Anti-feminism

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Headquarters of the opponents of women's suffrage in the USA, the "anti-suffragists" (around 1911)

Antifeminismus ( Greek . Anti against, Latin femina 'woman' , ism ) is a generic term for spiritual, social, political, religious and academic currents and social movements that are against feminism contact or single, multiple or all of feminist concerns.

The negative attitude towards feminism can be directed against a theory in favor of gender equality in society and politics, but also against an organized movement to enforce this equality and against the assertion of the claims of women as a social group and the theories developed by them. In addition, anti-feminism can be directed against the need for social change to increase the power of women in society. Antifeminism, whether consciously or unconsciously , is often based on misogynist attitudes .

Antifeminism emerged as a negative reaction to various demands for emancipation by women, and it became organized and institutionalized in some cases. The term was coined in the German Empire at the turn of the 20th century by the women's rights activist Hedwig Dohm in her book Die Antifeministen ; she created it based on the term anti-Semitism, which was already established at that time .

A systematic distinction between anti-feminism, misogyny , misogyny and sexism has not yet existed. While the latter three terms refer to discrimination against women in everyday life, the term anti-feminism is more clearly located in a socio-political context.

term

Concept emergence

The French Hubertine Auclert , a women's rights activist, first used the term féminisme in 1882 to describe herself politically. The term was quickly spread, especially at international women's conferences and congresses. In Germany, however, it found little use among politically active women, because shortly after the Franco-German War of 1870/71, people wanted to differentiate themselves from their French neighbors in terms of language. At the same time, this was probably the reason that this term nonetheless caught on over time. The opponents of the women's movement used it to devalue women striving for emancipation (feminists as something negative). These opponents, in turn, were soon referred to as anti-feminists.

The German writer and women's rights activist Hedwig Dohm used the term in 1902 as the title for her late work Die Antifeministen . It essentially consists of a collection of articles that she has already published in various journals. The work is an ideology-critical analysis of various types of anti-feminists and their motives.

“The question of women in the present has become an acute one. On the one hand, the claims are becoming more and more radical, on the other hand, the defense is becoming more and more energetic. The latter can be explained. The more urgent the danger of women invading the realm of men, the more armed the threatened face it. "

- Hedwig Dohm: The anti-feminists

Definition and demarcation

Since feminism is an “umbrella term” and there is no uniform feminism, anti-feminism must also be multi-layered and can be directed against individual, several or all feminist goals and approaches. A systematic distinction between the terms anti-feminism , misogyny , misogyny and sexism there are hardly any. Often only one of the terms is used; Occasionally, attempts are made to differentiate individual terms from one another; sometimes they are also used synonymously.

  • Hans Blüher was a writer and was involved, among other things, as a staunch anti-feminist (see Blüher's anti-feminist image of women ). For him, anti-feminism was the “struggle against feminism, which misinterprets women to their detriment” and “the will to purity of men's associations” (1916).
  • Herrad Schenk is a writer and among other things writes on women's issues. She defines anti-feminism as " misogyny (...) that is to be seen directly as a reaction to the women's movement, as resistance to its actual or supposed goals" (1977).
  • Ute Planert is a historian and did her doctorate on anti-feminism in the German Empire. In order to make the topic “manageable”, she decided to narrow down the term for her dissertation and “to understand anti-feminism only as the institutionalized reaction to the attempts at emancipation by the women's movements” (2000).
  • According to the entry anti-feminism in the Metzler Lexikon Gender Studies / Gender Research, "classic anti-feminism is directed against the women's movement and its demands and achievements".

History of ideas

Friedrich Nietzsche is seen as significant in terms of the history of ideas and effects . In the work of the philosopher, there are statements that are characterized as anti-feminist in literature. The interpretations and controversial standpoints in this discussion are diverse: For example, it was assumed that Nietzsche had repressed the feminine in himself ; Others saw his “misogynous failures” as more of a provocation, “behind which a vision that actually shook the patriarchal social order” was hidden. The religious scholar and chairman of the Nietzsche Society , Hans Gerald Hödl (* 1959), took the view that Nietzsche's work Beyond Good and Evil in particular served anti-feminist clichés “on the most superficial level”.

