Housing occupations in the GDR

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Occupying apartments in the GDR was a way of using an apartment while circumventing the state monopoly on the allocation of housing. Another common name was black living . The phenomenon was a consequence of the housing construction policy of the GDR since the early 1970s, which concentrated entirely on the construction of large housing estates in prefabricated construction on the outskirts of the cities and largely left the old building areas, mainly in the city centers, to decay. While there was a significant shortage of housing overall, many mostly run-down apartments were vacant in these areas. Young people in particular took advantage of this situation to find living space on their own. In principle, squatting was apolitical, practical actions of self-help and was treated that way by the authorities. These black people , often referred to in everyday language usage, experienced self-determined action through the infiltration of state control and created individual freedom that could at least subliminally take on a political and cultural oppositional dimension.

designation

There were different terms for the phenomenon of the appropriation of vacant apartments. For example, while “black living” was widespread in Saxony, the term “apartment occupation” was mainly used in Berlin . In Halle people also spoke of "living in demolition", in Rostock of "conservation living ".

Chance of the term "Black Living" is therefore avoided, because it is not a rule to rent-free housing analogous to the " dodging acted". “Black living ” could also be understood as an, likewise illegal, sublease contract without the allocation of an apartment.

Already in the period after the First World War there was compulsory state management of apartments in Germany. At that time, the authorities described illegal residents as "black tenants".

Housing construction in the GDR

Prefabricated buildings in Berlin-Marzahn (1987)

In 1971 the SED Central Committee decided on an ambitious housing construction program to solve the socio-political problem of the acute housing shortage by 1990. At that time, 600,000 people were looking for a place to live and the average waiting time for an apartment was ten years. The solution to the housing question was considered to be the central task of the unity of economic and social policy . As a result, large numbers of industrially built large housing estates were built in prefabricated construction , mostly in previously undeveloped areas on the periphery of the cities. The standardized apartments in the new districts offered with bathroom, fitted kitchen, district heating, hot running water and the like. a. A relatively high level of comfort compared to the old building apartments and were accordingly in demand.

Due to the poor initial situation, the housing was decoupled from urban planning . The focus on new housing developments and the industrialization of the construction industry led to the inner-city old building areas largely to the decline were revealed. The building trade was systematically ruined in favor of the building industry , brick factories were gradually closed. This was also the result of the forced nationalization in 1972, as a result of which only very small businesses could be run privately. In addition to the enormous financial efforts required to build the large housing estates, this development was due to the fact that rents in the GDR remained frozen at the 1936 level for ideological reasons and thus did not even cover 20 percent of the operating costs. The rents, which were neither oriented towards residential value nor cost-covering, resulted in a “state of organized irresponsibility” which made it impossible for state and private owners to maintain and develop their properties. In addition, there were organizational problems with the offices involved in the allocation of apartments. For example, extension apartments were often given to companies for their employees who were not able to expand. Vacancies of sometimes more than a year due to delays in reporting vacancies made the problem even worse.

In total, over two million apartments were built in the GDR using industrial panels. At the same time, the number of habitable apartments in old buildings decreased by one million. After all, around 20 percent of the population lived in large housing estates. In Berlin, the district and some industrial cities, this proportion was considerably higher, for example in Rostock it was 65 percent.

Nevertheless, the apartments built before 1948 still accounted for 52 percent of the total housing stock in the GDR, while in the Federal Republic this was only 33 percent. However, the old apartments were often in extremely poor condition. Around 600,000 apartments were considered badly damaged in 1990; in another study, 20 percent of all apartments were assessed as not habitable. In 1979, 600 apartments in the Halle-West district alone were blocked by the building authorities ; 47 of these apartments were in immediate danger to the life of the users. Nonetheless, people were still living in some of the apartments in 1989, ten years after they were closed by building inspectors. Since demolition was expensive and there was not enough building capacity available, houses closed by the building supervision often remained standing for decades and shaped many streets with their ruinous condition.

