Brotherhood of young theologians

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The brotherhood of young theologians was part of the Ev.-luth. Schleswig-Holstein's regional church from 1929 to 1933, a group of young theologians that, as a forerunner of the confessional community of the ev.-luth. Landeskirche Schleswig-Holstein in the time of National Socialism applies.

prehistory

Contemporary history framework

The “Brotherhood of Young Theologians” was founded and existed in the late years of the Weimar Republic . It was the time of increasing indebtedness in agriculture, rising unemployment figures and the global economic crisis . Ten years after “ Versailles ” and “Weimar” the political differences had intensified.

The party political struggle was fought in the press, in meetings and increasingly on the streets . Alongside the press, the radio became established as a new means of communication. The silent film was replaced by the sound film , which was soon put directly or subliminally at the service of political influence.

One read Thomas Mann and Ernst Wiechert . The experience of the First World War was conjured up in Remarques In the West Nothing New (1928) and Ernst Jüngers In Stahlgewittern (1920). In addition to Mathilde Ludendorff's German-völkisch writings, one could read Hitler's Mein Kampf (1925) and Alfred Rosenberg's Myth of the 20th Century (1930). Philosophers tried to interpret time: Heidegger in Being and Time (1927), Jaspers in The Spiritual Situation of Time (1931) and Tillich in The Religious Situation of the Present (1926).

Karl Barth's Roman Letter (1921), Bultmann's Jesus-Büchlein (1926) and Gogarten's Political Ethics (1932) stood peacefully side by side in the pastors' offices and study ; Books from the " Oxford Group Movement " Frank Buchmans and Stanley Jones ' Christ of the Indian Highway (1928); Gerhard Jacobi's anonymously published diary of a city pastor (1929) and Wilhelm Stack's Christian statesman (1932).

Young theologians at that time

For the young theologians of the war and post-war period , the orthodox - liberal opposition , which had still been decisive for their older colleagues, was no longer suitable as a guideline. They belonged to the age groups who had volunteered as vicars and students or as high school students from 1914 to 1918, or to those who were shaped by Christian youth associations . During their studies they were less looking for a scientific discussion than for new impulses in thinking and believing.

The traditional popular church and also the liberal position was not binding enough for them, neither for their official nor for their personal conduct. In Schleswig-Holstein there were various connections to pietism of Lutheran character, primarily through the works of internal and external mission , but the young theologians hardly found a home there. Even the Religious socialism was only a few followers, most likely still in the university. The dialectical theology had indeed given important impulses, but was too inconsistent in itself to have an impact group orienting.

During this time, when much of the traditional was questioned politically and ecclesiastically, the questioners looked for an exchange of experiences and ideas as well as for fraternal fellowship and strengthening. This search led to a new association of younger pastors in Schleswig-Holstein towards the end of the twenties.

history

Foundation of the brotherhood

In the beginning there were nine ministerial brothers, seven of whom met on April 19, 1929 in Neumünster to found the "Brotherhood of Young Theologians" - some also called the "Pinneberger Circle" - the pastors Beuck ( Kiebitzzeile ) as initiator, Fölster ( Pinneberg ), Hasselmann ( Bahrenfeld ), Kardel ( Bruges ), Lafrenz ( Bordesholm ), Erik Petersen ( Neumünster ), Schmidt ( Tungendorf ), Torp ( Kappeln ) and Wester ( Kiel ).

This circle grew in the course of a few years to 60 to 70 ("Septuagint"), in 1933 to about 100 members. Pastor Beuck sent the circulars to 93 addresses at the end of 1932. With a total of around 400 pastors in the regional church, a good third to almost half of the younger theologians (in their early forties and under) belonged to the fraternity.

The brotherhood comprised that part of the younger pastors who were theologically, ecclesiastically and politically above average interested and committed. Later, many of its members found themselves among the leading figures of both the German Christians and the confessional community .

The later theological and church political positions and decisions on both sides can be better understood and appreciated if one knows what moved the generation of theologians who were particularly committed to the church struggle in previous years.

The source material for this are 36 circular letters that were compiled by Pastor Martin Beuck (Kiebitz series) in the four-year period from May 1929 to June 1933 and sent to the members of the Brotherhood. The joint meetings were reported on mostly 3–4 pages and quoted from letters from the brothers.

In particular, the detailed excerpts from letters give an authentic and extremely vivid picture of what was up for discussion within the pastorship of the Schleswig-Holstein regional church in the final phase of the Weimar Republic . Pastor Beuck wrote in retrospect: "There is an important piece of Schleswig-Holstein church history in these letters."

Spiritual foundations of the brotherhood

Faith in Christ

The first circulars show that suggestions for the collection of similar groups came from the Lutheran regional churches of Hanover and Bavaria. As there, the young theologians in Schleswig-Holstein were concerned with "brotherhood, a sense of prayer, the desire to get closer to one another ... and to build on Scripture", as the first circular in early May 1929 said.

Especially at the beginning the question of the direction and delimitation of the circle arose. "Who do we call? In Neumünster there was immediate unanimity about it: those who are on the basis of the explanation of the 2nd article ... Whoever can pray for the explanation of the 2nd article as a life experience belongs to us. "The" Christ-believing "pastors were addressed, in particular the younger ones, who would know each other in an “experience and action community”.

Smaller regional circles should be formed. But they also wanted to meet regularly together. Pastor Fölster invited to a first such general meeting in Pinneberg in autumn of that year . The main speakers at the "Young Theologians' Conference in Pinneberg" from 23 to 27 September 1929, which was attended by 31 participants and which was connected with a public "Evangelical Training Week", were Prof. D. Heinrich Rendtorff and Pastor Hanns Lilje , General Secretary of the " German Christian Student Association " (DCSV), whose old friends were especially invited.

Youth Movement, War Experience and New Theology

In the 2nd circular dated June 11, 1929, the experience and experience-related common basis was defined in more detail. Pastor Petersen quoted approvingly from a report of the Hanoverian conference of younger theologians: There is “a basic attitude towards reality that distinguishes us from the attitude of the previous generation and from the attitude of large groups of those living today. Three conditions have become decisive for all of us: the youth movement , the war and the upheaval in today's theology ”. The decisive factor is “reflecting on the essence of the church”, which is why criticism of it must also be taken seriously.

“War experience” was less to be understood at the time, which led to a new attitude towards war and the military, than rather the experience of community with people from other social classes, with different spiritual, religious or political orientations.

The "youth movement" meant less the Wandervogel and the Bündische Jugend , but rather the Bible circles of higher school students (BK), the Christian Association of Young Men ( YMCA ) and above all the DCSV, which was the spiritual home of many brothers.

