Men's rights movement

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As men's rights movement ( English men's rights movement ) is one in the 1970s in North America from the wing of the so-called Women's Liberation referred resulting flow, which - in contrast to the men's movement - anti-feminist to misogynistic positions represents.

Historical overview

Anti-feminist movements at the beginning of the 20th century

Anti-feminist ideologies and organizations formed in Europe and the USA at the beginning of the twentieth century in response to demands for emancipation and the women's movement that emerged in the late 19th century . They formed primarily in movements that fought against women's suffrage or women's studies and wanted to establish the traditional role of women. The early anti-feminist men's and paternal rights groups in the US in the late 19th and early 20th centuries show parallels to the men's rights movement from the 1970s onwards.

Men's rights movement in Vienna in the interwar period

After the defeat in the First World War , there was talk of a “crisis of masculinity” in German and Austrian society. The key component of this "crisis" was female employment. In 1919 a law was passed in Austria according to which women had to leave certain jobs in order to make room for the men who had returned from the war and to restore “healthy order”. In the 1920s, various anti-emancipatory men's associations emerged . The best known is the Association for Men's Rights , which was founded in Vienna in 1926 and in which men of all denominations were mainly from the middle class. A specific reason was the federal law passed in 1925 on the protection of the legal maintenance claim. The men’s rights activists saw themselves as fighters against “emancipation taken to extremes”, lamented the “atrophy of father rights” and conjured up the horror vision of a “women’s state”. In addition to the fear of being pushed out of their jobs by women, they focused their struggle against alimony to divorced wives and unmarried children. From 1929 onwards, the men's rights activists spread their ideas in several magazines with titles such as Selfwehr and Männerrechtler-Zeitung. in which the "enslavement of men by feminist laws" was raged against and against "women in professional life" to the field. From 1933, under Austrofascism, demands made by the anti-feminist men's rights activists were implemented on a broad social basis.

Forerunner of the men's rights movement in the USA

In the late 1960s, activists emerged in the United States who demanded men's and father's rights. A group that was founded by two men in 1960 as Divorce Racket Busters (dt. About: "Divorce Fraud Revelers") and was renamed United States Divorce Reform in 1961, tried to change the divorce laws in California, which they considered discriminatory to men. As divorce rates continued to rise in the late 1960s, “divorce reformers” spread across the country. One of their spokesmen, Charles V. Metz, argued in his manifesto Divorce and custody for men ( divorce and custody for men ) in 1968, men had left their authority unjustified women. Richard Doyle, who continued to initiate the movement and set up numerous organizations, claimed in his book The Rape of the Male. Men suffered more in the hands of women than Metz had described. Many of the groups that came to be known as Fathers' Rights now argued that feminism had destroyed the traditional nuclear family by encouraging women to leave their husbands and seek self-actualization.

Start of the German men's rights movement in the 1970s

In the 1970s a new form of organized anti-feminism developed in German-speaking countries: the masculinist movement or “ masculinism ”. Masculinism argued that the solution to men's problems was to reject the influence of feminism and enhance masculinity. The anti-feminist men's rights and fathers' movement in the German-speaking and English-speaking countries largely reclaimed male dominance and reconstructed male hegemony . This happened as a protest against the supposed discrimination against men by demanding men's rights. Michail A. Xenos (Savvakis) defines “masculism” (according to Walter Krämer , the 1st chairman of the German Language Association , a “male point of view in the gender debate”) as the self-designation of anti-feminist men's rights activists “as a 'complete [...] rejection' of the concerns of the Feminism".

Men's rights movement in English-speaking countries

In the United States , the men's rights movement grew out of the Men's Liberation Movement , which in turn was a response to the second wave of the women's movement . Early leaders of the Men's Liberation Movement acknowledged that men have institutional power, but at the same time stressed the price associated with a particular construction of masculinity . They used the "sex role theory", which was later often criticized, as the most important discursive tool. In particular, it was argued that the male gender role is associated with just as negative consequences for men as the female gender role is for women. In the mid to late 1970s, the Men's Liberation Movement split into two camps. On the one hand, an anti-feminist men's rights movement emerged, and on the other, a professional men's movement .

