Martin van Creveld

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Martin van Creveld (2008)

Martin Levi van Creveld ( Hebrew מרטין ון קרפלד; * March 5, 1946 in Rotterdam ) is an Israeli military historian and theorist of Dutch origin. He is Professor Emeritus of History at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem . He is considered one of the world's leading scientists in his field.


According to their own statements, an uncle and other relatives were victims of the Holocaust . Martin van Creveld was born in 1946 to a Jewish family in post-war Rotterdam in the Netherlands. His parents were Zionists . After the entire family had moved to the newly founded state of Israel in the 1950s Aliyah , he studied history at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (HUJI) from 1964 to 1969 and obtained a Master of Arts degree .

In 1964, Van Creveld was for health reasons retired and therefore had no military service in the IDF afford.

From 1969 to 1971 he was a Ph.D. -Student ( PhD ) in history at the London School of Economics (LSE). In his dissertation he dealt with the strategy of the German Wehrmacht and Hitler's in the Balkan campaign of World War II. This work was published in 1973 as his first book under the title "Hitler's Strategy, 1940-41, the Balkan Clue".

Van Creveld was a lecturer in history at the History Department of the Humanities Faculty of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem from 1971 , later becoming Senior Lecturer (1976), Associate Professor (1982) and Professor (1988). He has been retired since 2008. He currently teaches programs at Tel Aviv University and Webster University Geneva .

Van Creveld has also worked as a freelance journalist for the Jerusalem Post and a Wingate Fellow in military history at HUJI. From 1975 to 1976, he thought he was a research fellow at the Department of War Studies ( Department of War Studies ) at King's College London on. From 1980 to 1981 he was a fellow of the Humboldt Institute in Freiburg im Breisgau . From 1986 to 1987 he was a faculty member at the National Defense University in Washington, DC. From 1991 to 1992 he was a professor at Marine Corps University at Marine Corps Base Quantico , Virginia. From 1999 to 2000 he taught at Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. In 2011 he was a guest lecturer at the Historical and Cultural Studies Research Center in Trier , where his service contract was terminated prematurely after criticism from the student body. From 2012 to 2013 he was a visiting professor (visiting professor) in War Studies at Churchill College of the University of Cambridge .

Van Creveld is active worldwide as a speaker at military and civil institutions, as a publicist ( Foreign Affairs , The Jewish Daily Forward and others), and as a consultant and others. a. working for the Pentagon . He is a member of the Advisory Editorial Board (Advisory Editorial Board) of the journal War in History .

Van Creveld also publishes articles in German for FOCUS magazine .

His theses are also well received in right-wing German media such as the magazine Sezession and the weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit , in which he also publishes and which he also publicly supports. There, however, van Creveld's statement is rejected that the Holocaust would have been “impossible” without the “active or passive (co) action” of the Wehrmacht .

He also gives interviews to the German military magazine again and again.

Publications and reception

Van Creveld is the author of 16 works on military history and strategy , including Supplying War: Logistics from Wallenstein to Patton (1977, reprinted 2004), Command in War (1985), The Transformation of War (1991), The Sword and the Olive (1998) (on the history of the Israel Defense Forces ) and The Rise and Decline of the State (1999) are some of the best known. He takes up the same topic in his lively lectures and numerous articles.

For the British daily The Guardian and its author Brian Whitaker, Van Crefeld is one of the leading military historians in Israel or worldwide, whose works would have influenced modern military theory. In fact, his publication Supplying War: Logistics from Wallenstein to Patton was added to the Chief of Staff of the Army 's "Professional Reading List" ; making him one of the few non-Americans on this list. Whitakers' judgment is shared in their publications by Gwynne Dyer, Robert J. Bunker, and Michael C. Desch and KH Hofstede, among others. In 2013, Klaus Jochen Arnold described him in an event report by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Brandenburg as the world's most renowned military historian . Van Creveld's books (26 so far) have been translated into numerous languages. In 1990 he received the Distinguished Book Award from the Society for Military History for his book Technology and War: from 2000 BC to the Present .