Against liberalism

Church political activities, as they were otherwise important to related circles - such as the “Young Evangelicals” in Marburg - were not wanted in the Schleswig-Holstein fraternal circle . It was stated very clearly, even with striking sharpness, that the brotherhood has nothing in common with the influential circle around Pastor Haase ( Neumünster ), publisher of the magazine “Volk und Kirche”, and its liberalism.

The anti-liberal position was very clearly expressed in a letter that Pastor Petersen wrote to Bishop Mordhorst in Kiel on behalf of the participants in a brotherhood meeting in June 1930 in the Lockstedt camp and on behalf of the then 50 members of the circle . It was about the successor to Heinrich Rendtorff on the chair for practical theology in Kiel. The letter stated “that it would have to be considered a terrorization if a representative of theological liberalism were appointed as successor. However, we would be delighted if P. Lic. Dr. Fendt ( Berlin ) would be offered the professorship for practical theology ... ".

In the circular of July 29, 1930, Pastor Fölster (Pinneberg) reported that he had canceled the magazine “Courageous Christianity” because it was “arch-liberal” and “only brave against the right, against the political right”, but hardly to the left.

This statement - in the middle of the election campaign for the 1930 Reichstag election - did not go unchallenged. In the following circular no. 12 of August 31, 1930 Pastor Beuck protested against the fact that the fraternity could be characterized by the name "church rights". He recalled the foundation of the circle, the 2nd article of the creed , that is, faith in Jesus Christ as the Lord.

Political conflicts in the brotherhood

As early as the summer of 1929, tones were heard that indicated that the world beyond the church's borders was perceived. Pastor Petersen (Neumünster) wrote in the 2nd circular of July 18, 1929:

“Neither black-white-red nor pacifist sentimentalism satisfy us. We want to affirm the state, we want to be people of peace and the new order, we want to think ecumenically. The soul wrestles with this cosmopolitan attitude. "

Christian Social People's Service

Supported by well-known theologians such as Adolf Schlatter , a party called “ Christian Social People's Service ” (CSVD) was formed in southern Germany, which envisioned becoming a Protestant parallel organization to the Catholic Center Party . Pastor Beuck first broached this subject in the 8th circular of November 12, 1929.

In Schleswig-Holstein, along with chairman Kurt Dietrich Schmidt (Kiel), pastors L. Schmidt ( Lägerdorf ), von Dorrien ( Uetersen ) and Beuck (Kiebitzzeile) campaigned for people's service.

The 10th circular of the brotherhood of May 26th 1930 informed that the CSVD in Schleswig-Holstein had elected a provisional board, which u. a. three members of the brotherhood belonged.

The first appearance of an emphatically Christian-Protestant party in the young German republic saw themselves challenged to take a position, admitting their sympathy or their concerns about such an enterprise. The discussion in the brotherhood continued until the middle of 1931.

On the day after the Reichstag election of September 14, 1930, which brought the National Socialists an increase in mandates from 12 to 104, the Christian Socialists at least 14 mandates with 2.5% of the vote, Pastor Beuck wrote in his 13th circular:

“Despite warnings from various brothers about the 'politicization', I cannot fail to express my joy at the success of the Christian Social People's Service. Less for the sake of so-called politics than for the sake of public mission. "

Pastor Wester also broke a lance for the people's service in the 16th circular of December 18, 1930, in particular against the slander of the CSVD "in our right-wing press, not least that of the German nationalists and Nazis", who "especially in pastor circles" Was believed. Wester wanted "a large crowd" who - if not uncritically - stand behind the people's service:

"We owe it to him because he wants to serve our people in the name of God more consciously and clearly than all other groups, in accordance with his political knowledge."

Either National Socialism or Communism

As a result, on January 19, 1931, Fölster (Pinneberg) rode a violent attack against Wester in his 17th circular, who had "placed himself in the hands of the People's Service" and "how he became senile":

“Our dear Germany will be National Socialist or will have to call Heil Moscow! There is no choice. Also no other option ... That is the first duty that we help the fatherland youth movement to victory ... We have to go in to be a guide ... The People's Service has completely disappointed. He stands on the left ... He feels more comfortable with the Social Democrats , who fight secretly but relentlessly against every Christian, than with the Nazis, who ... ask for church influence and have a warm heart for their beloved fatherland. It is typical of the people's service that the word 'power' does not mean anything. "

Fölster concluded his plea for National Socialism - "the fatherland youth movement" - with the announcement that "a little Hans Horst Hermann Fölster has arrived" in his house. That Horst Wessel was marching along in spirit was signaled by Fölster in the 20th circular, in which he reported on the "baptism of my little Horst ( clear the street ... )".

The editor of the circulars, Pastor Beuck, could only comment on Fölster's political commitment: “No answer to the above”. Instead, he referred to the racial and blood ideas of the racial researcher Hans FK Günther , propagated by the Nazis , whose books later became compulsory reading in biology classes . Finally, Beuck mentioned in this circular that “five members of our fraternity belong to the board of the Schleswig-Holstein regional association in the Christian Social People's Service”.

On March 11, 1931, Beuck issued the next - 18th - circular letter. Pastor L. Schmidt ( Voorde ) vigorously contradicted the thesis “either National Socialist or Communist”, which was widespread not only in bourgeois circles at that time . He continued to advocate the CSVD; because this "fights to win back the German people their place in God's kingdom, which they have lost". The National Socialists, on the other hand, are primarily concerned with “the validity of the fatherland in the world”.

Beuck put a big question mark behind the thesis of the place of the German people in the kingdom of God. Even Hans Asmussen felt compelled to speak after a long silence. He called for "dogmatic reflection" (circular no. 19 of March 23, 1931).

In the debate about the CSVD, Pastor Beuck referred to its roots “in Württemberg pietism ” and quoted Church President Wurm from the Beth-El magazine of March 1931 with sentences that sound like an anticipation of the 2nd Barmer thesis : “Belongs to the public domain Life to the areas under the authority of Christ? Theologically, it seems to me that there is only one possible answer: there is no area of ​​moral activity for a Christian that is not under the authority of Christ. "

Political alternatives in the brotherhood

Pastor Fölster let the people's service criticize “Nazis and German nationalists”. For his part, he went to court in one sweep not only with the CSVD, but also with the “patriarchal socis” and with the center that denigrated national pride. The Nazis, on the other hand, would "use their blood and life for the fatherland"; they are "national to the bone", while the people's service called for a "republican attitude".