The men's rights movement is largely understood as a movement that positions itself in the form of a backlash or a counter-movement against feminism. She takes a number of different viewpoints that share hostility towards feminism. Men's rights activists believe that the women's movement has gone “too far” and has harmed men. They deny the idea that men as a group have institutional power and privileges and see men as the real victims. In the 1980s and 1990s, men's rights activists in the United States campaigned against the societal change sought by feminists and defended a traditional gender order in professional life, in the educational system and in the family. Michael Kimmel describes the men's rights movement in the USA as "the marginal movement of sad and angry white middle-class men who complain about how difficult it is for them". The economic and social turmoil in the USA would have turned this group into a noisy gathering of dissatisfied men. Sexuality also plays a role, the traditional power dynamic of which has been partially reversed. Women, especially feminist women, are blamed by them for all the problems men seem to have.

Representatives and Organizations

Warren Farrell

Warren Farrell , one of the most important representatives of the men's rights movement, articulated the foundations of the men's rights discourse in his book The Myth of Male Power (1993). Herb Goldberg's text The Hazards of Being Male: Surviving the Myth of Masculine Privilege (1976) assumed a similar canonical role within the movement. While Goldberg and in particular Farrell were still ideologically part of the Men's Liberation Movement in the mid-1970s, they broke with this tradition at the end of the 70s and beginning of the 80s and increasingly formulated their own discourse in the form of an anti-feminist backlash. Other important representatives of the men's rights movement include Richard Doyle, author of The Rape of the Male (1976) and Playboy columnist Asa Baber, a longtime activist whose articles on men are an important mouthpiece for the men's rights movement.

As early as the 1960s, groups with a focus on men's rights began to oppose the custody rules and divorce reforms of the time. In the course of the 1970s, these groups expanded their project and developed their own discourse on gender relations. In 1975, Richard Doyle founded the Men's Rights Association , which was later renamed the Men's Defense Association . In 1977 the organization Men's Rights, Inc. was founded in the USA and three years later, inspired by Herb Goldberg, the Coalition of Free Men was founded. In the 1980s, these two associations merged with paternal rights organizations and formed an umbrella organization, the National Congress for Men . In the Australian general election in 1998 two political parties emerged that explicitly advocated men's rights, the Family Law Reform Party and the Abolish Child Support Party . These parties existed until 2001. The action group Fathers 4 Justice , which was founded in Great Britain in 2002 , operates today worldwide and with partly militant means.

Socio-structural composition

Sarah Maddison cites the likely main motivations for membership in a men's rights organization to be the pain and anger following the end of a partnership and the effects it has on a man's relationship with his children. Afterwards, men's rights activists usually experienced a crisis in their private life, which they then understand as an example of social forces acting on men and masculinity from outside. Membership in men's rights groups is particularly attractive for divorced fathers who feel they have been treated unfairly by the family court and see these groups as an outlet for their anger and their feeling of injustice. The members of the men's and fathers rights movement, which some consider to be part of the men's rights movement, are predominantly white, straight, middle-class men. According to a Canadian study from 1993 and a US study from 2006, the proportion of women in fathers' rights groups is around 15%.

Relationship to other currents

The father rights movement emerged from the men's rights movement of the 1970s and 80s. Although men's rights groups seek various changes, the issue of “father rights” is a central aspect of their program. It is mainly divorced fathers who organize around “men's rights”, and the men's and fathers' rights movements are indistinguishable from one another in many ways. The father's rights movement could therefore be seen as part of the men's rights movement.

In the early 1980s, the pro-feminist men's movement clearly positioned itself against the men's rights movement and accused it of defending male privileges. A study in the USA found that representatives of the men's rights movement have a negative view of the profeminist men's movement and are indifferent to the mythopoetic men's movement . Often the profeminist men's movement is accused by other currents of the men's movement of being traitors of their gender, self-haters and not "real" men.

In the USA, men's rights groups are often associated with religious, especially Christian beliefs . An examination of the discourse in American men's rights forums found that the members often resort to religious rhetoric and legitimize their support for the traditional position of men and fathers in society and the family, for example with references to the Bible.

In the 1970s, the men's rights movement formed alliances with conservative men's groups who were also anti-feminist, but who clung to the traditional, male gender role of the head of the family and moneymaker. Since parts of the men's rights movement were still of the opinion at that time that the traditional male role was harmful to men, these two groups moved away from each other until they found each other again in the 1990s after the men's rights movement underwent an ideological change and traditional masculinity with a focus supported on being a father. After the resurgence of neoconservatism in the USA, parts of the men's rights groups went into conservative groups, which also positioned themselves against feminism, or were ousted by them. In the United States, neoconservative media frequently take up the arguments of the men's rights movement, and there are ideological overlaps between American neoconservatism and the men's rights movement.