The state control of housing

Owning an apartment in the GDR in 1985
State ( KWV , VEB Building Management ) 39%
Workers' housing cooperatives of the companies 16%
Managed privately or in trust 45%

The state claimed full power of disposal over the allocation of apartments. When awarding new apartments, the principle of equality was explicitly used. In fact, there was little segregation in the large housing estates . However, guidelines set three priorities for housing allocation: social urgency (large families, young married couples, single mothers with children), economic considerations (university graduates and skilled workers in key industries) and social merit. The last criterion favored an adapted meritocracy and the nomenclature . Foreign contract workers were always strictly separated in their own dormitories. In the old building areas, old people and young adults, unskilled workers and unadjusted people remained who had little chance of being allocated a new apartment. Unmarried, childless young people were sometimes not even allowed to apply for housing at all.

Many old apartments were in such poor condition that they could not be rented despite the shortage of apartments. The state's lack of interest in the existing old buildings also meant that it was often no longer recorded which old apartments were still habitable or inhabited. The result was high vacancy rates in the old building areas with a simultaneous shortage of apartments overall.

A study by the Academy for Social Sciences at the Central Committee of the SED , classified as secret, came to the result in 1985 that 235,133 apartments were vacant in the GDR; a federal government commission estimated the vacancy at over 400,000 in 1990. The vacancy rate in Leipzig was around 10 percent. The number of applications for housing had risen to 780,000 by 1990.

distribution

Black living was a phenomenon of the 1970s and especially the 1980s. There had been a few illegal moves into apartments since the late 1960s. In numerous cities of the GDR such as Dresden , Erfurt , Halle , Jena , Leipzig , Potsdam , Rostock and Schwerin there were occupations, the focus was on Berlin . In 1979, state control registered a total of 534 occupied apartments in the Friedrichshain district alone. In 1987, 1,270 unsettled tenancies were determined in Prenzlauer Berg, and over 30,000 marks “unsettled leases” were transferred every month. In early 1990 there were 600 to 700 black people in Rostock. Udo Grashoff estimates the number of black people in Berlin alone in the 1980s at several thousand.

Actions to collectively occupy an empty house were only carried out in a few individual cases, but it did happen occasionally that so many apartments were illegally inhabited in one house so that there were only or almost only black residents.

With the wave of emigration in 1989, there were more and more apartments that became vacant, many of them in relatively good condition. This situation also led to an increase in the number of people moving into their own homes. Now, for the first time, people moved into a lot of apartments in black prefabricated buildings.

The practice of squatting

With the abandonment of the old building areas, open spaces were created in the inner cities in which the central allocation of housing could be undermined. The decay and vacancy in the inner cities were mostly used by young adults who had practically no chance of looking for vacant apartments and moving into them when it came to public housing.

Apartment occupations usually proceeded as follows: First of all, those looking for apartments looked for vacant apartments. In Berlin it was especially the company W. Alscher, which managed houses in trust , whose owners or heirs often lived in the Federal Republic, which was open to black people. Private landlords also often tolerated black people, provided they paid rent.

The squatters proceeded as inconspicuously as possible, because an open conflict with the authorities would have thwarted the intended subsequent legalization of the move from the outset. The apartment door had to be opened, which, given the mostly simple door locks in the old apartments, was usually possible without the use of excessive force. This was mainly done during the day so as not to make yourself suspicious. Many immediately installed a new lock, others always left their door open and even put a handle on the outside instead of the doorknob.

Then the registration with the police took place . It was beneficial for the black residents that this was not made dependent on the submission of a state apartment allocation or the consent of the main tenant.

In student circles, it was considered common knowledge that blackouts were automatically legalized and that you were practically non-terminable if you had paid the rent for three months. This three-month rule, which was communicated orally, had no legal basis, but common practice when occupying apartments was to ask neighbors for the landlord's account number and the amount of the rent after the illegal move-in, to pay them in anonymously and to keep the receipts. Even if the presumed legal claim did not exist, the evidence actually improved the prospects in negotiations with the responsible authorities.

In most cases, significant repairs were necessary to make the apartment habitable again. There was no comfort. The rule was that there was an outside toilet halfway up the stairs, no shower, no hot running water, if any, there was a coal stove, never a telephone. Often it rained through the roof, walls were wet, windows were leaking, sometimes the electrics had to be completely replaced, the old pipes in the partly uninhabited houses froze up easily. Many residents used the apparent lack of interest in the houses as a creative freedom and broke through walls between apartments, green courtyards or painted the stairwell. Rent payments and the repair of vacant living space gave the occupants a clear conscience; hardly any black inhabitant had the feeling that they had violated the law.