For Beuck, who printed the above statements in the 20th circular of May 2, 1931, the question was not “ National Socialism or Communism ”, but “the new ideas of the CSVD or National Socialism”. He spoke for the majority of the brotherhood when he wrote: “Even in our ranks, the dispute is only about the two options: CSVD or Nazi. Polemicising against the left here is probably of no use. "

Only these two positions were represented in the Schleswig-Holstein fraternity of young theologians . Neither the DNVP nor the parties of the bourgeois-liberal center, let alone the SPD, found their lawyers. In other words, there was no voice among those who seriously wanted to be Christians and theologians for the forces that supported the republic - unless the CSVD was added to these forces.

Christian Dethleffsen judged in 1988: "If it is true that 'Weimar' was crushed between right and left, then a large part of the Protestants involved in the church did not suffer this process as victims, but participated as perpetrators."

Pastor Moritzen (Kiel) had already drawn attention to the dangers from the right in the 11th circular of July 29, 1930: “The Tannenbergbund gives me a lot to think about, the first ' German Church' comes to the Synod ... The 'most faithful to the church' leave the church more easily as proletarians. ” Brochures that breath “ Jew hatred ”lead them to confuse and swap the“ legacy of the fathers ”with the“ German people ”.

The widespread susceptibility of ecclesiastical conservative thinking to folklore is made clear by a welcoming letter from Prof. D. Rendtorff as the new bishop of Mecklenburg-Schwerin to his parishes, quoted in the 14th circular of October 22, 1930 : “We have to assert and defend the legacy of our fathers . The forces of our German nationality , our Christian customs and our evangelical faith are a wealth entrusted to us. "

Reading of Hitler's "Mein Kampf"

Hitler's book " Mein Kampf ", apparently read by some members of the brotherhood , gave early impetus to deal with National Socialism. In the 14th circular, Pastor Beuck made "a small marginal note" about the "political":

“I started reading Hitler's 'Mein Kampf' with considerable respect for National Socialism. The disappointment is not small. A curiosity from this: I borrowed the book I am reading from an aunt; she is well into her seventies, voted for Nazis with enthusiasm, but has the necessary distance to be able to criticize. I.a. crossed it off in the book every time Hitler uses God's name uselessly. I notice that there are a lot of lines. "

Pastor Lorentzen (Kiel) took up the discussion about Hitler's “Mein Kampf” in the 16th circular on November 18, 1930 and quoted Müller-Schwefe approvingly , who “is heartily pleased that it is declared here: We want to work with the power of positive Christianity to build our people's life ”. Lorentzen warned that “the church, as well as the socialist workers' movement, is now missing the hour in relation to the Hitler movement”.

Beuck, on the other hand, saw Hitler as a "twin brother of Ludendorff " and saw no possibility "that the Christians within the party can change that", although he welcomed the "love of the country" and the "fight against the basic evil of the economy, interest bondage ".

Attitude to the NSDAP

In the 18th circular of January 11, 1931, one could read what Pastor Wester found positive in spite of his generally negative attitude towards the NSDAP : “Suppression of the social idea by the community idea; Replacement of the merely international attitude by a strong national will; positive evaluation of metaphysical variables. ”Christian Dethleffsen commented critically in 1988:

“This is where the susceptibility to irrationality in German Lutheranism is expressed in a brief formulation. Nevertheless, people like Wester listen carefully to tones that signal the step from the national to the ethnic and racist. So he expresses his skepticism towards the completely unclear catchphrase of 'positive' Christianity and the 'absolutization of the idea of ​​race and nationality'. Also, 'the idea of ​​power in the National Socialist program requires a very strong examination of the gospel'. "

Wester regretted the harshly negative attitude towards socialism on the part of Fölster and similarly minded people. “But I'm afraid that some of the ministerial brothers sympathize with National Socialism with the same naturalness that they used to reject socialism as out of the question.” His sympathies continued to apply to the CSVD.

Others thought they should give the NSDAP a chance. For example Pastor Lorentzen ( Kiel ), who judged the statements about church and Christianity in “Mein Kampf” rather positively and stated that Hitler , in contrast to Ludendorff, abstained from disparaging words towards the church. One should stick to him, “the Führer”, not to the “wild” Nazi people.

Pastor Petersen wrote more cautiously: “We don't have to go into nat.soz. Political party". But he wants the conversation "with the people in the brown jacket".

Pastor Beuck pointed out that the behavior of the NSDAP was purely tactical.

Pastor Roager ( Büdelsdorf ) expressed himself in a similar direction and warned: “If you promise the church that you want to let it live, and a little more besides, then the church is more happy about it than about all the promises of the Old and New Testaments ". He added that he “found the alternative Moscow or Hitler simply wrong”. The workers had proven that they did not go along Moscow's path, not even in view of the rejection of the church.

Roager's vote in the next circular (No. 19 of March 23, 1931) was approved in particular by Hans Asmussen .

Disparaging voices against pacifism

A suggestion by Friedrich Siegmund-Schultze and its commentary by the " Reichsbote " led to the following report by Pastor Beuck in circular no. 19 of March 23, 1931:

“The 'Reichsbote' comments on Siegmund-Schultze's suggestion that the Protestant Church should put a Sunday of the church year in the service of the idea of ​​peace and the reconciliation of peoples, as follows: 'If it is a Sunday to raise goat breeding, it is an honest thing after all ... A Peace Sunday ?! That is uncleanliness in the eyes of ordinary people. It's as disgusting as playing cards on a corpse or singing couplets to a dying man. '"

Pastor Dammann (Pinneberg) targeted the proposed “Peace Sunday” in the next circular no. 20 of May 2, 1931 . After a general criticism of Pastor Beuck's “little notes” with their “point against those politically right-wing”, he continued: “Otherwise, I fully identify with the form and content of the criticized note from the Reich Messenger. For me, too, goat breeding is a more honest and valuable occupation than reconciliation between peoples. ”One should rather preach“ the spirit of truthfulness ”, for which“ all papers and newspapers of a Christian-German kind ”are welcome.

In the 23rd circular of October 2, 1931, Pastor Godt ( Karlum ) reported on the three-day set-up time for the Brotherhood in Bordesholm . The main speaker was Pastor D. Wilhelm Laible from Leipzig , editor of the General Evangelical Lutheran Church Newspaper (AELKZ), who spoke about "our position towards the people in the light of scripture". Pastor Godt cited it as key words: “Love for the people is a sign of all holy men. The whole international spirit was repulsed. The pacifistic imagination! - What does the script say? God sends the war. The 5th commandment is against murder. The 'peace on earth' on the longing of the heart. No trace of international peace! "

Godt's remark made it clear that such statements also met with opposition in the circle of brothers: "A fire of patriotism burned in our fatherly friend, who perhaps most boys find it difficult to keep the rod."