Positions

Men's rights activists see men as an oppressed group and believe that society and the state have been "feminized" by the women's movement. Authors such as Warren Farrell and Herb Goldberg argue that all men are disadvantaged, discriminated against and oppressed, arguing that for most men power is an illusion and that women are the real power bearers of society. Men's rights groups deny that the women's movement is interested in men's problems. Some supporters of the movement viewed feminism as a conspiracy that sought to cover up discrimination against men or to suppress men.

Shorter life expectancy, health problems, the higher suicide rate by men than women, as well as conscription, divorce, custody and access rights are cited as evidence of the oppression of men. Often, based on certain studies, men's rights activists argue that domestic violence is just as common by women as men, and some men's rights groups are trying to overturn laws protecting abused women. They see the case of the teacher Mary Kay LeTourneau , who had an affair with one of her students in 1996 and who, in the opinion of the men's rights activists, received a punishment that was too mild for this, as an example of double standards in the judiciary and are of the opinion that the sexual victimization of men by women is not taken seriously in the judicial system. Some men's rights activists also believe that men are the real victims of sexual harassment, pornography, false allegations of rape, and sexist portrayals in the media. Other men and fathers rights advocates believe that there can be no rape in a marriage because consent to intercourse is part of the marriage alliance. In their discourse, supporters of the men's rights movement and also the father's rights movement use the rhetoric of “rights” and “equality”. B. in appeals for "equal rights for fathers". Many masculinists are calling for co-educational schools to be banned because they would harm boys.

Michael Flood sees the discourse of the male and female rights advocates among other things characterized by blatant disregard for research results, confusion of correlation and causality and the use of made-up statistical data. In order to gain advantages in family law, patriarchal lawyers used supposedly invented disorders such as " parental alienation syndrome ", which is not based on empirical data and is not recognized as a disorder by the American Psychiatric Association or the WHO . In addition, male rights activists denied male dominance in the political, social, and economic context or admitted some aspects of male privileges, but argued that these privileges were associated with more disadvantages than advantages. Sexist stereotypes such as portraying women as lying and vengeful mothers and claiming that pro-feminist men are homosexual and emasculated are common. Flood describes the men's and father's rights movement as a sexist backlash that not only attacks feminism, but also other progressive currents such as the lesbian and gay movement .

Men's rights movement in German-speaking countries

In German-speaking countries, the actors come together under the terms anti-feminists , masculists and men’s rights activists . Her ideas can be found first in books such as Women and Children. Thinking block feminism. A polemic. (2000) by Paul-Hermann Gruner , Are women better people? (2001), Männerbeben (2007) and Save our sons (2009) by Arne Hoffmann or The preferred sex by Martin van Creveld (2003). Hinrich Rosenbrock comes to the conclusion that the anti-feminist men's rights movement in German-speaking countries does not represent a social movement in the definition of the movement researchers around Dieter Rucht . The reasons for this are the relatively low mass, the limited potential for mobilization, the lack of a common past construction and an analysis of society as a whole. Hinrich Rosenbrock sums up the goals of the anti-feminist men's rights activists as follows: "The actors - and these are not just men - are about strengthening or at least maintaining male privileges and suppressing feminist arguments and institutions."

Actors and forms of action

The new anti-feminist men's rights groups are heterogeneous, but are well connected in terms of personnel and structure. Since they receive relatively little attention in the book market and in the print media, online forums, association websites and blogs are the most important media for discussion and dissemination.

From 2010 to 2012, three anti-feminism meetings of men's rights activists took place. They found little resonance outside of anti-feminist circles. Organizations of anti-feminist men's rights activists such as Agens and MANNdat are avoided by scientific and political institutions as well as by the media . The press gives a one-sided view as a reason.

Germany

Since 2001 the forum WGvdL (abbreviation for: How much equality does the country tolerate? ), The Femocracy blog and since 2009 the anti-feminist and misogynistic Wiki- Project WikiMANNia , run by Joel Castro , according to Kathleen Hildebrand , have been on the Internet since 2001 and Andreas Kemper operated a "Hetzportal". The imprints of WikiMANNia and WGvdL refer to a fictitious address in northern Turkey. Both sides rely on the service of international providers who specialize in hosting illegal and criminal content. In this way, the operators and users could have avoided legal prosecution in spite of “playing down National Socialism, copyright violations, threats, racism coupled with chauvinism and sexism”. According to Hinrich Rosenbrock, WGvdL is the most visited website of the anti-feminist men's rights movement. The German domain of WikiMANNia was indexed in 2020 by the Federal Testing Office for Media Harmful to Young People .