Fighting Power (1989)

In the foreword to the new edition of the book from 2005, van Creveld made it clear that he had nothing in common with readers who would misunderstand his presentation as exonerating the armed forces with regard to their involvement in crimes. The Wehrmacht was involved in crimes and made crimes possible, but was not criminal as an organization. In a Focus article he also compared the army of Israel with the Wehrmacht: "In terms of strategy, organization, doctrine and the relationship between the three branches of arms, no 20th century army was more like the Wehrmacht than the Israeli one."

The Transformation of War (1991) (The Future of War, 1998)

His much-translated work The Transformation of War has gained special significance . In this military-theoretical treatise, the author develops a theory of warfare that he describes as "non-trinitarian", which he contrasts critically with the classical theory of Clausewitz and partly as a modern supplement.

In his theory, Van Creveld presents first the failure of nuclear deterrence and the changing nature of the war in 1945. The traditional idealized separation in the "Clausewitz's world" of the past between the affairs ( affairs ) of the population, the army and the government criticized Van Creveld as too narrow and centered on the state. Therefore this "trinitarian" approach (according to Van Crefeld about the trinity of the key terms discussed by Clausewitz for understanding war: purpose, goal and means), which failed in the total war , is not suitable for analyzing today's " low intensity " conflicts or to survive successfully that involve one or more non-state actors and some unconventional form of warfare. Therefore, powerful states would have lost most of the military conflicts after 1945. In his opinion, we are seeing a decline in nation-states without a simultaneous decline in organized violence. Nonetheless, the armed forces were still preparing and armed to conduct conventional warfare, while the nature of the conflict had changed significantly. From this, Creveld derives the call for a reform of the training and armament of the armed forces, as well as a change in military strategy. The solution to the problems lies on the conceptual level. Instead of three, he now represents five key aspects of war, of which he considers the third, military strategy , to be the most important:

  1. Who wages war - state and non-state actors;
  2. What war is about - the relationships between actors and non-actors;
  3. "How the war is waged - topics of strategy and tactics"
  4. What the war is waged for - to increase state power or as an end in itself;
  5. Why the war is waged - the motivation of the individual actor.

These five questions are also topics of chapters 2-7.

Creveld differentiates between several forms of "non-political" wars, which are about justice or justice , religion or pure existence. The goals also influenced the means and character of warfare: In the struggle for survival, all standards lose their meaning, even the greatest defeat increases the will to continue and totalize the war. With a limited willingness to deploy, an attacker would not be able to cope with this will, even with military superiority.

When it comes to motivation , Creveld puts the individual, the soldier or fighter, at the center. People did not participate in wars because of a desire to kill, but because of the risk.

In the last chapter, Creveld predicts that conventional wars are no longer feasible and can no longer guarantee security over the long term. Non-state groups would wage new types of wars in which there was no longer any difference between civilians and combatants and territorial borders would become non-binding. War is often an end in itself, which Creveld tries to explain on the basis of anthropological foundations.

“The nature of the warring units, the conventions that apply to them and the objectives of the war can change. The war itself, however, is as alive as ever. As a result, as ever, communities that do not face the facts and do not want to fight for their existence will in all likelihood be disbanded. "

- (p. 326).

The review of H-Soz-Kult criticizes that the Clausewitz interpretation is partly inaccurate, the considerations stimulating, but partly questionable. It is partly a matter of simplifications and deliberate misinterpretations. Regarding the approach as a whole, it is stated: “The motivation of the author, which can be observed throughout, through concern about the precarious security situation in Israel may make some statements appear exaggerated to the Central European reader. On the other hand, van Creveld's analysis of the German war theory and the German concept of the state of the 19th and early 20th centuries, to which the author is more firmly attached than he himself makes known, is astonishing. "

Until mid-2008, this book was required reading for officers of the United States Army and (with Sun Tzu and Clausewitz) the third title on the list of books to read. Van Creveld's Supplying War: Logistics from Wallenstein to Patton is also part of this reading list.