In the same circular, Bishop Rendtorff was quoted from a letter to the pastors of his Mecklenburg regional church, in which it was stated that "German politics of the last decade has completely collapsed". France's “blind hatred and will to annihilate” “really wants nothing more than the death of the German Reich and people”.

The worsening of the situation

According to circular no. 30 of October 24, 1932, 73 theologians and three lay people belonged to the Schleswig-Holstein fraternity of young theologians in autumn 1932, i.e. more than a third of the younger pastors of the regional church.

Among them were the pastors Erik Petersen, C. Matthiesen and K. Schmidt from Flensburg; Kardel from Adelby and Torp from Glücksburg; Hach from Ladelund and Wester from Westerland; the Altona Asmussen , Sieveking, Knuth, G. Christiansen, Chr. Thomsen, Tonnesen , Thedens, Hildebrandt, Andersen and Hasselmann ; from Kiel Lorentzen , Moritzen and Prehn, plus Prof. KD Schmidt and Konsistorialrat (KR) Nikolaus Christiansen; Provost Schetelig from Blankenese, Fölster and Dammann from Pinneberg, v. Dorrien and J. Schmidt from Uetersen; Treplin from Hademarschen and Schröder from Wohltorf; also in old association with Schleswig-Holstein Prof. Heinrich Rendtorff , Bishop of Mecklenburg.

Disputes about the Altona Confession

When the fraternity's first circular appeared in 1933, No. 32, on January 16, it was strangely enough not to say a word about the Altona Confession , which had been made public on January 11. Of the 21 authors and signatories of the creed, ten were members of the brotherhood.

Only after an almost two-month break - five weeks after the transfer of power to Adolf Hitler and two days after the Reichstag election - did the co-signer Pastor Hasselmann respond to the Altona Confession in the 33rd circular of March 7th and regret the relatively low response it received, of all places Schleswig-Holstein had also triggered in the brotherhood. He asked whether this silence was perhaps due to “the 'necessity' of political consideration” in view of the press attacks by the Gauleiter of the NSDAP, Hinrich Lohse , and the suggestion of his political comrade KR Nikolaus Christiansen - member of the brotherhood! - "to let our commitment rest".

The division of the brotherhood

KR Christiansen could not easily put up with the suspicion of “political consideration”. Thus the whole 34th circular of March 16, 1933 consisted of his justification, which culminated in the “unreserved rejection of the Altona Confession”, whose authors he now accused of “politicizing church work”. His advice:

“God, the Lord of history, has given our people a great hour, and our church is called to interpret this hour for our people through the gospel. My words should be a request not to introduce political perspectives that are alien to the nature of our church into such service and not even to suspect that we are indifferent or even hostile to the bearers of the national awakening. "

Christiansen's statements were significant for the turnaround in the church's attitude towards National Socialism, since he was a man who, as a consistorial councilor in the regional church office, as chairman of the regional association for internal mission and also as a member of the brotherhood, emphasized the conservative Bible and Confession-oriented part of the pastorship and which was also not without influence due to its ecclesiastical offices.

Hans Asmussen on church and politics

In consultation with those pastors of the brotherhood who were jointly responsible for the Altona Confession, and on their behalf, Hans Asmussen wrote by return of post on March 20, 1933 to all members of the circle: “Christiansen's request to let our confession rest” is “largely in us understood in the sense that we would be expected to withdraw the creed ”.

Christiansen had "taken note of the confession and its content before Christmas and promised RM 50.00 for free distribution". He even made possible Hasselmann's radio lecture on the Altona Confession on January 11th. Significant concerns on his part were not known. "His concerns arose later." Christiansen's assertion that "the bridges to awakening Germany" had been broken by the Altona confession did not apply. Only his appearance had such consequences. Incidentally, the following applies: “We are likely to experience rejection. But not with those who have so far adhered to the word of God. "

Asmussen wrote the weighty sentences on Christiansen's argument: “The church's point of view is Holy Scripture . We have not yet heard a single reason from the Holy Scriptures from Christiansen's mouth, but only reasons of a church-political nature that we do not recognize as valid, since they do not arise from the nature of the church. Is it right if a preacher does not say something right because it might cause displeasure? "

Hans Asmussen also pointed out the “not organized, but spontaneous” rejection that Christiansen had received from “theological youth” in Kiel. No one should blame youth pastor Prehn for this. “We are the only culprits here. The way to us is open. "

Finally, Asmussen went back to the attacks of the Gauleiter Hinrich Lohse and the reply of the Altona, which allegedly had hit him especially because it claimed that he could only carry out his attacks under the protection of immunity as a member of parliament:

“We ask you to consider whether it is really us who, as Christiansen writes, are bringing political perspectives that are alien to the nature of our church. What did we do? From the Gospel point of view, we have said a specific word about public life, including political life. Even if we should have made a mistake at one point, this is not alien to the Church, but in accordance with the essence. From the Church we have demanded political life before the Word of God. What did Christiansen do? He did not address public life from the perspective of the Church, but did it the other way around. From a political point of view, he makes demands on the church and its preaching. We love our fatherland, we are driven by ... the serious concern that the church would like to make itself unsuitable for its service to the people and fatherland by being unfaithful to its nature and less trusting in omnipotent words than in church policy, which is basically powerless. We hope that it is true that the German people have found themselves in these days. But we know that it is true that we have found the Church, the body of our Lord Jesus Christ. "

Christiansen's complaint about a lack of anti-Marxism

In response to this letter, Consistorial Councilor Christiansen once again addressed all members of the Brotherhood and wrote to them on March 29th, without going to the theological level of Hans Asmussen: “It remains that the Altona Circle is alien to the service of our church He justified this assertion with the fact that in the confession “no word was spoken about Marxism”. In this he sees "a tactical behavior of the Altona", for whom the applause from the left was important.

After he had returned the accusation of tactical behavior that had been made to him, the claim was made again that the Altona had responded to Mr. H. Lohse in an “irresponsible manner” to his objection to the confession. If he - Christiansen - had foreseen such behavior, he would have “not promoted the way into the public for the confession” on his own initiative. Finally, he protests against the assumption that he did not keep his office and his person apart in his statements.

Asmussen's settlement with the church authorities

The ten signatories of the Altona Confession, who belonged to the brotherhood, responded to this letter of Christiansen on April 8 or 9, 1933 with a letter to the brotherhood, which all of them signed by name and in which they endeavored not to express the personal but rather the " highlight factual opposites ”.