Another possibility of living in the black was subletting agreements or informal agreements, which also had no legal basis without the allocation of living space. It was also possible to circumvent the state's control of living space with tricks for swapping homes, which were in principle legal.

Reactions of the housing management authorities

The squatters used a legal gray area. There were no systematic official controls; black markings were usually discovered by chance. But it also happened that neighbors reported the illegal occupancy. The motivations for this could be an injured sense of justice, disruptions or competition for living space. There were also some of the house book officers who reported occupations. Most of the time, however, the residents were happy when the apartments were moved into and repaired, heated again, the deterioration of the house halted and break-ins prevented. Likewise, the apartment owners and administrators often showed an indifferent to benevolent attitude towards the black people.

Repairs by the black residents themselves were in the interest of the housing authorities, so that they also increased the chances of benevolent treatment.

In numerous cases there were administrative penal proceedings in which relatively moderate fines between 50 and 500 marks had to be paid. Evictions, on the other hand, were rare, as the GDR civil code forbade putting someone on the street and the housing administrations were barely able to provide replacement apartments. In the case of black residents under 30, i.e. the majority, there was also the option of accommodating them in a dormitory or in their parents' apartment. If an eviction request was not complied with, fines of up to 4,000 marks could be imposed. More often than an eviction, however, was that the black dweller moved out himself under pressure from the state. Not infrequently, he immediately looked for a new vacant apartment.

Often, however, the blackout was legalized through a subsequent assignment and a rental agreement. In 1979 in Berlin-Friedrichshain, for example, 86 percent of the administrative penal proceedings were associated with the allocation of an apartment; in the mid-1980s this was the case with every second proceeding. Ultimately, there seems to have been a partial overlap of interests between the authorities and the residents, which more often led to a toleration than to a confrontation between state power and black people. As with the housing allocation by the authorities, it also depended on coincidence, luck and the goodwill of the clerks whether the illegal housing relationship was legalized.

Political dimensions and development of a black population milieu

The Berlin Environmental Library in a house that was occupied in January 1990 and is planned for demolition

As a rule, Schwarzwohnen was a private, purely practical self-help to deal with the individual problem of a missing apartment. A prominent example is Angela Merkel , who occupied an empty apartment in the early 1980s after she was supposed to continue to live with him in an apartment after her divorce from her first husband until another became available.

But the illegally occupied apartments also offered freedom and the squatters were mostly self-confident, courageous young people. For many black people, the illegal occupation of homes in the last few years of the GDR was an important experience of self-determined action. Udo Grashoff suspects that it encouraged the further elimination of the state and party's claims to power in other areas of society, especially since the black people experienced a loss of control of the state, whose sanction options seemed limited in this area.

Last but not least, black living was a subcultural way of life, especially for students and artists, among whom this type of housing was common. Under these conditions, a scene of a cultural oppositional avant-garde developed, where alternative ways of life could be practiced and the SED dictatorship ignored as far as possible. Through the individualized lifestyles and the infiltration of state regulations, black living got at least a subliminal political dimension. The “Myth of Prenzlauer Berg ” in particular radiated into the entire GDR as a subversive place and attracted many people with different life plans . Here in particular a self-confident and conspicuous minority, albeit a small one, emerged.

Only in a few cases have occupied apartments become communities with expressly socially critical claims. 1980 founded Ulrike Poppe in Berlin one carried by a parent initiative Kinderladen for up to eight children in a utilized without assigning Apartments. This was evicted in December 1983. A similar attempt had already been made in Halle in 1972, where other politically motivated projects were initiated. In 1983, Uwe Kulish again in Berlin a "children's commune", lived at several parents with their children and those of the anti-authoritarian parenting by the American psychologist Thomas Gordon behaved and not in public creches and kindergartens were given.