On Counter Terrorism (2004)

In a lecture in December 2004 in Düsseldorf, he made controversial statements for the fight against terrorism and insurgency . In his opinion, only two completely opposite approaches have proven their worth in the last few decades: firstly, a defensive deployment of superior military forces in strict compliance with the rule of law and accepting high numbers of victims, as evidence of which he sees the use of the British Army in the Northern Ireland conflict. Years of patience had made it possible for the conflict to “dry out”. On the other hand, an approach is promising that relies on targeted absolute repression, retaliation and comprehensive intimidation and, as a deterrent, aims at very high numbers of civilian victims. As an example, van Creveld cites the destruction of the predominantly Islamist-oriented city of Hama in 1982 and the systematic killing or murder of a large number of its residents (including children) under President Hafiz al-Assad , which permanently broke any will to resist there be - very quickly and without great resources. Among other things, in the wars of the United States, Creveld sees both types or a vacillation between them (as in the Vietnam War ) realized. Van Creveld argues that, depending on the situation, one must be prepared to adopt either strategy if it avoids a greater evil. "If one is not prepared to acknowledge this fact and to draw the consequences from it, it is perhaps best to immediately forego any attempt to fight insurrections."

Regarding the conduct of Hafiz Al-Assad, he said that without this measure, which he himself characterized as brutal and a war crime , the entire region would likely have sunk into chaos.

Women and War (2001), The Preferred Sex (2013)

Van Creveld advocates the exclusion of women from the military , especially those who fight. His main argument is that women are biologically superior to men primarily because of their childbearing ability. In comparison, in his opinion, men appear to be more " disposable ". The ensuing feeling of inferiority was compensated by men by excluding women from certain areas, such as war. War is for men what birth means for women. In conversations with Freud's theory of " penis envy " , he explained the desire of women for military service, which he did not understand . Women are privileged over men, the man is usually the "donkey of the house", as an Arabic saying goes.

Van Creveld's publications on the issue of women in the military were received largely critically.

The reviewer of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , Andreas Platthaus , described the author's statements in The Preferred Sex as a “challenge to the ' feminist ideology '” . Creveld is displeased that “the social scales are tending more and more to the disadvantage of men”. The reviewer is particularly annoyed by some of Van Creveld's statements, which he could not describe otherwise as "brazen". For him, this includes above all van Creveld's handling of the subject of rape . Creveld remains guilty of the empirical basis for his claim that numerous rapes are only faked. Van Creveld's discussions about rape of men by women, which are ignored because men cannot become pregnant, are speculative. According to Creveld, there are also cases in which this attack has practically no consequences if the rape victim is a woman. Martin van Creveld: “This is especially true if the woman is sexually experienced; especially when she does not offer any resistance, so the rapist does not have to use force and the risk of being injured is reduced. "Platthaus asks:" And shouldn't his reference to 'sexually experienced women' simply be called disgusting? "

The reviewer of the Süddeutsche Zeitung , Franziska Beer, said: "Here someone has written his frustration about the alleged preference for women in the past and present from the soul."

In the NZZ , Stefanie Peter criticized that van Creveld only had a rough overview of the research situation and that a method could not be identified. Instead, the book is bursting with polemics, including contempt for human beings and cynicism, for example when it sets off the number of male and female deaths in the National Socialist concentration camps or when it comes to the subject of rape and sexual abuse.

In her review in Cicero magazine , Christina von Braun found Creveld's book The Preferred Sex to deal with a conspiracy theory in which half of humanity had allied against the other . “Evil is always and everywhere. Especially in female form. Egoistic, work-shy, exploitative, cowardly and at the same time always sorry - none of the arguments with which the female sex was periodically given is missing in this 500-page work by Martin van Creveld. "

The anti-feminist men's rights activist Arne Hoffmann held in an article in peculiarly free The Preferred Gender as a "basic work for the men's movement " in the fight against the discrimination he assumed against men.

In his work “The Faces of War” van Creveld again put forward his thesis that the growing proportion of women in institutions and organizations is a reliable indicator of their political loss of importance.

In an interview with Erin Solaro he said, was the presence of American soldiers in Iraq part of the offensive maltreatment ( abuse ) of Iraqi women as in Israel, the presence of female relatives of military personnel against Palestinian women.

Faces of War (2008)

In the first part of his presentation, Van Creveld examines the two world wars of the 20th century from a military-strategic perspective. He comes to the conclusion that Germany lost these wars because of its geostrategic location, which was not taken into account in politics. It had not succeeded in weakening Great Britain economically. The preference for capital ships instead of submarines was one of the decisive mistakes in the planning, but also the inflexible adherence to previous strategies. After describing the military balance of power in 1914 in the first chapter, in chapters 2 and 4 he turns to the course of the two world wars; in the third chapter he deals with the interwar phase, which he sees as a pause in fire that will lead to a new war had to. For van Creveld, the time of conventional wars came to an end with the atomic bombing of Japan. This watershed is the subject of the last chapter.