First of all, they contradicted the alleged silence against Marxism by pointing to such formulations of the creed that clearly rejected Marxist positions. The second part of the letter was a sharp reckoning with the church administration from the pen of the first person to sign, Hans Asmussen. It said:

“The essential contrast between Consistorial Councilor Christiansen and us is the different view of church work. We see the situation of our regional churches as follows: There is also to a large extent a conflict between proclamation and administration in our Schleswig-Holstein regional church. This contradiction has existed since the Prussian state occupied the church, and in 99 out of 100 cases it turned out in favor of the administration. This contradiction is expressed in the fact that the reaction of the world against the proclamation of the Gospel is leveled out by the person responsible for the administrative work of the Church in such a way that in the event of conflicts arising from the proclamation, the ecclesiastical authorities neither give justice to the publisher Gives injustice, but criticizes the form of his appearance when his good will is acknowledged, that the church authorities continue to calm the world, which is resisting the preaching, through negotiation, that in a word the preaching is based on administrative necessities rather than, conversely, determining the administration based on the necessities of the proclamation.

Behind this approach is the erroneous view that the world's excitement about the Church's preaching must be pacified before the Church is able to work. This makes administrative activity the basis of the work of the Church. We are convinced that in this way great harm will be done to the Church, we are therefore unable to approve of this way. In the fight against this method we know we are at one with a large group of brothers all over Germany. We intend to fight this fight in any case. "

Pacifism vs. Willingness to make sacrifices

On April 10, 1933, Pastor Beuck once again sent out a general circular, the 35th, which on nine pages contained an abundance of e.g. In part, it contained detailed and controversial statements on the Altona Confession and the reactions to it.

From the various judgments spoke the desire and the endeavor to stay together in spite of all the contradictions in the fraternity and fraternity; not least in view of what could still await the Church.

"According to my judgment, a time will soon come when the church and its confession will be challenged, in which one will thank those who then speak and confess," wrote Pastor Moritzen from Kiel. He once again addressed the statements of the avowal of military service and conscientious objection , which had particularly aroused the anger of the National Socialists. He “is under the impression that pacifism will experience a new impetus on religious grounds (simply because the political possibilities are cut off)”. As a reader of the “Religious Socialist”, Moritzen clearly understood pacifism, although he rejected it and wanted clearer statements on this point.

Pastor Lorentzen from Kiel also took up this point, but more in the direction of not putting the two positions on the same level, but rather giving greater honor to the “willingness to make sacrifices for the fatherland until the end of life”. You have to feel that “our hearts burn for people, empire and fatherland”.

Church and / or nation

Pastor Erik Petersen (Flensburg), confidante of the brotherhood, tried to mediate between the positions that the brothers took on the Altona Confession: “The deepest concern of the Altona people is sympathetic to me, the excitement of their opponents is understandable. Some represent the cause of the church , the other the cause of the nation . Life has to swing around these two poles today. ”With this formulation, he certainly reflected the attitudes and mood of many, not only in the brotherhood, but in the Protestant Church as a whole.

Petersen also mentioned in his contribution the disappointment of the “Altonaer” that the brotherhood had not commented on their confession, as the reaction in Schleswig-Holstein would be significantly less than in other regional churches, which is why it was already considered to start from Altona to orientate to the south. Since this raised the question of the future of the brotherhood, he supported Hasselmann's wish for an early meeting, to which he invited to Neumünster on May 8th .

Pastor Martin Beuck concluded the opinion forum of the 35th circular with his own vote:

“I understand the concern that moves Brother Christiansen. Nevertheless, and despite all the considerable reservations about the creed, I regret today that we did not back then - like Rendtorff - unanimously behind the creed. I believe that only after this yes to the 'that' of the confession will we understand each other in a brotherly manner over the differences of opinion. "

"Lutheran Church of the German Nation"

At the beginning of May 1933, the "Working Committee of the 21 Altona Pastors" - Tonnesen , G. Christiansen, Hasselmann , Asmussen , Chr. Thomsen, Knuth - sent the members of the group of young theologians a "copy of the history of the origins and the political echo of the Altona Confession" . In the opening credits it said: "The next sub-goal, which we see in front of us after a detailed discussion with many friends in the Reich, is the Lutheran Church of the German Nation."

This is the direction in which an appeal by Hasselmann and Asmussen “for the Altona brotherhood of young theologians ” in the “Niederdeutsche Kirchenzeitung” on April 15, 1933, addressed to the bishops of the regional church. They were asked to appoint committees in which preparatory work for the coming Reich Church was to be done.

The disintegration of the brotherhood

Pastor Beuck opened his next and last circular (No. 36 of June 6, 1933) with the words: “Dear Brothers! What we are experiencing now is more than a ' culture war '. It's about the freedom of the gospel. God grant us the reformation of our church for the revolution of our people! The members of our circle stand on different fronts. I call to them: Do not take the front against the brothers! "

Beuck then welcomed ten new brothers who had joined the circle, including the pastors Herntrich (Kiel) and Pörksen ( Gelting ).

Another three pages of excerpts followed, from which it emerged that Hans Asmussen had been "temporarily relieved of his office" due to disciplinary proceedings. Pastor Hach ( Ladelund ), who communicated this, complained: "In my judgment, the situation is such that we from the brotherhood cannot do anything publicly in this matter."

In view of the meeting in Neumünster, which had taken place on May 8th and at which the brothers mostly acknowledged themselves as supporters of one of the church groups “ German Christians ”, “ Young Reformation ” and “ Altonaer ”, Hach also complained that “we in our brotherhood can no longer listen to one another ”.

Erik Petersen (Flensburg) wrote on the keyword “brotherhood” and the future of the brotherhood: “This morning Hasselmann asks for a gathering of the brothers on the occasion of the Breklum annual festival and to be able to call on Consistorial Councilor Christiansen in a separate letter, with the express remark that his non-appearance means exclusion from the fraternity. Regarding the latter, I have to say: I definitely refuse to carry out this order from Altona. "Petersen saw coming that the meeting in Breklum" will end with the breakup of the brotherhood ".

Pastor Johannes Tramsen from Innien reported on the Breklum gathering on June 13th in a very last, unnumbered "circular to the members of the Brotherhood of Young Theologians" on June 19, 1933 :

“In Breklum, the Fuehrerring resigned and the decision was made to dissolve the brotherhood and create a new brotherhood. ... I have received the order to tackle the redesign based on the guidelines drawn up by Brother Wester's circle of friends and presented in Breklum. "

The guidelines followed, which essentially followed on from The Word of the East Prussian Pastors for the Hour . In this word u. a. said that it is about "that our state becomes a healthy and clean, strong and free state again". One saw "in our new government an authority that exercises its government as God responsible service". There was talk of the “struggle against the largely Bolshevik breakdown of marriage and family, of education and the public”. Next to it was the abrupt confession "that Jesus Christ, crucified and risen, testified in the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, is our Lord". In the own statements of the guidelines it was said that everyone should decide for themselves “in questions of church politics”. This was another attempt to “bear and overcome the tension that arises”.