At the beginning of the 1980s, Dunckerstraße 21 in Prenzlauer Berg was considered to be a “collecting basin for hostile-negative groups of people ” who take part in important actions and projects of the opposition . In the mid-1980s, the house was renovated and all residents were given other apartments that were as far apart as possible. A new opposition center was developed in the form of the house at Lychener Strasse 61, in which almost all of the apartments had gradually been occupied since 1982 and which described itself as a self-governing “residential collective”. After the house was peacefully evacuated in March 1988, a new generation of squatters took possession of it that summer. Another house with extremely opposition residents was at Fehrbelliner Strasse 7 in Prenzlauer Berg. Up to eight employees of the environmental library lived here at times , including Wolfgang Rüddenklau , Carlo Jordan and Tom Sello , and the musicians Aljoscha Rompe , Paul Landers and Christian Lorenz as well as the photographer Tina Bara . The bands Feeling B , Freygang , Die Firma and Rosa Extra rehearsed in the house .

The three houses were exceptions, not only because they were full houses, but above all because they were clearly oppositional and, above all, the residents of Lychener Strasse 61 were looking for the public. They referred the apartment occupations in their political reasoning and are addressed in samizdat -Publications such as appearing in the Environmental Library environmental leaves the contradiction between vacancy and decay on the one hand and the many home seekers on the other. When the house was cleared and demolished in the process, the residents hoisted a banner with the inscription "This house was destroyed by the KWV". During the night, more slogans were painted on the house wall in red, including “Riot, resistance, the Lychener is fully in our hands” and “We are out, but we will carry on”. The environmental papers reported on the eviction and its circumstances. The Samizdat Arche Nova , published by the Green Ecological Network Arche , dedicated the third issue to the question “Are our old towns falling into disrepair?”.

Cultural opposition was more common than explicitly political. In Schwerin, for example, the theater group “Third Generation” moved into a house that was planned for demolition in May 1988. Attempts to subsequently give the occupation as a youth project of the FDJ a legal framework failed and the house was finally cleared. In Jena, a house developed into a culturally opposed residential community. In the early 1980s, the Leipzig band Wutanfall turned their rehearsal room in an illegally occupied apartment into a meeting place for the GDR punk scene until it was given up in the summer of 1982. Shortly thereafter, punks and other young people gradually took possession of another house, which was vacated in April 1989. From around 1986 onwards, illegal black cafés and bars sprang up in some large cities, especially Leipzig and Berlin. In addition, there were around 40 unofficial private galleries and regular exhibitions, some of which were in black-populated houses.

Reactions of the MfS

The Ministry for State Security (MfS) was generally better informed about black-out apartments than the authorities responsible for housing issues. In the case of illegal moving into a home, however, it was mostly passive because it was not a question of political action. In isolated cases, the MfS saw in houses in which there were several occupied apartments, but also a social hazard, but it was probably in the interest of the MfS to have many opposition members under control in one place. The few houses whose residents acted in public opposition, such as those on Lychener Strasse in Berlin, were partially affected by massive police operations. An illegal move into a home was mostly only noted in observations and was almost never used against black people in operational processes .

References to the squatting movement in the Federal Republic

Even if there was mostly talk of “apartment squatting ” in Berlin, black living had little in common with West German squatting . The socially critical claim that squatting had in the Federal Republic was just avoided in the GDR. On the contrary, demonstrations of loyalty to the state and party loyalty were sometimes tactic in order to have a good basis for negotiations with the authorities for subsequent legalization. While the West German squatters aimed at political actions in public space, the squatters took place in private. Moving into an apartment in black was individual self-help in view of the prevailing lack of living space. However, there were some squatters who deliberately wanted to tie in with the squatting in West Berlin and the Federal Republic, eager to receive information about it and for whom the Rauch-Haus song by the band Ton Steine ​​Scherben was the hymn.

Further development

Occupied House in East Berlin (1990)

After the inner-German border was opened in November 1989, the vacancy rate worsened due to people moving away. A squatter scene soon developed in the still existing, but destabilized GDR , which often began with squatters . The house at Schönhauser Allee 20/21 in Berlin-Prenzlauer Berg was already occupied in the summer of 1989, but this was not made public until December. Other occupations followed in the same month. Some squats established cultural projects, such as the bucket and the Kunsthaus Tacheles in January and February 1990. In spring 1990 there were already around 30 squats in Prenzlauer Berg alone. Since the spring of 1990, many of the squatters came from the West Berlin autonomous scene , including in Mainzer Strasse . After a euphoric togetherness, there were increasing conflicts between the pragmatic occupiers from the GDR and ideological hardliners from West Berlin. A total of around 130 houses in East Berlin were occupied in the year between the fall of the Berlin Wall and reunification. In Leipzig-Connewitz , activists of the New Forum occupied 14 houses in order to realize an alternative housing project with a cultural infrastructure.