The second part of the book deals with the question of why only two of the unconventional wars after the watershed of the nuclear threat could be won while the militarily superior nations such as Vietnam and Afghanistan would otherwise have given up. These two successful cases are the long and sacrificial struggle of the British Army against the IRA in the Northern Ireland conflict and the operations of the Syrian armed forces under President Hafiz al-Asad against the Muslim Brotherhood in Hama ( Hama massacre ). In the first case, the British refrained from using heavy weapons. The conflict lasted for many years, and the losses on the British side were greater than those of the enemy, the IRA. In the long term, however, they succeeded in gaining the upper hand, since they won over the people who wanted peace in a gentle way. In the case of Syria, through the use of artillery it was possible to end the conflict permanently in the shortest possible time with minimum own and maximum losses of the enemy. You have to choose between the two options. Van Cleveld sees the wars in the USA in parallel to the two options, albeit with a mixture of both strategies.

Herfried Münkler sees van Creveld's book as information and provocation at the same time. Such a cool military-strategic portrayal of the wars of the 20th century seemed almost scandalous in Germany, unlike in the USA. He portrayed the military capabilities of the Germans with a provocative sobriety that you can actually only find in the militaristic corner in this country. “In any case, however, it is a book that leaves the well-trodden paths of the war representation and comes up with independent perspectives. Reading is profitable. But it is also stressful and irritating. "

The Culture of War (2008)

Van Creveld's main thesis is that war is a natural, necessary and permanent fact of human life. In his view, the nature of war has remained the same over time. The elements of causes of war, preparation, implementation, end and the forms of commemoration of the war have shown more similarities than differences at all times. The war corresponds primarily to no political purpose or a ritual, but initially follows from a human need: “War and especially the fight is one of the most exciting and stimulating activities that we humans can engage in, which puts all others in the shade; quite often this excitement and stimulation turns into pure joy ”. In addition, war is not as senseless as is usually claimed, since in many cases it serves to defend and protect innocent people. Creveld sees in the always unsuccessful and sometimes dishonest attempts of all times to prevent and banish war one of the main reasons for the correctness of his thesis. Democracy is also no protection from war, democracies wage war like other states. Only the fear of global nuclear extinction has so far temporarily prevented wars.

In his review, the American military historian Victor Davis Hanson sees no way, despite many reservations, to refute or relativize the empirical facts of the provocative, fascinating and disturbing presentation, which he confirms from his own experience with regard to the phenomenon of "enthusiastic war memories".

Pussycats (2016) (We Softies, 2017)

In his treatise, Van Creveld criticizes the increasing decadence of young men caused by infantilization and feminization. After a cultural decline of this kind, historically the case will come. Softening makes today's men incapable of bearing the burdens of war. In the first chapter ( submission of the youth ) he examines the question of how modern pedagogy prevents the independence of young people who would have turned into “excellent sheep” through too much care. In chapter 2 ( demoralization of the troops ) he tries to show that this feminization also occurs in military training, in which men are no longer allowed to do what is appropriate for them. The third chapter ( The War Against Man ) examines how the feminization of soldiers impaired their fighting ability. Chapter 4 ( The Construction of Post-Traumatic Disorder ) discusses the extent to which this disorder is artificially conveyed to soldiers with the help of doctors. The fifth and final chapter is about the loss of the sense of duty in modern society. Instead of duties, there is only talk of rights; this attitude ultimately leads to the delegitimation of the war, which is primarily sacrifice.

In his review in The American Conservative, William Sturgiss Lind praised Creveld's portrayal as being highly topical and of the greatest importance in stopping the further "demilitarization" of the military. Creveld's book is important reading for anyone who wishes their children a future, "beyond the decision between conversion and the sword."

Political positions and controversies

In addition to his historical research, van Creveld often comments on current political issues.