Reactions to this circular, which were requested by July 9th, were apparently no longer given, because with the appointment of the state commissioner for the regional church office Christian Kinder on June 27th and the church election manipulated by the " German Christians " (DC) on June 23rd. July 1933 a completely new situation was created, which not only broke up the brotherhood, but soon also the circle of the "Altonaer". In this situation, Pastor Hasselmann passed from the camp of the “Altona” to that of the “German Christians” of KR Christiansen, whom he had just wanted to challenge under threat of termination of the fraternal community.

According to Propst i. In 1933/34, R. Wolfgang Prehn belonged to 77 former members of the Brotherhood 52 of the Schleswig-Holstein confessional community . 13 went to the German Christians, while 12 belonged to neither one nor the other direction.

evaluation

The chronicler Christian Dethleffsen wrote in 1988:

“Looking back on the history of the brotherhood, a severely limited ability to perceive what theological, ecclesiastical and political was beyond one's own denominational and national horizon is evident.

The theologian is forced to ask: What kind of theology was it, what kind of piety was that moved the circle of brothers? What was understood there by “New Theology” and “Belief in Christ”?

It should now be clear that the 'New Theology', which, in addition to the war experience and the youth movement, was regarded as the basis of the fraternal union in terms of experience, is by no means - as one might have assumed at the beginning - to be equated with dialectical theology, as the name Karl Barth in not mentioned once in the 36 newsletters.

In general, the theological and political discussion, which at that time found its forum primarily in the magazine Zwischen den Zeiten, seems to have passed the circle of brothers by, although decidedly Lutheran theologians like Peter Brunner also spoke there, whose remarkable article 'Political Responsibility and Christian Decision' (Issue 2, 1932) with the demand of the “refusal to obey” to an “omnipotent state” could possibly have set new accents in the church-nation discussion of the brotherhood.

The 'New Theology', which inspired the brotherhood, can only be characterized very generally as a post- and anti-liberal and Lutheran one.

Let us then remember the other prerequisite for the fellowship of the brotherhood: the confession of Jesus Christ as the Lord. Apparently, for most of the brothers, this confession did not contradict the advocacy of authoritarian forms of government and sympathy for political leaders, that is, the recognition of other rulers and masters - which was by no means only valid for later 'German Christians', but also for those who did Found the way to the 'Confessing Church'.

In general, the later 'German Christians' among the brothers cannot be denied a biblically oriented and Christ-related personal piety, just as most of the later members of the 'Confessing Church' will have an extremely distant relationship to the republic and parliamentary democracy have to certify.

Is there an explanation for the fact that the brotherhood, which was largely homogeneous on these two points, found itself in two separate camps after 1933?

Last but not least, it may be related to a different degree of susceptibility to national tones, in particular to how far a generally well-developed state and national consciousness was an integrating, possibly determining component of personal faith and ecclesiastical consciousness. Where this national feeling was then essentially determined by the 'folkish' aspect, the decision was all the more in favor of the 'German Christians'.

The religious significance of the national feeling was certainly also a determining factor in the degree of ability and willingness to criticize a movement that pursued its ethnic-racist and fascist-imperialist goals under a national-conservative and popular guise.

That this was a temptation, not least of all for an emphatically Lutheran, liberal influence in theology and church, not only under the pressure of the political situation or carried by a wave of religious-national enthusiasm after the great change of 1933, but also in the years before The pastorage could be picked up, the description of the history of the brotherhood of young theologians in Schleswig-Holstein may have proven or confirmed.

In response to the question from the preliminary remark to this essay about the importance of the church for our people in the face of the approaching National Socialism, I come to the conclusion that in the Schleswig-Holstein regional church, Christians were given little in the way of affirmation that would have motivated democracy and the decision for the republic; And just as little that would have enabled them to withstand the spirit in the name of Jesus Christ, which then found its 'terrible expression in the National Socialist regime of violence', as the Stuttgart confession of guilt stated in 1945.

Pastor Beuck seems to me to be right on the question of resistance when he writes in his' life report ':' The first thing that was decisive was whether and how resistance was offered before 1933; here the Christians have largely failed. They recognized the ungodliness of the communists and therefore rejected them; They did not recognize the National Socialists' disguised hostility towards Christianity. - Both attacked the Christian substance, the left openly, the right concealed, so concealed that many Christians allowed themselves to be misled and won over by the NSDAP slogan 'fight against godless communism'. "

swell

  • Circular letters from the “Brotherhood of Young Theologians” in the Harald Torp estate, archive of the North Elbe Church Office in Kiel (NEKA), inventory of the Confessing Church, fasc. 1.
  • Martin Beuck: Report on the brotherhood, 1972, NEKA archive, Beuck submission.
  • Martin Beuck: Life report , 1982, NEKA archive, Beuck release.
  • Johannes Moritzen: I walked in nine gardens. A life report , Breklum: Breklumer Verlag 1979.