With the establishment of round tables in local politics in the spring of 1990, the opportunities for black residents improved again. In September 1990 the Housing Control Ordinance was repealed. With that there was no longer the crime of “black living” and there was now freedom of choice for everyone. Gradually, the price of an apartment took over the regulatory function on a free housing market . For the black people, the free spaces narrowed dramatically with reunification . The anarchist freedoms of the last few months in the GDR gave way to clear legal regulations. Ownership rights soon came into full effect and were sometimes enforced with police force. The wave of squatting in Berlin ended shortly after reunification with the evacuation of Mainzer Strasse on November 14, 1990. However, further evictions could be prevented for all houses occupied before July 24, 1990 and their use legalized.

The renovated house at Fehrbelliner Straße 7 in Prenzlauer Berg (2012)

In many of the inner-city old building areas that were vacant in GDR times and were therefore the target of black residents, gentrification processes have taken place since 1990 . According to Grashoff, the social milieu of black-living students and artists could have played the role of “pioneers” who, with their arrival and their contribution to the preservation of the old buildings, upgraded the district and made it attractive for a wealthy, middle-class milieu.

Today there are still old building areas in the former GDR with high vacancy rates. The association HausHalten e. V. has developed various usage and advice models for Leipzig to revitalize previously vacant listed buildings and shops. The goal is the housekeeping by creative users as so-called "guard houses" or "guard shops". These only take over the operating costs for the house and bring in manual work for the repair of their rooms as well as an inspection of the rest of the building. The legal framework of the guard houses is a permission agreement with which the owner transfers the rights of use to the association for five years.