In 2004 the entrepreneur Eugen Maus founded the anti-feminist association MANNdat with the forum Männerrechte , whose members include Arne Hoffmann, who blogs in Genderama , and Michail Savvakis, who runs the website Der Masculist . MANNdat's publication platforms are also Die Freie Welt and streitbar.eu . MANNdat is well networked, even with groups that are not always on the basis of the constitution , such as the Swiss IGAF (Interest Group Antifeminism) and WGvdL , which disregarded the principle of equality and sometimes called for violence. Michael Klein runs the weblog sciencefiles from Great Britain, which presents itself scientifically and links MANNdat to its posts , while Klein is regularly active in the forums men’s rights and WGvdL .

The Agens association , which was preceded by the book project Liberation Movement for Men by Eckhard Kuhla and Paul-Hermann Gruner, has existed since the end of 2009 . Members include Gerhard Amendt , Claudia Fischer , Beate Kricheldorf , Karl-Heinz van Lier and Arne Hoffmann . In 2011 Monika Ebeling , former Goslar Equal Opportunities Officer , became a member of Agens , from which she resigned in the same year.

A controversy arose in 2009 after the sociologist and men's rights activist Gerhard Amendt described women's shelters in an article in the daily newspaper Die Welt as “places of politically motivated institutionalized hatred of men ” and called for them to be replaced by “family houses” in which those affected by domestic violence of all sexes find refuge should. Amendt claimed that domestic violence was carried out equally by women and men, while women's shelters represented an ideology that men were violent criminals and women were non-violent.

Masculist positions have been represented in Focus magazine since 2003 by journalist Michael Klonovsky . For example, Klonovsky drew on the writings of Arne Hoffmann and historian Martin van Creveld in an article and argued that men are the disadvantaged and women are the preferred sex. This can be seen, for example, from the fact that women have a higher average life expectancy, men do more and harder work, more often die of violent deaths, and more men than women take part in wars as soldiers. The Young Freedom took up the arguments in 2008 and wrote under the title Freedom instead of Feminism! "a totalitarian ideology will be enforced from top to bottom by a selected group of loyalists".

Switzerland

The IG Antifeminismus held from 2010 to 2012 an annual international anti-feminism meeting at which each around 100 people, mostly men between 40 and 60 years, participated. The Subitas organization , which used to appear as a men's party and is more moderate, has split off from the IG Antifeminismus . The men's party only won 0.01 percent of the vote in the 2011 national parliamentary elections. The IGAF, in turn, is well networked with anti-feminist websites and forums such as Die Söhne von Perseus ( sonsofperseus , operated by manifold ) and papanews, as well as with anti-feminist opinion- makers throughout the German-speaking area. According to Rosenbrock, sonsofperseus / manifold sees the man as a fighter against a female / feminist superiority and denies feminist men their humanity. He represented a derogatory image of women that sometimes turned into annihilation fantasies.

Topics and argumentation patterns

Michael Meuser characterizes masculinism as a simple gender reversal of feminism: men are referred to as the suppressed gender. According to Thomas Gesterkamp , men's rights activists generally stylize their gender as a victim in almost every situation in life. Whether in the world of work, in education or in divorce law: according to their interpretation, men are “insecure and stuck in an identity crisis because they are discriminated against through the advancement of women and an 'exaggerated feminism'.” “Everywhere men’s rights activists use a flat winner-loser scheme, that borders on self-victimization. According to this reading, the advancement of women and gender mainstreaming aggravate the discrimination against men. The complaint that “male discrimination” is not an issue in the media becomes part of the victim discourse itself. ”Central theses in the victim discourse include: a .: Separation fathers are deprived of their children, boys are losers in an education system optimized for girls, only men have to join the military, women are just as violent as men, male unemployment is increasing, men's health is being neglected.