When, towards the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, the women's movement in Germany and in parts of Austria-Hungary, based on the English feminists in the struggle for women's suffrage, became increasingly politicized and claimed to be intellectually equal to men, that resolved a wave of writings that defended the primacy and superiority of men as biologically determined. The most famous and popular at that time is the treatise by Otto Weininger (1880–1903) Gender and Character , published in 1903 , in which he devoted himself to the dualism between the sexes with a detailed explanation of the inferiority of women. Up to the present day sociobiologists argue that the gender order is biologically based and that a transformation must fail because it is against nature.

Historical development of anti-feminism in Germany

The German Imperium

In the German Empire (1871-1918) there was a rise of mass associations and parties and the importance of the press. As a result, public opinion gained weight (see here ). Private law was unified (before 1871 it was fragmented). After long preparation, the BGB came into force on January 1st, 1900 . In contrast to the liberal law of obligations, property law and inheritance law, family law largely followed the traditional patriarchal tradition, which is mainly in the administration and usufruct of the wife's property by the husband (§ 1363 BGB old version), the husband's right to make decisions in marital affairs (§ 1354 BGB old version) and the exercise of parental custody by the father (§ 1627 BGB old version).

According to Ute Planert, early anti-feminism was a direct reaction to women's emancipation claims and an active opposition to the women's movement and the demands it represented; Anti-feminism can therefore be understood as an indicator of a strong women's movement.

Based on Planert's study Antifeminism in the Kaiserreich , the historian Christiane Streubel pointed out in 2006 that anti- feminism in the German Empire, especially through the pan-Germans (e.g. Ernst zu Reventlow ), racial hygienists ( Max von Gruber , Carl von Behr-Pinnow ), were conservative Representatives of Lutheranism and functionaries of professional associations were effectively disseminated to the public. The anti-feminist positions they represented met with recognition primarily because a large part of the population in Germany was facing the change in gender relations, which was becoming increasingly apparent (possibility of university studies for women, growing importance of women’s employment, demands for new political Rights), disagreed and wanted to see the traditional political-bourgeois order restabilized.

There was also anti-feminism among women. One anti-feminist who had particular success in the German Empire was Marie Diers (1867-1949), whose anti-emancipatory novel Miss Doctor from 1908 was published in large numbers. The postulated opposing positions found particular resonance among women who volunteered in Protestant diakonia or communal welfare work as well as elementary and girls' school teachers, nurses and master craftsmen. The last-mentioned professional groups included the majority of women who joined the " German Confederation against Women's Emancipation " , which, as Claudia Bruns explains, anti-feminists founded in 1912 on the eve of the First World War, which was also why many recruits were enthusiastically drawn because they promised themselves an unquestioned restoration of male-hegemonic values. "Little irritated by the factual discrimination against women, many men imagined that women would come to power." The federal government's points of attack against women's emancipation were primarily women's work , women's studies , the joint education of boys and girls ( co-education ) and women's right to vote . During the First World War , however, the women's movement achieved success, although the opponents of the women's movement ran their campaigns in a populist manner and increasingly linked them with anti-Semitic allusions. The war acted as a catalyst for female politicization. In the last years of the war, even declared anti-feminists, like Ernst zu Reventlow , no longer rebelled against a future women's suffrage.

“The anti-feminist resentment was part of the good form in the national-conservative and ethnic political spectrum of society. His central motto was 'The state for the man, the family for the woman'. "

- Claudia Bruns

Anti-feminism and anti-semitism

The most powerful nationalist and anti-Semitic organization before and during the First World War was the Alldeutsche Verband (ADV), dominated by educated bourgeois dignitaries , which published the Pan-German papers . He was the leading propagandist of new middle class ideologies. After 1918 he was instrumental in transforming conservatism into a radical, racist nationalism. In his study on the ADV, the historian Rainer Hering emphasizes the anti-feminist character of the pan-German ideology. Nationalism, anti-Semitism, anti-feminism and anti-Slavism are closely related. The aim was to regain the supremacy of the bourgeoisie and the male position of power in the family and society. Heinrich Claß , the long-time chairman of the ADV, rejected the women's movement because, in his opinion, it was led by Jewish women and supported by the social democratic press.