literature

  • Friedrich Hammer : Directory of the pastors of the Schleswig-Holstein regional church 1864–1976 , Neumünster: Wachholtz o. J.
  • Paul M. Dahl: Experienced church history. The time of the church committees in the Ev.-Luth. State Church of Schleswig-Holstein 1935–1938. Manuscript completed in 1980, revised for the Internet and edited. by Matthias Dahl, Christian Dahl and Peter Godzik 2017 ( online version ). There in particular the biographical information on the persons mentioned, p. 114 ff.
  • Christian Dethleffsen: Pastoral existence in the final phase of the Weimar Republic. The “brotherhood of young theologians” in Schleswig-Holstein 1929–1933 , in: Klauspeter Reumann (Ed.): Church and National Socialism. Contributions to the history of the church struggle in the Protestant regional churches of Schleswig-Holstein , Neumünster: Karl Wachholtz 1988, pp. 49–70.
  • Klauspeter Reumann: The Altona pastor and Flensburg provost Karl Hasselmann. Stations of ecclesiastical political change (1933 to 1945) , in: ders. (Ed.): Church and National Socialism. Contributions to the history of the church struggle in the Protestant regional churches of Schleswig-Holstein , Neumünster: Wachholtz 1988, pp. 85–131.
  • Johannes Jürgensen: Church and National Socialism - Challenges of the clergy in the spring of 1933 , in: Dietrich Werner (Ed.): No future without memory. Contributions to Breklum mission and regional history , Neumünster: Wachholtz 2007, pp. 209–235.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b Federal Archives : Beuck, Martin (1897–1988): ordained 1925, 1926 youth pastor in Elmshorn, 1927 pastor in Süderau, 1933–1964 pastor in Wacken; Estate of Ev.-Luth. Church in Northern Germany - State Church Archives: diaries, sermons, history of the Wacken parish, theological essays, collection of material, etc. a. on political development and the Confessing Church ( inventory and biography details ).
  2. ^ A b Fölster, Heinrich (1894–1949): 1923 pastor in Neuendorf, 1928 in Pinneberg; Lutheran comradeship.
  3. ↑ a b Kardel, Johannes Rudolf Michael Heinrich born November 6, 1887 in Nortorf; 2.11.1913 ord. in Schleswig; Provincial Vicar in Hadersleben; Provincial Vicar in Broacker; May 3, 1914 pastor in Atzerballig / Alsen; 1.5.1921 pastor in Bruges; 11/10/1929 pastor in Adelby I; 1.12.1957 em .; July 19, 1968 died in Neustadt / Holstein (hammer directory, p. 191). Memories of Pastor Kardel in Adelbyer Kirchenbote, June – August 2016, pp. 10–12.
  4. ↑ Lafrenz, born August 8th, 1890. in Kleinbarkau; May 16, 1920 ord .; Provincial Vicar in Kiel; November 7, 1920; Compastor in Lunden (south); 10.10.1926 pastor in Bordesholm; March 18, 1934 pastor in Kappeln II; 1.12.1938 em .; May 31, 1964 died in Hamburg-Groß Flottbek (hammer directory, p. 216).
  5. ↑ a b c d e Petersen, Erik (1893–1968): 1923 pastor in Neumünster, 1932 in Flensburg; 1934 Provost of Nordangeln in Sörup. Peter Vogt about him in 1988: "With Propst Erik Petersen, there was a man at the head of the Propstei Nordangeln since January 1, 1934, who continues to actively support the 'German Christians' (DC). The first north angler confidante of the Confessing Church (BK), Pastor Torp from Glücksburg, wrote in retrospect about Petersen in 1958: '... The provost in Sörup unfortunately had to be denied allegiance in spiritual matters ...' the deeply religious person who had only joined the wrong movement and who was therefore sincerely regretted then and now. "(in: Klauspeter Reumann (Ed.): Church and National Socialism ... , 1988, p. 341.)
  6. ^ A b Schmidt, Karl Wilhelm Peter July 26, 1892 born. in Hadersleben; May 30, 1920 ord. in Kiel (Ansgar); Provincial Vicar in Flensburg (St. Marien); November 7, 1920 pastor in Simonsberg; December 19, 1926 pastor in Neumünster IV (Tungendorf); August 14, 1932 pastor in Flensburg (St. Petri I); April 14, 1946 pastor in Steinberg / Nordangeln; 1.12.1948 em .; 9.5.1953 camp pastor in Wentorf; September 29, 1958 camp pastor in Lübeck-Blankensee; October 1, 1959 DA in Bornhöved I (Hammer directory, p. 340).
  7. ↑ a b Torp, Harald (1892–1972): 1920 provincial vicar in Mölln, 1921 in Laboe; 1921 pastor in Brokdorf, 1927 in Kappeln, 1932 in Glücksburg; 1946 Provost of Nordangeln.
  8. ↑ M. Beuck: Lebensbericht , 1982, p. 80, NEKA, Abgabe Beuck.
  9. ↑ This refers to the 2nd article of the creed , which contains redemption through Jesus Christ (see Luther's Small Catechism ).
  10. ^ Haase, Waldemar Ernst Heinrich, born December 7, 1894. in Kiel-Dietrichsdorf; 6.8.1922 ord. in heather; Vicar in Heiligenhafen; December 17, 1922 pastor in Marne; October 9, 1927 pastor in Neumünster VII (Vicelin-West); 1.4.1960 em .; August 7th, 1969 died in Neumünster (hammer directory, p. 123).
  11. ↑ http://d-nb.info/012970832
  12. ↑ http://d-nb.info/012907723
  13. ↑ a b Schmidt, Ludwig: born October 27, 1896. in Altona; 25.10.1928 ord .; Provincial Vicar in Tellingstedt; December 9, 1928 pastor in Lägerdorf / Itzehoe; December 1931 parish administrator in Kronprinzenkoog; Dismissed in 1932, active in a non-regional church religious community (Hammer directory, p. 340). The “non-regional religious community” is probably the branch of the “Community in the Evangelical Church Kiel” in Voorde (today Flintbek), see history of the community ( online ).
  14. ↑ http://d-nb.info/012817880
  15. ↑ Federal Archives: Dethleffsen, Christian (1922–2004): 1941 to 1944 soldier of the cavalry in Ludwigslust / Mecklenburg, France, the USSR, Denmark and Italy. 1944 to 1947 prisoner of war, began studying theology at the École de théologie Montpellier; Continuation in Bethel, Kiel, Heidelberg and Copenhagen. 1952 and 1953 exams and ordination in Kiel. 1953 vicar in Heide, 1954 pastor in Heide; 1973 pastor in Pinneberg. Retired on December 31, 1985. Estate: Ev.-Luth. Church in Northern Germany - State Church Archives: Collection on the Nazi era and contemporary history; Publications from the GDR ( inventory and biography details ).
  16. ↑ M. Beuck: Lebensbericht , 1982, p. 56 f.
  17. ↑ a b c Federal Archives: Moritzen, Johannes (1889–1980): 1916 pastor in Jels, 1920 pastor in Krusendorf, 1929 pastor in Kiel, 1937 pastor in Friedrichstadt, 1946 pastor in Schönkirchen, retired in 1956; Partial estate 1: Ev.-Luth. Church in Northern Germany - Landeskirchliches Archiv: Material collection “Fight against alcohol”, private and business correspondence ( inventory and biography details ); Autobiography: Johannes Moritzen: I walked in nine gardens. A life report , Breklum: Breklumer Verlag 1979.