Israeli army

In a 2002 television interview, he expressed his doubts about the Israeli army's ability to defeat the Palestinians in a military conflict:

“They [the Israeli soldiers] are very brave people ... they are idealists ... they want to serve their country and prove themselves. The problem is, you can't stand up to someone who is much weaker than you. You are in a situation where there are only losers. If you are strong and fight the weaker one, then you are a scoundrel if you kill the opponent. If you let him kill you, you're an idiot. So there is a dilemma here that others have had to endure before us and for which as far as I can see there is no way out. The Israeli army is by no means the worst of them all. For example, she didn't do what the Americans did in Vietnam ... She didn't use napalm, she didn't kill millions of people. So, it's all relative, but to stick with the initial definition: If you are strong and fight the weak, everything you do is criminal. "

Iran and nuclear war

In September 2003, in an interview with Elsevier , a Dutch weekly newspaper, on the subject of the threat posed by Iran and the Palestinians to Israel, he said:

“We have several hundred nuclear warheads and missiles and can target them in all directions, maybe even as far as Rome. Most European capitals are possible targets for our air forces ... We have the ability to take down the world with us . And I assure you that this will happen before Israel goes under. "

In the edition of the International Herald Tribune , van Crefeld wrote on August 21, 2004: "If the Iranians had not tried to build nuclear weapons, they would be insane."

Condemnation of the Iraq War 2003

In 2005 van Creveld hit the headlines when he said in an interview that the Iraq war of 2003 was the stupidest war since Emperor Augustus, referring to the battle in the Teutoburg Forest . He sharply criticized the American government and compared the invasion of Iraq to the Vietnam War . He also said Bush deserved impeachment and a lawsuit after being removed from office.

In 2007 he commented:

“Iran is the real winner in Iraq. The world must now learn to live with a nuclear power Iran, as we have learned with the nuclear powers the Soviet Union and China. ... We Israelis have what it takes to deter an Iranian attack. We are in no way in danger of being dropped by Iran's atomic bomb. ... Thanks to the Iranian threat, we are getting weapons from the USA and Germany. "

Second Lebanese War

Van Creveld saw the 2006 Lebanon War as a strategic success for Israel and a defeat for Hezbollah. He criticized the Winograd Commission's report for failing to take into account the many successes of Israel's military actions. Hezbollah “had its fighting spirit driven out”, it had lost hundreds of followers and the organization had now been “thrown out” from southern Lebanon, replaced by a fairly powerful UN peacekeeping force . He also stated that the result of the war had been a level of calm that had not been experienced since the mid-1960s. In 2011 he took the view that, contrary to the widespread view and despite “sedate, clumsy and slow” ground movements, the second Lebanon war had been “a great victory for Israel”. As a result, "since mid-August 2006, hardly a shot has been fired in all of southern Lebanon".

West Bank status and construction of the Wall

In The Jewish Daily Forward, van Creveld published a comment in 2010 that stated that the West Bank was by no means vital to Israel's security, that it was a territory that Israel could easily give up. He claimed the West Bank offered no protection from ballistic projectiles from Israel's main opponents, Iran and Syria. In addition, a West Bank separated from Israel and demilitarized following a peace treaty with the Palestinians would form a natural buffer that would prevent enemy troops from approaching from the east. Israel could also protect itself against terrorism emanating from the West Bank with a wall, combined with offensive measures such as Operation Cast Lead and the 2006 Lebanon War , which restored Israel's deterrent effect when terrorism exceeded the level that was accepted. Stephen Kramer , Israel correspondent for the Jewish Times of South Jersey , denied the significance and accuracy of the figures given by van Creveld regarding Israel's GNP and arms exports. Kramer, who lives in the Alfe Menasche settlement in Samara, also said that the Israeli army played a crucial role in the fight against terrorism in the West Bank and that their absence could lead to the takeover of the West Bank by Hamas, similar to the takeover in Gaza the Israeli withdrawal in 2005.

Libya and the Arab Spring

In an article on the deployment of Libya , which he wrote with Jason Pack, an expert on the study of the history of the Middle East at Cambridge University , he questioned the tendency of the media, the situation in Libya with those in Tunisia when ben Ali was overthrown and to compare in Egypt with the fall of Mubarak , which had taken place in the same year. “The remarkable spread of the 2011 uprisings across North Africa has led many journalists to portray the current unrest in Libya as the result of factors similar to those in neighboring Tunisia and Egypt. There are more differences than similarities. ”Tunisia and Egypt have been contiguous nation-states for more than a century, while Libya continues to be a tribal society throughout . While the military was able to mediate regime change in Tunisia and Egypt, Libya lacks a professional and non-tribal army. He accused Gaddafi's son Saif al-Islam al-Gaddafi of having missed a crucial opportunity to restore order in the state and domestic and foreign confidence in the Gaddafi regime.