British historian Peter GJ Pulzer sees a strong connection between anti-Semitism and anti-feminism: "[...] most of the anti-Semites were anti-feminists, and most of the anti-feminists were, if not actively anti-Semitic, at least [...] strongly nationalistic." He quotes the anti-Semite Eugen Dühring , who wrote about feminism: "[...] this misshapen momentary state [...] may preferably be blamed on the Hebrew women." () Georg von Schönerer , a pupil of Dühring, was also convinced that women were responsible for "children, Kitchen and Church “are determined. The Alldeutsche Tageblatt , which he founded, wrote as early as 1907:

“The really bourgeois women, the women of the middle class, but also those of the thinking worker are opposed to the women's right to vote, because they have retained a large part of their femininity. Mostly it is unemployed women who are concerned with the women's suffrage fraud, women who have missed their job as women or do not want to know it - and Jewish women. They find the support of all old women of the male sex and all 'feminists', that is, such men who are not men. "

- Pan-German daily newspaper 1907

Shulamit Volkov identifies anti-feminism as part of the anti-Semitic code that she saw prevalent among the majority of Germans in the pre-war period. She points to Ute Planert , who - as evidenced by many examples - had shown that anti-feminism and anti-Semitism not only had programmatic and structural similarities, but were also closely intertwined in terms of organization and personnel. According to Volkov, women and Jews were viewed as inferior and dangerous, as "enemies of human culture, as troublemakers of the existing order." In anti-Semite circles, " degenerate " was a common term for the women's movement.

"Outstanding opponents of the women's movement were almost without exception radical anti-Semites."

- Shulamit Volkov

Weimar Republic

During the Weimar Republic , the organizational core of Wilhelminian anti-feminism began to dissolve, although anti-feminist attitudes continued to be effective on a broad basis in society. In the SPD , after 1919, a women's organization was set up within the party as a whole. However, this project was limited to the establishment of a Reich women's office; leading functionaries rejected their own autonomous organization because of their "proletarian anti-feminism".

The NSDAP was the only party that committed itself from the outset to prohibiting women from joining leading party bodies. The principle adopted by the NSDAP in 1921 to exclude women from party leadership was subsequently expanded to include subordinate political and organizational structures. According to Gordon A. Craig , the NSDAP took over its anti-feminist position from Italian fascism and subsequently “practiced it consistently and effectively”.

In 1931 the journalist Heinrich Berl (1896–1953) demanded in an "anti-feminist manifesto" that a men's movement should be constituted. "[...] feminism is the man's fault [...] whenever the man fails, feminism becomes a public phenomenon." "General feminism" leads to the "decadence of culture". The men's movement has "the task of bringing everything back to rest that is moving today and to that extent only to create the actual and essential movement that has always been and will be of men." His manifesto remained an isolated phenomenon; the required movement failed to materialize.

National Socialism

In the time of National Socialism , a partially contradicting attitude towards feminism emerged. With the “ seizure of power ” in 1933, women immediately lost some civil rights, such as the right to stand for election and admission to a habilitation at universities and colleges. The dissolution of the Federation of German Women's Associations and the establishment of the German Women's Association meant the end of an independent women's movement. Adolf Hitler tied his conception of the women's question particularly closely to his anti-Semitism. In 1934 he said: “The word about women's emancipation is a word invented only by the Jewish intellect, and the content is shaped by the same spirit.” A man who gained importance in the Nazi movement was the “party philosopher” and “party educator “ Alfred Baeumler . Baeumler took a position comparable to that of Hitler and Ernst Krieck ; In 1934 he stated: "The state has the family and clan, the woman as mother as a prerequisite, but it is the work and affair of the man."

As in the First World War, the Second World War again seemed to herald new opportunities for women to work. Gunilla-Friederike Budde diagnosed with a view to the “chances of a crisis” of female students and the recruiting for academically ambitious, highly qualified women: “On the whole, the National Socialist 'anti-feminism' appeared to be flexible and adaptable to the constraints of a modern economy , especially to the requirements first the preparation for war, then the war economy . ”Elke Frietsch and Christina Herkommer spoke out against a“ universalizing speech about the misogyny of National Socialism ”. In their opinion, one should rather speak of anti-feminism and " essentialist gender images" of National Socialism; Especially since there is still a need for research into the way in which National Socialism was anti-feminist and - especially during the war - defamatory of foreign women towards German women. The authors also noted that National Socialism had perverted the picture by claiming by political opponents that they were “misogynist themselves and had a lower cultural status”.