  18. ↑ M. Beuck: Lebensbericht , 1982, p. 58.
  19. ^ Roager, Max Niels Hoeck, born May 27, 1895 in Fauderup, Krs. Tondern; November 4, 1923 ord. in leak; Vicar in Büdelsdorf; December 27, 1925 pastor in Rendsburg-Neuwerk III (Büdelsdorf); 11/15/1933 come. Pastor in Hamburg-Lokstedt; December 3, 1933 pastor in Hamburg-Lokstedt I; November 2nd, 1950 died in Hamburg-Lokstedt (Hammer directory, p. 317).
  20. ↑ See Johannes Jürgensen: Church and National Socialism - Challenges of the Clergy in Spring 1933 , in: Dietrich Werner (Ed.): No future without memory. Contributions to Breklum mission and regional history , Neumünster: Wachholtz 2007, pp. 209–235.
  21. ↑ Godt, Heinrich (born 1899): 1927 Pastor in Grube / Cismar, 1931 in Karlum, 1934 in Gundelsby, 1952 in Thumby-Struxdorf.
  22. ↑ http://d-nb.info/gnd/116647760
  23. ↑ http://d-nb.info/011252804
  24. ↑ a b Hach, Meno (born 1904): 1931 pastor in Ladelund, 1937 in Flensburg; 1952 Provost of Hütten in Eckernförde.
  25. ^ Sieveking, Georg Heinrich (1868–1934): 1895 pastor in Schleswig; 1912 Provost of Husum-Bredstedt, 1924 of Altona.
  26. ↑ a b Biogram Wilhelm Knuth
  27. ↑ a b Christiansen, Georg (1883–1952): 1912 pastor in Oxenwatt, 1915 in Schottburg, 1921 in Schiffbek, 1923–1951 in Altona.
  28. ↑ a b Thomsen, Christian (1898–1955): 1924 pastor in Sterley, 1930 in Altona-St. Petri, 1946 in Plön.
  29. ↑ Thedens, Otto (1899–1972): 1925 pastor in Pahlen, 1931 in Altona, 1942 in Breklum; 1956 Provost of Norderdithmarschen in Heide.
  30. ↑ Hildebrand, Ernst (1888–1962): 1916 pastor in Gnesau / Carinthia, 1927 in Hollingstedt, 1931 in Altona; 1946 Provost von Altona, KR in part-time position.
  31. ↑ Andersen, Anton Christian born 10.7.1887 in Flensburg; May 14, 1915 ord. in Süderbrarup; Provincial Vicar in Tyrstrup-Hjerntrup and Lügumkloster; 12.12.1915 pastor in Lügumkloster; January 29, 1922 pastor in Grömitz; November 27, 1927 Pastor in Bahrenfeld (Luther I); May 1937 unskilled worker in the regional church office, Kiel; 1.10.1938 Senior Consistorial Councilor in Kiel; 1.1.1946 em .; December 14, 1947 pastor in Kropp I; 1.3.1952 em .; September 10, 1954, died in Kropp (Hammer Directory, p. 15).
  32. ↑ a b Biogram Wolfgang Prehn
  33. ↑ a b Christiansen, Nikolaus (1891–1973): 1920 study inspector in Preetz; 1921 pastor in Holtenau; 1925 clerical unskilled worker in the state church office in Kiel, 1926 consistorial councilor, 1933 clerical vice-president of the state church office, June to October 1934 appointment to the church chancellery of the DEK, 1935 retirement, 1936–1956 pastor in Büsum; Biogram Nikolaus Christiansen
  34. ↑ Schetelig, Wilhelm (1886–1952): 1913 pastor in Sterley, 1924 in Hamburg-Niendorf, 1929 provost von Pinneberg, member of the regional church committee.
  35. ^ Schmidt, Johannes Friedrich Wilhelm born February 16, 1891 in Breitenfelde; November 2nd, 1919 ord. in Kiel; Vicar in Schleswig; Assistant chaplain in death field; May 16, 1920 pastor in Süderau II (lapwing row); September 25, 1927 Uetersen II; 1.10.1956 em .; December 3, 1971, died in Uetersen (Hammer Directory, p. 339).
  36. ↑ Biogram Hans Treplin
  37. ↑ Paul M. Dahl reported on this process in 1980: “On March 7, 1933, there was a sharp collision in the youth home at the Klosterkirchhof. Pastor Christian Thomsen gave a lecture on the Altona Confession of January 11, 1933. Knuth and Hasselmann had come from Altona. Konsistorialrat Nico Christiansen also appeared. The Altona Confession did not suit him at all. He demanded: Today another word from the Church is needed. Pastor Moritzen reported: 'Through Consistorial Councilor Christiansen, a tone came into the whole assembly that seemed strange and disturbing or provocative.' The students and pupils who were present were irritated by his gruff appearance and became restless. He encountered unexpected opposition 'from the youth who have a fine sense for whether a man is ready to deviate from the line of conviction in compromise with power.' Moritzen asked Christiansen what kind of word the church needed today. Then Christiansen countered vehemently whether this was all agreed game. He claimed that Moritzen had arranged it that way and ordered claqueurs. At this accusation, Moritz fell out of breath and was deeply affected. Despite a brotherly letter from Moritzen Christiansen stuck to his accusation, which Moritzen found deeply offensive. ”(Paul M. Dahl: Miterlebte Kirchengeschichte ... , 1980, p. 58 f.) Moritzen himself described the event in his book In nine gardens walked my foot. A life report , Breklum: Breklumer Verlag 1979, p. 92.
  38. ↑ Asmussen's personal circular, Kirchengemeindearchiv (KGA) Pinneberg.
  39. ↑ Christiansen's personal circular, KGA Luther, Altona, Altona Confession file.
  40. ^ Reply letter from the Altona members of the brotherhood to Christiansen's previous letter and their discussion with him, KGA Luther, Altona, Altona Confession file.
  41. ↑ Niederdeutsche Kirchenzeitung (NKZ), issue 8 of April 15, 1933, pp. 139–142.
  42. ↑ Printed in: NKZ, H. 10 of May 15, 1933, p. 178 ff. As well as KD Schmidt: The Confessions of the Year 1933 , Göttingen 1934, p. 36 ff.
  43. ↑ See: Klauspeter Reumann: The pastor of Altona and Provost Karl Hasselmann from Flensburg. Stations of ecclesiastical political change (1933 to 1945) , in: ders. (Ed.): Church and National Socialism. Contributions to the history of the church struggle in the Protestant regional churches of Schleswig-Holstein , Neumünster: Wachholtz 1988, pp. 85–131.
  44. ↑ Lexicon entry
  45. ↑ M. Beuck: Lebensbericht , 1982, p. 86.
  46. ↑ Christian Dethleffsen: Pastoral existence in the final phase of the Weimar Republic ... , 1988, p. 68 ff.
  47. ↑ Dahl, Paul Matthias: born April 1st, 1911 in Flensburg; 10/26/1935 ord. in Harburg; November 15, 1935 vicar in Neukirchen / Südtondern; 4.6.1936 vicar in Rodenäs; 1.1.1937 vicar in Olderup; July 11, 1937 pastor in Olderup; February 15, 1948 pastor on Föhr (St. Laurentii); 1.7.1976 em. (Hammer directory, p. 71)
  48. ↑ Christian Dethleffsen's biogram
  49. ↑ Klauspeter Reumann's biogram and a review of his magnum opus
  50. ↑ Newspaper article about Johannes Jürgensen