Syria and Terrorism

In 2011 he retrospectively analyzed the actions of Hafez Al-assad against the city of Hama, a center of the Muslim Brotherhood . Without this approach, which van Creveld regards as extremely brutal and a war crime, in all probability his regime would have been overthrown. Assad himself and many members of the Alawite community would have been executed. After his downfall, a stable regime of non-Alawite Muslims might have been established, or - for Martin van Creveld the more likely variant - there would have been no stable government at all.

In that case there would have been a war everyone against everyone. Judging from the experience in neighboring Beirut, such a civil war could have cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of people. And after what happened in Lebanon and Afghanistan, Syria could also have developed into a playground for international terrorists of any direction.

In 2013, in an article for Focus magazine, he described Assad's support as necessary to avert the threat of destabilization in the entire Middle East. Assad is only going on to prevent an even bigger bloodbath: the threatened annihilation of the 1.2 million Alawis in the event of defeat . “Instead of complaining about humanitarian issues and arguing about arms deliveries to the rebels, the West should join Russia and push for a negotiated solution. If necessary, he should stop helping the rebels and allow Assad to remain in his post: he is the only person who can hold the country together ”. Van Creveld referred to Bismarck: "Politics is the choice between bad and worse." In a lecture by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Brandenburg, he pleaded in the same way to go "pragmatic ways" in Syria.

In 2016, Creveld pleaded - also in Focus - for an alliance of convenience with the Assad regime: "If the West wants to win the war against the terror caliphate, it must not be squeamish in choosing its allies." This is no longer about the dispute a despot, but about the fight against a new form of terrorism with the aim of dissolving the previous state orders in the entire region. Only the Syrian-Alawite soldiers are really ready to give their lives in the fight against the terrorists, the European and US attempts to avoid the blood toll of ground missions and to limit themselves to air strikes have historically been ineffective in the fight against guerrilla units. Failure of the fight against IS and Al Nusra would lead to unpredictable consequences for the entire Middle East and Europe. In comparison, Assad is the lesser devil.


Van Creveld is a second marriage and has three children. He lives in Mewasseret Zion , a suburb of Jerusalem.

Fonts (selection)