Organized anti-feminism in Austria from the turn of the century to 1933

In Austria there were no such broadly organized groups against women's suffrage as in Germany. After the turn of the century, the conservative, Catholic Christian Social Party under Karl Lueger discovered feminism as a new enemy, alongside the “Marxists” and “Jews”. The Christian Socialists did not differentiate between Marxism and feminism. Anti-feminism was picked up by many Austrian intellectuals and artists who otherwise distinguished themselves from the populist smear campaigns of the Christian Socialists. For them, feminism was the expression of a cultural decline that pointed to a “perverted” female sexuality that was now expressed in an “unnatural” and “unfeminine” striving for power. The cultural critic Karl Hauer, for example, asserted that culture is solely the work of men and women are only the material of male creativity and not, as the feminists, according to Hauer wrongly believed, able to fulfill the same tasks in "culture" as the man Man. After the end of the First World War and the collapse of the monarchy, an anti-emancipatory mood developed, especially among the men of the bourgeoisie. After women gained the right to vote in the new republic , organizations began to question the achievements of the women's movement. In 1926 the Association for Men's Rights was founded in Vienna , in which men of all denominations were predominantly from the middle class. A specific reason was the federal law passed in 1925 on the protection of the legal maintenance claim. The men’s rights activists saw themselves as fighters against “emancipation taken to extremes”, lamented the “atrophy of father rights” and conjured up the horrific vison of a “women’s state” in which “the man is only the male” and through the appearance of women would be pushed into homosexuality. In addition to the fear of being pushed out of their jobs by women, they focused their struggle against alimony to divorced wives and unmarried children. Vigorous criticism was leveled at the parties that wanted to win votes from female voters through “feminist laws”. A second organization, also founded in 1926, was called Aequitas - World Association for Men's Rights .

Their ideas spread the Männerrechtler from 1929 in several magazines with titles such as self-defense and Männerrechtler newspaper , was where railed against the "enslavement of men by feminist laws" and pulled "the woman in the workplace" to war. The forerunner of these men's rights magazines was the Ostara magazine published by Lanz von Liebenfels from 1905 , at times with the subtitle Bücherei der Blonden und Mannesrechtler . From 1908 onwards there were repeated articles dealing with the “dangers of female rule”.

From 1933 onwards, under Austrofascism, demands made by the anti-feminist men's rights activists were implemented on a broad social basis, including with the double wage regulation of 1933, which aimed to push women back from the labor market, and with laws for paternity examinations, which are now primarily were carried out for reasons of " racial hygiene ".

Contemporary anti-feminism

While historical anti-feminism was primarily directed against the women's movement, its demands and achievements, in the 1990s there was a shift in emphasis in the way of argumentation aimed at gender research and the associated understanding of gender. Classic anti-emancipatory positions interlock with “antigenic” ones. Many anti-feminist actors are organized within the so-called men's rights movement and belong to Christian conservative, right-wing populist or right-wing extremist movements. Anti-feminist motives can also be found in various right-wing terrorist attackers such as Brenton Tarrant , Anders Breivik or Elliot Rodger .

Antifeminism of the present turns:

Anti-feminism on the internet

Anti-feminist radicalization processes often take place in Internet communities that are summarized under the term “ Manosphere ”. It not only organizes older anti-feminist movements such as men's rights activists or pick-up artists , but also so-called Incels and MGTOWs (Men Going Their Own Way) , which researchers classify as particularly radical anti-feminist. The scene is u. a. organized on Imageboards and Reddit and has become very radicalized in recent years. A common language has developed within the Manosphere , which concentrates in a conspiracy-theoretical way on an alleged feminist supremacy. Targeted harassment campaigns, especially against women and feminists, are launched by members of the scene.

literature

Anti-feminist classics

Secondary literature

history
  • Ute Planert : Antifeminism in the Empire. Discourse, social formation and political mentality. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1998, ISBN 3-525-35787-7 .
  • Shulamit Volkov : Anti-Semitism and Anti-Feminism: Social Norm or Cultural Code. In: The Jewish Project of Modernity. Becksche Reihe, CH Beck, Munich 2001, ISBN 3-406-45961-7 , p. 62f.
  • Christiane Streubel: Radical Nationalists. Agitation and programs of right-wing women in the Weimar Republic . Campus Verlag, Frankfurt am Main / New York 2006, ISBN 978-3-593-38210-4 , in particular anti-feminism as a counter-movement , p. 88 f.
  • Diane J. Guido: The German League for the Prevention of Women's Emancipation: Antifeminism in Germany 1912-1920. American University Studies, 12. Peter Lang, Bern 2010 (on the “German Confederation against Women's Emancipation”).
  • Counter-movement of modernity. Connections of anti-feminism, anti-Semitism and emancipation around 1900, Ariadne. Forum for Women's and Gender History , Issue 43. Kassel 2003 ( Table of Contents )
Lexicons
Contemporary anti-feminism
items