In Walter Hollstein's opinion , the men's rights movement addresses problem areas that the pro-feminist men's groups have neglected, such as custody and divorce law, "deficient health care for men", an alleged "feminization of upbringing" or a "one-sided understanding of gender mainstreaming" . Hinrich Rosenbrock notes that the male victim ideology has dealt with feminist development at least so far that it has recognized that pointing out discrimination and demanding rights is a potentially powerful discourse. After all, this can easily be assessed positively, since expressing specifically male disadvantage requires at least partially overcoming traditional notions of masculinity .

Masculists deny that there is a discrimination-based wage gap between the sexes ( gender pay gap ) and that poorer pay for women is discrimination. The demand to ensure more equal pay is doubted and de-legitimized. In their view, men rightly earn more because they have more strenuous jobs, tend to work more and women's careers have more breaks. Social conditions such as a lack of childcare places that consolidate gender-specific division of labor in which women take on roles such as additional earners or unpaid care workers are attributed to their voluntary decision.

The catchphrase abuse with abuse was also taken up by masculist groups, according to which rape lawsuits were often based on false accusations and women often used allegations of abuse in maintenance processes.

Lesbian women are equated with feminists. A term that is frequently used in this context is "Femalesben" and it is assumed that homosexual women are man-hating. Male homosexuality is devalued, according to Hinrich Rosenbrock the result of a logic that propagates a strong masculinity based on heterosexuality. Allegedly feminine masculinity is also condemned and men who allegedly or actually sympathize with feminism are despised as "purple poodles".

According to Thomas Gesterkamp, ​​emancipatory terms such as “liberation” or “gender democracy” are reinterpreted in their sense by men’s rights activists. “Following the example of the US tea party , they present themselves as freedom fighters and protectors of civil rights . The online presence freiewelt.net, for example, bears the subtitle Die Internet- & Blogzeitung für die Zivilgesellschaft ; Another publication calls itself peculiarly free , whose makers consider themselves libertarians, but linguistically and personally there are overlaps with Junge Freiheit . Biologisms […] are an important argumentation model . Selected references to brain research or behavioral biology support their claims about gender difference. [...] The proponents of gender mainstreaming are accused of striving for 'anthropological neutralization' and denying scientifically proven differences. "

Another structural thought pattern is selective anti-statism. Only government measures that serve equality are criticized. Or it is argued that equality is detrimental to the achievement of government goals.

Political positioning and overlap with other groups

Scientists and publicists who have dealt with the men's rights movement have found overlaps with anti-feminist thought patterns and, in some cases, with networks of the extreme right, the new right and a Christian fundamentalist spectrum. The thought patterns also appear in leading media, such as Focus and Die Welt , and thus promote the media and public anti-feminist discourse.

The vocabulary and procedures of men's rights activists who articulate themselves on boys' politics in organizations such as MANNdat , Agens and IGAF and the associated forums sometimes resembled right-wing extremist strategies, says Reinhard Winter . They should not be underestimated because they pick up on popular moods and intensify them. Their images of the enemy ("the" feminists), conspiracy theories ("gender infiltration") and their polemics are harmful to serious boy politics. "Dramatic scenarios are designed in which all boys are threatened with extinction, women actively oppress boys, gender mainstreaming has taken power in the country as a secret society humiliating boys and men, and women's representatives have magical decision-making powers."

According to Thomas Gesterkamp, ​​the men's rights movement is liberal , but its ideas are rather right-wing conservative . Men’s rights activists cannot be assigned directly to the right-wing extremist spectrum, but their anti-feminism often comes close to right-wing ideology. He emphasizes that "an 'unmasking' 'male rights actors according to the pattern of the previously usual, much too schematic right-wing extremism research (“ Guilt by association ”) [...] leads to fallacies", because not everyone who is in contact with a right-wing extremist or in published in a right-wing magazine is automatically right-wing extremist itself. In the taz Gesterkamp identified masculism as the preferred topic of the CDU-FDP government, which has been in office since 2009. The men's movement in Germany is heterogeneous. There are associations oriented towards gender dialogue, such as the Bundesforum Männer . In contrast, anti-feminist activists did not shy away from cooperating with right-wing extremists. "They complain about a 'caste of gender officials' whose cultural hegemony suppresses any contradiction." This is flanked by broad media criticism of gender mainstreaming , for example in FAZ , Spiegel , Focus and Stern, as well as anti-feminist statements such as that by Gerhard Amendt . Similar posts can also be found in the “right-wing Junge Freiheit ” and in right-wing extremist blogs .