See also

literature

  • Christine Hannemann: The record. Industrialized housing construction in the GDR. Schiler, Berlin 2005, ISBN 3-89930-104-8 .
  • Thomas Dörfler: Gentrification in Prenzlauer Berg? Milieu change in a Berlin social space since 1989 . transcript, Bielefeld 2010, ISBN 978-3-8376-1295-0 .
  • Barbara Felsmann / Annett Gröschner (eds.): Prenzlauer Berg passage room. A Berlin artist social history of the 1970s and 1980s in self-reports. Lukas Verlag, 2nd edition, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-86732-121-1 .
  • Udo Grashoff : Black living. The infiltration of the state control of housing in the GDR. vr unipress, Göttingen 2011, ISBN 978-3-89971-826-3 .
    • Henning Schulze: Review of: U. Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , in: H-Soz-u-Kult, published on May 16, 2012 ( online )
    • Kathy Hannemann: Review by: Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , in: Sehepunkte 11 (2011), No. 11, published on November 15, 2001 ( online )
    • Peter Jochen Winters: Collective review: Everyday life in the GDR from unusual perspectives , in: Germany Archive, published on November 29, 2012 ( online )
  • Udo Grashoff: Life in Demolition. Black living in Halle an der Saale. Hasenverlag, Halle 2011, ISBN 978-3-939468-58-5 .
  • Udo Grashoff: Black living in the GDR . In: Deutschland Archiv 43 (2010) 6, pp. 1044-1051.
  • Dietmar Wolf: From socialist popular sport to political movement. Black living and squatting in the GDR. In: Philipp Mattern (ed.): Tenant struggles. From the German Empire to today - the example of Berlin . Berlin 2018.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 11.
  2. ↑ Udo Grashoff: "On the border to the slum" - From freedom in poverty. In: Horch and Guck 73 (2011), pp. 40–43.
  3. ↑ Harry Körber: The cat snored in the cellar - alternative old town life before the fall of the Wall , in: Ostpost 20 (01/2010.)
  4. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 101.
  5. ^ Karl Christian Führer: Tenants, Homeowners, State and Housing Market. Housing shortage and forced housing management in Germany 1914–1960. Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 1995.
  6. ^ A b c Hartmut Häußermann, Walter Siebel: Sociology of living. An introduction to change and differentiation in living . Weinheim 1996, p. 169.
  7. ↑ Christine Hannemann: The plate. Industrialized housing in the GDR , Braunschweig, Wiesbaden 1996, p. 87.
  8. ↑ Christine Hannemann: The plate. Industrialized housing in the GDR , Braunschweig, Wiesbaden 1996, p. 59.
  9. ^ A b c Hartmut Häußermann, Walter Siebel: Sociology of living. An introduction to change and differentiation in living . Weinheim 1996, p. 170.
  10. ↑ a b c d Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 15.
  11. ↑ a b Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 16.
  12. ↑ a b c Christine Hannemann: The plate. Industrialized housing in the GDR , Braunschweig, Wiesbaden 1996, p. 22.
  13. ↑ Alphons Silbermann: The living experience in East Germany , Cologne 1993, p. 20.
  14. ↑ Alphons Silbermann: The Living Experience in East Germany , Cologne 1993, p. 19.
  15. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 42.
  16. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 43.
  17. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 14.
  18. ↑ Hartmut Häußermann, Walter Siebel: Sociology of living. An introduction to change and differentiation in living . Weinheim 1996, p. 168; established in the ordinance on the control of living space of September 14, 1967 (Journal of Laws of I No. 105 p. 733) in force since January 1, 1968 - the ordinance on the control of living space.
  19. ↑ a b c d Hartmut Häußermann, Walter Siebel: Sociology of living. An introduction to change and differentiation in living . Weinheim 1996, p. 173.
  20. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 13.
  21. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 68.
  22. ↑ a b Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 18.
  23. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, pp. 17, 19.
  24. ↑ A bit of anarchy , in: Der Spiegel 13/1990, pp. 50–53.
  25. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 76.
  26. ^ Udo Grashoff: Leben im Abriss , Halle 2011, p. 91.
  27. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 19.
  28. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 21.
  29. ↑ a b Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 54.
  30. ↑ There are numerous descriptions of such apartments, including a. from Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, pp. 74, 105, 182, etc.
  31. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 55.
  32. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, pp. 22, 26 f.
  33. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 71.
  34. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 72.
  35. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 30.
  36. ^ Civil Code of the GDR. Section 123, Paragraph 3.
  37. ↑ a b Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 35.
  38. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 36.
  39. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 185.
  40. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, pp. 13, 37.
  41. ↑ Angela Merkel comes out as a squatter , in: Focus Online , September 2, 2013.
  42. ↑ a b c Udo Grashoff: Leben im Abriss , Halle 2011, p. 180.
  43. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 69; ders .: Life in demolition , Halle 2011, p. 9.
  44. ↑ a b Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 12 f.
  45. ↑ Thomas Dörfler: Gentrification in Prenzlauer Berg? , Bielefeld 2010, p. 201 ff.
  46. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 148.
  47. ^ Susanne Lenz: The only children's shop in the GDR . In: Berliner Zeitung , November 27, 2001. Retrieved March 4, 2014.
  48. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 119.
  49. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 112 ff.
  50. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 143.
  51. ↑ a b c Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, pp. 144 ff.
  52. ↑ jugendopposition.de: Fehrbelliner Straße 7 , accessed on March 4, 2013.
  53. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 151.
  54. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 147.
  55. ↑ Nova Ark. Opposition in the GDR. The “Green Ecological Network Arche” 1988–90 , ed. v. Carlo Jordan and Hans Michael Kloth, Berlin 1995, pp. 295-365.
  56. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 121.
  57. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 136 ff.
  58. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 132.
  59. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 133 f.
  60. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 159.
  61. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 94.
  62. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, pp. 109, 148.
  63. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 141, etc.
  64. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 58 f.
  65. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 137.
  66. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 171.
  67. ↑ Thomas Dörfler: Gentrification in Prenzlauer Berg? , Bielefeld 2010, p. 226.
  68. ↑ a b Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 173.
  69. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 170.
  70. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Leben im Abriss , Halle 2011, pp. 94, 189.
  71. ↑ Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen , Göttingen 2011, p. 175.
  72. ↑ website of the Association HausHalten eV , accessed March 4, 2013.
This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on March 8, 2014 .