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b Gerda Lerner : The emergence of the patriarchy . Translated from the English by Walmot Möller-Falkenberg. Frankfurt am Main 1997, ISBN 3-593-34529-3 , p. 291.
  2. ↑ Herrad Schenk: The Feminist Challenge. 150 years of the women's movement in Germany. Munich 1980, p. 163. Cf. Ute Planert: Antifeminismus im Kaiserreich. Göttingen 1998, p. 12.
  3. ↑ Bertha Pappenheim (Ed.): The Memoirs of the Glückel von Hameln . Beltz, Weinheim 2005, ISBN 3-407-22169-X , S. VIII. Hermann Paul: German Dictionary. 9th edition. By Helmut Henne and Georg Objartel with the collaboration of Heidrun Kämper-Jensen, Tübingen 1992, ISBN 3-484-10679-4 , p. 269.
  4. ^ Christiane Streubel: Radical Nationalists. Agitation and programs of right-wing women in the Weimar Republic (= history and gender, volume 55). Campus Verlag, Frankfurt 2006, ISBN 3-593-38210-5 , p. 63 ff. (Dissertation).
  5. ↑ Hedwig Dohm: The anti-feminists. A book of defense . Ferd. Dümmlers Verlagbuchhandlung, Berlin 1902, p. 3. ( in the Gutenberg project )
  6. ^ Claudia Opitz : Gender history . Frankfurt 2010, p. 124 .
  7. ↑ Herrad Schenk: The Feminist Challenge. 150 years of the women's movement in Germany . Munich 1977, p. 162 ff .
  8. ↑ Ute Planert: Antifeminism in the Empire. Discourse, social formation and political mentality. Göttingen 1998, p. 12.
  9. ↑ Naomi Wolf, Julie Bindel, Nina Power, Rahila Gupta, Rhiannon Lucy Cosslett, Bidisha: Sexism and misogyny: what's the difference? In: The Guardian. December 17, 2012, accessed October 20, 2017 .
  10. ↑ Bernd Maelicke (Ed.): Lexicon of the social economy. Baden-Baden 2007, ISBN 978-3-8329-2511-6 ; Heinz Schreckenberg: Upbringing, living environment and war effort of the German youth under Hitler. Notes on the literature . Münster / Hamburg / London 2001, ISBN 3-8258-4433-1 , p. 197; Irmgard Maya Fassmann: Jewish women in the German women's movement 1865-1919 . Hildesheim / Zurich / New York 1996, ISBN 3-487-09666-8 , p. 115.
  11. ↑ Hans Blüher: The bourgeois and the intellectual anti-feminism. Tempelhof-Berlin 1916, pp. 92, 90.
  12. ↑ Herrad Schenk: The Feminist Challenge. 150 years of the women's movement in Germany. Munich 1977, p. 163.
  13. ↑ Ute Planert: Antifeminism in the Empire. Discourse, social formation and political mentality. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1998.
  14. ↑ Ute Planert: Mannweiber, Urniden and sterile maidens. The women's movement and its opponents in the empire. In: Feminist Studies , vol. 18, 2000, p. 22.
  15. ↑ Quoted by Andrea Maihofer, Franziska Schutzbach : From anti-feminism to 'anti-genderism'. A time diagnostic consideration using the example of Switzerland. In: Sabine Hark , Paula-Irene Villa (ed.): Anti-Genderism. Sexuality and gender as a scene of current political disputes , Bielefeld 2016, p. 203.
  16. ^ Marcus Llanque, Herfried Münkler (ed.): Political theory and history of ideas. Textbook and textbook. Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-05-002954-2 , p. 299; Marcus Llanque: History of Political Ideas - A Fabric of Political Discourses. Oldenbourg, Munich / Vienna 2008, ISBN 978-3-486-58471-4 , p. 4.
  17. ↑ Norbert Kapferer : Nietzsche's philosophical anti-feminism. In: Barbara Schaeffer-Hegel, Brigitte Wartmann (Hrsg.): Myth woman. Projections and stagings in patriarchy . Berlin 1984, pp. 79-90; Stephanie Catani: The fictional gender. Femininity in anthropological designs and literary texts between 1885 and 1925 . Würzburg 2005, ISBN 3-8260-3099-0 , p. 60 (zugl .: Univ., Diss., 2004).