An analysis of the contributions in February 2010 in the men's rights forum How much »equality« can the country tolerate? has shown, according to the sociologist Andreas Kemper , that during this period all right-wing extremist attitudes, namely nationalism , ethnocentrism , racism , anti-Semitism , social Darwinism , belittling of National Socialism , advocacy of a right-wing dictatorship, as well as chauvinism and sexism were served in the comments.

The sociologist Hinrich Rosenbrock, who examined the Internet presence of men's rights activists, came to similar results, including in the forums of Spiegel Online , FAZ and Die Welt . He found that men’s rights activists use the internet to mobilize and act particularly aggressively to monopolize online debates on equality issues. Rosenbrock also found a "dangerous openness to right-wing extremism" a. expresses in it that men's rights activists link to right-wing extremist sites in their blogs and forums and publish them in right-wing extremist media or allow themselves to be interviewed by them. Overall, the movement is diverse. Both right-wing populist and misogynist attitudes are represented. Homophobic and racist discourses are not constitutive, but occur relatively frequently among individuals. “What they have in common is that they view feminism as a man-hating ideology that rules all of Germany.” In recent years, the number of classic men's rights activists on the Internet has fallen, while more radical anti-feminist currents such as Incels or MGTOWs are gaining popularity.

The men's rights movement shares anti-feminist arguments with the political right, especially the New Right and neo-Nazism. The website free-gender.de, to which some websites of the men's rights activists link and on which members and sympathizers of the right-wing extremist initiative Get out of your heads - Abolish gender terrorism , is an example of right-wing extremist anti-feminism. One thing in common with the New Right is the idealization of hegemonic masculinity , whereas the male victim ideology, an essential feature of the anti-feminist men's rights movement, is almost entirely unknown in the Right.

criticism

About the masculists, MANNdat and Agens , Martin Rosowski , chairman of the Bundesforum Männer , in which 29 men's associations have come together, said in an interview with the magazine Emma (2011): “There is an unbelievable misogyny that is now spreading against us as well Men judges. Some of what is being written there is inhuman , even violent. And it annoyed us immensely that the media, since the male issue boiled up, had not taken notice that there are also men like us. Instead, only the old masters of the biological theory of men such as Gerhard Amendt or Walter Hollstein have their say. ”In an open letter from October 2012, the Bundesforum Männer clearly distanced itself from the men's rights movement.

Above all, Rolf Pohl criticizes an “increasingly blunt, sometimes hostile defense against women and mothers” of men and father's rights activists. The men's and father's rights activists often transfigured their complaints as an emancipatory breach of taboo directed against the feminist mainstream. Furthermore, Pohl writes that men’s rights activists systematically neglected or reinterpreted historical contexts, ignored sociological differentiations, theories and controversies of recent gender studies and reduced any critical examination of social inequalities to the worldview of a feminine dominating and suppressing men. Particularly striking is the almost consistently "polemical style, an aggressive gesture of accusation and a projectively generated enemy image construction accompanied by strong affects."

Even Michael Messner sees the men's rights movement as an anti-feminist backlash. Similar to Flood and Pohl, he writes that men's rights activists disregarded recognized sociological, psychological and economic studies and developed an ideology of male victimization on the basis of anecdotal evidence and questionable studies . Men's rights activists claimed that men are the oppressed sex. This "reinterpretation of reality" is z. For example, Warren Farrell's assertion that male superiors are suppressed by their secretaries and their "miniskirt power" are visible.

Markus Theunert , from 2005 to 2015 president of the umbrella association of Swiss men's and father's organizations, Männer.ch, wrote in the Neue Zürcher Zeitung about anti-feminist movements such as IGAF Switzerland: “Anti-feminism is an ideology with totalitarian features and a one-dimensional scapegoat policy operates by making another worldview with ideological potential, feminism, responsible for pretty much every conceivable evil in this world and systematically defaming people and institutions. "Ideological feminism and anti-feminism are" the two sides of the same coin: thesis and antithesis a discrimination discourse that assumes that one sex is better off at the expense of the other - and thus leads to a dead end. "