  • Hitler's Strategy 1940–1941. The Balkan Clue . Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1973, ISBN 0-521-20143-8 .
  • Military Lessons of the Yom Kippur War: Historical Perspectives . Sage Publications, Beverly Hills 1975, ISBN 0-8039-0562-9 .
  • Supplying War: Logistics from Wallenstein to Patton . Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1977, ISBN 0-521-21730-X (2nd edition, 2004, ISBN 0-521-54657-5 ).
  • Fighting Power: German and US Army performance, 1939-1945 . Greenwood Press, Westport, Conn. 1982, ISBN 0-313-23333-0 .
    • German edition: Kampfkraft. Military organization and military performance 1939–1945 (= individual publications on military history , Volume 31). Rombach, Freiburg im Breisgau 1989, ISBN 3-7930-0189-X ; 2nd edition, 1992; New edition by Ares Verlag, Graz 2005, ISBN 3-902475-17-X .
  • Command in War . Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. 1985, ISBN 0-674-14440-6 .
  • Technology and War: From 2000 BC to the Present . Free Press, New York 1989, ISBN 0-02-933151-X (Paperback, 2001, ISBN 0-02-933153-6 ).
  • The Training of Officers: From Military Professionalism to Irrelevance . Free Press, New York 1990, ISBN 0-02-933152-8 .
  • The Transformation of War . Free Press, New York 1991, ISBN 0-02-933155-2 .
  • Nuclear Proliferation and the Future of Conflict . Free Press, New York 1993, ISBN 0-02-933156-0 .
  • Air Power and Maneuver Warfare, with contributions from Kenneth S. Brower and Steven L. Canby . Air University Press, Alabama 1994, ISBN 1-58566-050-7 .
  • The Encyclopedia of Revolutions and Revolutionaries: From Anarchism to Zhou Enlai . Facts on File, New York 1996, ISBN 0-8160-3236-X .
  • The Sword and the Olive: A Critical History of the Israeli Defense Force . Public Affairs, New York 1998, ISBN 1-891620-05-3 .
  • The Rise and Decline of the State . Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1999, ISBN 0-521-65629-X .
    • German edition: The rise and fall of the state . Gerling Akademie Verlag, Munich 1999, ISBN 3-932425-13-8 .
  • The Art of War: War and Military Thought (= Smithsonian History of Warfare ). Cassell, London 2000, ISBN 0-304-35264-0 . US edition: Collins / Smithsonian, New York 2005, ISBN 0-06-083853-1 .
  • Men, Women, and War: Do Women Belong in the Front Line? . Cassell & Co., London 2001, ISBN 0-304-35959-9 .
    • German edition: Women and War . Gerling Akademie Verlag, Munich 2001, ISBN 3-932425-33-2 .
  • Moshe Dayan . (= Great Commanders ). Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London 2004, ISBN 0-297-84669-8 .
  • Defending Israel: A Controversial Plan Toward Peace . Thomas Dunne Books / St. Martin's Press, New York 2004, ISBN 0-312-32866-4 .
  • With Katharina von Knop and Heinrich Neisser: Countering Modern Terrorism: History, Current Issues, and Future Threats: Proceedings of the Second International Security Conference, Berlin, 15. – 17. December 2004. Wbv, W. Bertelsmann Verlag, Bielefeld 2005, ISBN 3-7639-3309-3 .
  • The Changing Face of War: Lessons of Combat, from the Marne to Iraq . Presidio Press, New York 2006, ISBN 978-0-89141-901-3 .
    • German edition: Faces of War. The change in armed conflict from 1900 to the present day . Siedler, Munich 2008, ISBN 978-3-88680-895-3 .
  • The Culture of War . Presidio Press, New York 2008, ISBN 978-0-345-50540-8 .
    • German edition: War culture. Why we fight. The deep roots of armed conflict . Ares Verlag, Graz 2011, ISBN 978-3-902475-97-8 .
  • With John Andreas Olsen: The Evolution of Operational Art. From Napoleon to the Present. Oxford University Press, Oxford etc. 2011, ISBN 978-0-19-959948-6 .
  • The Land of Blood and Honey: The Rise of Modern Israel . St. Martin's Press, New York 2010, ISBN 978-0-312-59678-1 .
  • The Age of Airpower . Public Affairs, New York 2011, ISBN 978-1-58648-981-6 .
  • Wargames: From Gladiators to Gigabytes . Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-03695-6 .
  • The privileged sex . CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform (On-Demand Publishing LLC), North Charleston, SC 2013, ISBN 978-1-4849-8312-6 .
    • German edition: The preferred gender . Gerling Akademie Verlag, Munich 2013, ISBN 3-932425-52-9 .
  • Equality: The Impossible Quest . Castalia House, Kouvola (Finland), 2015, ISBN 978-952-7065-52-5 .
  • Conscience: A Biography . Response, 2015, ISBN 978-1-78023-454-0 .
  • A History of Strategy: From Sun Tzu to William S. Lind . Castalia House, Kouvola (Finland), 2015, ISBN 978-9527065549 .
  • Pussycats: Why the Rest Keeps Beating the West — and What Can Be Done about It. CreateSpace, 2016, ISBN 978-1-5332-3200-7 .
    • German edition: Wir wimps. Why we can no longer defend ourselves and what to do about it . Ares, Graz 2017, ISBN 978-3-902732-67-5 .
  • Clio & Me: An Intellectual Autobiography . Castalia House, Kouvola (Finland), 2017, ISBN 978-952-7065-53-2 .
  • More on War . Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2017, ISBN 978-0-19-878817-1 .
  • Hitler in Hell . Castalia House, Kouvola (Finland), 2017.