  18. ↑ Stephanie Catani: The fictional sex. Femininity in anthropological designs and literary texts between 1885 and 1925 . Würzburg 2005, p. 60.
  19. ^ Hans Gerald Hödl: Nietzsche's lifelong project of the Enlightenment. In: Renate Reschke (Ed.): Nietzsche - Radical Enlightenment or Radical Counter-Enlightenment? Berlin 2004, ISBN 3-05-004013-0 , p. 189.
  20. ↑ Shulamit Volkov: Anti-Semitism and Anti-Feminism: Social Norm or Cultural Code. In: dies .: The Jewish Project of Modernity. CH Beck, Munich 2001, p. 72.
  21. ↑ Kenneth Clatterbaugh : Anti-Feminism. In: Michael Flood et al. (Ed.): International Encyclopedia of Men and Masculinities. Routledge, London / New York 2007, ISBN 978-0-415-33343-6 , p. 21.
  22. ↑ Ute Planert: Antifeminism in the Empire. Indicator of a society in motion. In: AfS , Volume 38 (1998), p. 94; see. Christopher Dowe: Also educated citizens: Catholic students and academics in the German Empire. Göttingen 2006, ISBN 3-525-35152-6 , p. 118 (see also: Tübingen, Univ., Diss., 2003).
  23. ^ A b c Christiane Streubel: Radical Nationalists. Agitation and programs of right-wing women in the Weimar Republic . Frankfurt am Main / New York 2006, ISBN 3-593-38210-5 , pp. 29, 88 f. (also: Diss.).
  24. ^ German Confederation against the emancipation of women: Appeal. Anklam, 1914
  25. ^ A b c Claudia Bruns: Politics of Eros. The men's association in science, politics and youth culture (1880–1934) (dissertation 2004). Böhlau Verlag, 2008, ISBN 978-3-412-14806-5 , p. 53.
  26. ↑ Thomas Gesterkamp: For men, but not against women - essay. In: From Politics and Contemporary History. 40/2012.
  27. ^ Christiane Streubel: Radical Nationalists. Agitation and programs of right-wing women in the Weimar Republic . Frankfurt am Main / New York 2006, p. 90.
  28. ↑ Wolfgang Hardtwig (Ed.): Orders in the crisis. On the political and cultural history of Germany 1900–1933 . Oldenbourg, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-486-58177-5 , p. 203 (Source: Ernst zu Reventlow: The equal woman. In: Reichswart. Issue 2/1921, January 22, 1921, pp. 1–3) .
  29. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Christians Verlag, Hamburg 2003, ISBN 3-7672-1429-6 .
  30. ↑ Eugen Dühring: Dühring truths in passages from the writings of the reformer, researcher and thinker . Ed .: Emil Döll. Theod. Thomas, Leipzig 1908, DNB  572926189 , Feminism and Feminaille. True and False Emancipatricen, p. 145 ( digitized version [accessed March 19, 2013]).
  31. ^ Peter GJ Pulzer: The emergence of political anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria from 1867 to 1914. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2004, ISBN 3-525-36954-9 , p. 240.
  32. ↑ Shulamit Volkov: Anti-Semitism and Anti-Feminism. Social norm or cultural code. In: dies .: The Jewish Project of Modernity. Beck Verlag, Munich 2011, ISBN 978-3-406-45961-0 , pp. 75f.
  33. ↑ Ute Planert: Antifeminism in the Empire. Discourse, social formation and political mentality . Göttingen 1998, p. 248.
  34. ^ Birgit Sack: Between religious ties and modern society. Catholic women's movement and political culture in the Weimar Republic (1918 / 19–1933) . Münster / New York / Munich / Berlin 1998, ISBN 3-89325-593-1 , p. 60.
  35. ↑ Wolfgang Hardtwig (Ed.): Orders in the crisis. On the political and cultural history of Germany 1900–1933 . Oldenbourg, Munich 2007, p. 204.
  36. ^ Gordon A. Craig : Deutsche Geschichte 1866-1945. From the North German Confederation to the end of the Third Reich . Munich 1993, ISBN 3-406-07815-X , p. 551.
