59.
  36. ^ Markus Theunert: Co-Feminism. How men sabotage emancipation - and what women get out of it. Verlag Hans Huber, Bern 2013, ISBN 978-3-456-85280-5 , p. 60.
  37. ^ Markus Theunert: Co-Feminism. How men sabotage emancipation - and what women get out of it. Verlag Hans Huber, Bern 2013, ISBN 978-3-456-85280-5 , p. 61: “Gender politics from the point of view of men’s rights activists is counting frame politics and works according to a simple pattern: You choose any characteristic that can be expressed in digits and brand it the difference between the sexes as deliberate disadvantage and discrimination against men ”.
  38. ^ Markus Theunert: Co-Feminism. How men sabotage emancipation - and what women get out of it. Verlag Hans Huber, Bern 2013, ISBN 978-3-456-85280-5 , p. 63.
  39. ↑ Presentation (PDF; 2.0 MB) for the 25th men's meeting (2007)
  40. ↑ Brzoska, Georg: Softies, Bleierne Zeiten and Attractive Killer , in : Rundbrief antisexistischer Männer , issue 14, pages 14 to 17, Berlin, February 1992. The trigger for this text was an appearance by John Belicchi at the national men's meeting in 1991
  41. ↑ Men as co-creators of the equality process? (PDF; 176 kB) Overview in the issue of women's issues, November 2003.
  42. ↑ Demand for paternity leave is growing louder . In: swissinfo.ch , June 15, 2007.
  43. ↑ «Whole men have part-time careers» . In: Tagesanzeiger , November 6, 2011.
  44. ↑ Week of the day: "The men are awake"
  45. ↑ Custody: Men's organizations prevail . In: Schweizer Fernsehen , May 25, 2011.