literature

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Michael A. Messner: The Limits of the "Male Sex Role": An Analysis of the Men's Liberation and Men's Rights Movement's Discourse . In: Gender & Society . tape 12 , no. 3 , 1998, p. 255-276 , doi : 10.1177 / 0891243298012003002 .
  2. ↑ a b c d e f g h i Sarah Maddison: Private Men, Public Anger: The Men's Rights Movement in Australia . In: Journal of Interdisciplinary Gender Studies . tape 4 , no. 2 , 1999, p. 39-52 ( edu.au ).
  3. ^ Francis Dupuis-Déri: Le "masculinisme": une histoire politique du mot (en anglais et en français). In: Recherches féministes. Volume 22, No. 2, 2009, pp. 97-123. "As for the anti-feminists, they cannot agree on how best to identify themselves, wavering among" masculinist, "" masculist, "" hominist, "" humanist, "or expressions such as" activist for the rights of men "or" of fathers. ""
  4. ↑ Thomas Gesterkamp : Gender struggle from the right. How men's rights activists and family fundamentalists radicalize themselves against the enemy image of feminism . Work area women's and gender studies. Ed .: Friedrich Ebert Foundation , Economic and Social Policy Department. Bonn 2010, ISBN 978-3-86872-270-3 .
  5. ↑ a b Antifeminism. In: The Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History. Volume 1, Oxford University Press 2008, ISBN 978-0-19-514890-9 , p. 115 ff. "Antifeminism was the response to changes of threats to change that resulted from feminists reform movements. [...] Antifeminist Activism: Antifeminism was distinguishable from the pervasive misogyny "
  6. ↑ Ute Planert : Antifeminism in the Empire. Discourse, social formation and political mentality , Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, Göttingen 1998, ISBN 3-525-35787-7 , p. 11 f.
  7. ^ Michael Kimmel: Men's Responses to Feminism at the Turn of the Century. In: Gender & Society. 1, No. 3, 1987, pp. 261-283. doi: 10.1177 / 089124387001003003 .
  8. ↑ Maureen Healy: Vienna and the Fall of the Habsburg Empire: Total War and Everyday Life in World War I. Cambridge University Press 2004, ISBN 0-521-83124-5 , p. 272.
  9. ↑ Elisabeth Malleier: Every victory of women must be a victory of freedom, or it is not one. Jewish feminists in the Viennese bourgeois women's movement and in international women's peace organizations. In: Frank Stern, Barbara Eichinger (ed.): Vienna and the Jewish experience 1900–1938. Acculturation, anti-Semitism, Zionism. Böhlau, Vienna / Cologne / Weimar 2009, ISBN 978-3-205-78317-6 , p. 285.
  10. ↑ Elisabeth Malleier : The "Bund für Männerrechte" - the movement of the "men's rights activists" in Vienna during the interwar period. In: Wiener Geschichtsblätter Vol. 58, No. 3/2003, pp. 208 ff.
  11. ↑ Molly Dragiewicz: Equality with a Vengeance: Men's Rights Groups, Battered Women, and antifeminist backlash . Northeastern University Press 2011, ISBN 978-1-55553-738-8 , pp. 13 f.
  12. ^ Jocelyn Elise Crowley: The Politics of Child Support in America . Cambridge University Press 2003, ISBN 0-521-53511-5 , pp. 169 f.
  13. ^ Judith A. Baer: Fathers' Rights Movement. In: dies .: Historical and Multicultural Encyclopedia of Women's Reproductive Rights in the United States. Greenwood Publishing 2002, ISBN 0-313-30644-3 , p. 81.
  14. ↑ Thomas Gesterkamp: For men, but not against women - essay, chapter: Historical parallels. In: From Politics and Contemporary History (APuZ 40/2012), Online bpb, p. 3.
  15. ^ A b Melissa Blais, Francis Dupuis-Déri: Masculinism and the Antifeminist Countermovement. In: Social Movement Studies. Volume 11, No. 1, January 2012, p. 22. download . Francis Dupuis-Déri is Professor of Political Science at the Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM), where Melissa Blais obtained her PhD.
  16. ↑ Cilja Harders, Heike Kahlert, Delia Schindler (Eds.): Research Field Politics: Gender Categorical Introduction to Social Sciences (Politics and Gender), VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2005, ISBN 3-8100-4074-6 , p. 75.
  17. ↑ Masculism for Beginners .
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  19. ^ A b Bethany M. Coston, Michael Kimmel: White Men as the New Victims: Reverse Discrimination Cases and the Men's Rights Movement. In: Nevada Law Journal. 13, May 2013, pp. 368-385.
  20. ^ Judith Lowder Newton: From Panthers to Promise Keepers: rethinking the men's movement. Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham 2005, ISBN 0-8476-9129-2 , pp. 190/196.
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