  37. ^ Heinrich Berl: The men's movement. An anti-feminist manifesto . Kairos Verlag, Karlsruhe 1931. Quoted in: Franco Ruault: Tödliche Maseraden: Julius Streicher and the “solution of the Jewish question”. Peter Lang Verlag, Frankfurt 2009, ISBN 978-3-631-55174-5 , p. 170.
  38. ^ Heinrich Berl: The men's movement - an anti-feminist manifesto. Karlsruhe 1931, p. 42f. Quoted in: Andreas Kemper: (R) real guys . On the fellowship of the men's rights movement. Unrast, Münster 2011, p. 46.
  39. ↑ Rosemarie Nave-Herz: The history of the women's movement in Germany. License issue for the Federal Agency for Civic Education . 4th, completely redesigned. and exp. New edition Bonn 1993, ISBN 3-89331-183-1 , pp. 52-54.
  40. ↑ Quoted in: Cornelia Pechota Vuilleumier: “O father, let's move!” Literary father-daughters around 1900 . Olms, Hildesheim / Zurich / New York 2005, ISBN 3-487-12873-X , p. 182 (Source: Adolf Hitler: Die völkische Sendung der Frau. In: NS Frauenbuch. Munich 1934, p. 10).
  41. ↑ Quoted in: Alexandra Offermanns: "They knew what we like". Aesthetic manipulation and seduction under National Socialism, illustrated in the BDM work “Faith and Beauty”. Münster 2004, ISBN 3-8258-7832-5 , p. 125 (see also: Wuppertal, Univ., Diss., 2003).
  42. ↑ Gunilla-Friederike Budde: Women of Intelligence. Academics in the GDR from 1945 to 1975 . Göttingen 2003, ISBN 3-525-35143-7 , p. 75 (zugl .: Berlin, Freie Univ., Habil.-Schr., 2002).
  43. ^ Elke Frietsch, Christina Herkommer: National Socialism and Gender. An introduction. In this. (Ed.): National Socialism and Gender. Bielefeld 2009, ISBN 978-3-89942-854-4 , p. 24.
  44. ↑ Brigitte Fuchs: Antifeminism. In: this: "race", "people", gender. Anthropological Discourses in Austria 1850–1960. Frankfurt am Main 2003, ISBN 3-593-37249-5 , pp. 167-168.
  45. ↑ Elisabeth Malleier: “Every women's victory must be a victory for freedom, or it isn't.” Jewish feminists in the Viennese bourgeois women's movement and in international women's peace organizations. In: Frank Stern, Barbara Eichinger (ed.): Vienna and the Jewish experience 1900–1938. Acculturation, anti-Semitism, Zionism. Böhlau, Vienna / Cologne / Weimar 2009, ISBN 978-3-205-78317-6 , p. 285.
  46. ↑ Elisabeth Malleier : The "Bund für Männerrechte" - the movement of the "men's rights activists" in Vienna during the interwar period. In: Wiener Geschichtsblätter , vol. 58, No. 3/2003, pp. 208ff.
  47. ↑ Ute Helduser: Antifeminism . In: Renate Kroll (Ed.): Metzler Lexikon Gender Studies / Gender Research. J. B. Metzler Verlag, Stuttgart 2002, ISBN 978-3-476-01817-5 , pp. 17-18.
  48. ↑ Andrea Maihofer, Franziska Stutzbach: From anti-feminism to ' antigenderism' . A time-diagnostic observation using the example of Switzerland. In: Sabine Hark, Paula-Irena Villa (ed.): Anti-Genderism. Sexuality and gender as sites of current political disputes. 2nd Edition. Transcript Verlag, 2015, ISBN 978-3-8376-3144-9 , pp. 202f.
  49. ↑ Imke Schmincke: Misogynist, sexist, anti-feminist? Terms and phenomena up to current antigenderism | APuZ. Retrieved March 21, 2020 .
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  52. ↑ Manoel Horta Ribeiro, Jeremy Blackburn, Barry Bradlyn, Emiliano De Cristofaro, Gianluca Stringhini: From Pick-Up Artists to Incels: A Data-Driven Sketch of the Manosphere . In: arXiv: 2001.07600 [cs] . January 21, 2020, arxiv : 2001.07600 [abs] .
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