  • Who's Who in Israel and Jewish Personalities from All Over the World. 1985-1986 . Volume 20, Bronfman, Tel Aviv 1985, p. 80.
  • Elizabeth Sleeman (Ed.): The International Who's Who. 2004 . Europa Publications, London 2003, ISBN 1-85743-217-7 , pp. 1723-1724.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. a b c d Military Martin Striver for a stronger Israel (interview). In: Jewish Telegraph , 2010.
  2. a b c d e Who’s Who in Israel and Jewish Personalities from All Over the World. 1985-1986. Volume 20, Bronfman, Tel Aviv 1985, p. 80.
  3. Hannes Stein : Terrorists will wage the wars of the future. In: Berliner Zeitung . November 14, 1998.
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  5. Master of Political Science in Security and Diplomacy Studies ( Memento of the original from March 17, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , Tel Aviv University, accessed March 16, 2014. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  6. ^ Professor Martin van Creveld at Webster ( memento March 17, 2014 in the Internet Archive ), Webster University Geneva, accessed March 16, 2014.
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  23. ^ Brian Whitaker: Nowhere to run. In: The Guardian . November 29, 2005.
  24. ^ Martin van Creveld: Cruelty or Restraint. How regular armies can win asymmetric wars . In: Internationale Politik , April 2006, pp. 86–94 ( PDF ).
  25. Erin Solaro: Women in the Line of Fire: What You Should Know about Women in the Military . Seal Press, 2009, ISBN 0-7867-4794-3 ( [2] [accessed October 24, 2016]).
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  29. Christina von Braun: The paranoid persecute me . In: Cicero , June 15, 2010.
  30. Arne Hoffmann with Martin van Creveld: Conditions: women complain, men work . In: peculiarly free , No. 37 [2003], pp. 11–15.
  31. Erin Solaro: Women in the Line of Fire: What You Should Know about Women in the Military . Seal Press, 2009, ISBN 0-7867-4794-3 ( [accessed October 24, 2016]).
  32. Herfried Münkler: Non-fiction book: Who wins and who loses . In: The time . June 10, 2009, ISSN  0044-2070 ( [accessed October 22, 2016]).
  33. Why We Fight: Martin van Creveld's 'The Culture of War' - The New York Sun. In: Retrieved October 22, 2016 .
  34. ^ The Past and Future of War . In: The American Conservative . ( [accessed October 23, 2016]).
  35. Jennifer Byrne: Interview with Martin van Creveld ( Memento of January 13, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) ABC , March 20, 2002.
  36. ^ The War Game, a controversial view of the current crisis in the Middle East. In: The Observer Guardian. September 21, 2003; The original interview was published in the Dutch weekly Elsevier , 2002, No. 17, pp. 52–53 (April 27, 2002).
  37. Martin van Creveld wrote in the International Herald Tribune . "Sharon on the Warpath: Is Israel planning to attack Iran?"
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  40. Israel's War With Hezbollah Was Not A Failure . Retrieved February 17, 2012.
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  42. ^ Martin van Creveld: Israel Doesn't Need the West Bank To Be Secure . In: The Jewish Daily Forward , December 15, 2010. Retrieved February 25. 
  43. ^ Stephen Kramer: Israel Needs the West Bank to be Secure , Jewish Times of South Jersey . February 4, 2011. Archived from the original on January 26, 2013. Retrieved on February 25, 2011. 
  45. ^ Upheaval in Qaddafi's Libya isn't just another Arab uprising , Christian Science Monitor . February 23, 2011. Retrieved February 25, 2011. “I believe the decisive event that forever changed the dynamics was a speech by Gaddafi's son Saif al-Islam, which was broadcast on Libyan state television on February 21 . Mr Islam (sic) could have undertaken new reforms that hold reactionary conservatives like Prime Minister Baghdadi al-Mahmudi accountable for the situation in the country and promise to use his influence over his father to rule out violence against the demonstrators. Instead, he played the Mubarak card: if you don't stay on my side, you will get Islamism, separatism, Western intervention and total chaos. Arguably, the decisive event that forever modified the dynamics was a speech by Qaddafi's son, Saif al-Islam Qaddafi, broadcast late on Feb. 21 on Libyan national TV. Mr. Islam might have rolled out new reforms, blamed the reactionary conservatives like Prime Minister Baghdadi al-Mahmudi for the situation in the country, and promised that he would use his weight with his father to stop the violence against the protesters. Instead, he played the Mubarak card - if you don't stick with me, you'll get Islamism, separatism, Western intervention, and total chaos. " 
  46. Thomas Speckmann: Rulers of Syria: Hafez and Bashar . In: The time . June 22, 2011, ISSN  0044-2070 ( [accessed October 24, 2016]).
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