Adolf Schlatter

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Adolf Schlatter, before 1907

Adolf Schlatter (born August 16, 1852 in St. Gallen ; † May 19, 1938 in Tübingen ) was a Swiss Protestant theologian and professor of New Testament and systematics in Bern , Greifswald , Berlinand Tübingen. He is the author of over 400 publications aimed at scholars and ordinary church members. His main research interests lay in the development of an “empirical theology” as well as the observational interpretation of the New Testament for experts and laypeople. In professional circles it is considered a theological original apart from the mainstreams of its time. Although he did not produce a school of thought, some of his works in are theology and church today rezipiert .

Life

Childhood and youth

Adolf Schlatter's childhood home in St. Gallen ( Switzerland )

Schlatter was the son of the merchant couple Hektor Stephan and Wilhelmine Schlatter and the grandson of the socially important pietist and ecumenist Anna Schlatter . He grew up with seven siblings, including the future writer Dora Schlatter , in a family home that was deeply rooted in the Christian faith . His father had after his marriage from the reformed national church renounced to it theologically as too liberal was, and with other believers an Evangelical Free Church founded. His mother had remained loyal to her church. The confessional difference between his parents that resulted was formative for Schlatter and his siblings: The paths parted as they walked to church . Nevertheless, his parents always stuck together in matters of faith and conveyed to their children that it was not church affiliation and theology, but the person of Jesus and belief in him that was the foundation of Christianity. This distinction applied to his parents, but even more so to his grandmother, expressly for his relationship with fellow Catholic Christians. In addition to his biblical piety, the young Schlatter had the experience of a confessional breadth that was unusual for that time. The parents introduced their children to the beauty of nature on numerous hikes through the Alpine region . The high esteem for creation , which Schlatter tirelessly emphasized as a theologian, began here.

During his schooldays (1858–1869) the young Schlatter proved to be extremely talented in languages ​​and therefore received some private lessons, including Greek , Latin and Hebrew . His teacher Franz Misteli guided him to the meticulous philological observation that later became the methodological basis of his theology. In addition, there was first contact with the philosophy of Kant and Hegel and a strong commitment in a church forerunner of the Christian Association of Young People .

Contrary to the hopes of his parents, he initially refused to study theology out of fear that it might destroy his faith. When his eldest sister Lydia questioned this decision, he suddenly realized "that if I cowardly withdraw from my studies, I will not save my faith, but have given it up". Thereupon he ventured to study as a step in faith: "To those who ask me about the day of my conversion , I am inclined to answer that my decision to study theology was my conversion."

Adolf and Susanna Schlatter, b. Schoop as a young couple shortly after their wedding in 1878

Studies, parish office, family

From 1871, Adolf Schlatter initially studied Protestant theology in Basel . Here he lived through a crisis-ridden time of searching, triggered mainly by his preoccupation with Spinoza , but also essential insights from the lectures in philosophy by Karl Steffensen (1816–1888), who stumbled upon him that all thoughts (including “ pure reason “) Are products of their history .

His Tübingen semesters (1873–1874) were under the impression of Johann Tobias Beck , whose connection between personal existential belief and scientific research made such a deep impression on Schlatter that he could later describe himself as "Beck's successor".

He passed his exam in Basel in 1875 with the highest grade.

A short parish vicariate in Kilchberg (1875) was followed by a diaconate in Neumünster / Lake Zurich (1875–1876), whose most formative event was the intensive involvement with the Catholic systematist and philosopher Franz von Baader .

At the time, in which he in Kesswil a rectory stopped (1877-1880), he married Susanna Schoop. His marriage was extremely happy. The couple had five children.

The publication of an article on the " Christology of the Sermon on the Mount " (1879) drew the attention of the Evangelical Society of Bern to the pastor from Kesswil. She was looking for a " positive " (ie not theologically liberal ) candidate for a teaching position at the Bernese theological faculty . On the basis of her request , Schlatter completed his habilitation at the University of Bern in just four weeks with a 200-page work on John the Baptist .

Private lecturer in Bern

The main building of the University of Bern (1909)

In 1880 Adolf Schlatter became a private lecturer at the University of Bern ; at the same time he was a religion teacher at the Lerberschule . At the beginning of the teaching activity he was almost left to his own devices, as the college (with the exception of like-minded Samuel Oettli ) refused to speak to him, who had been employed at the instigation of the "Church Association" in opposition to the faculty. So he was looking for the broadest possible approach to academic theology. His early lectures cover both Old and New Testament topics , church and dogma history, systematic theology and philosophy . In the course of his research he distinguished himself from both “liberal theology” and from naive biblicism , which is content with a purely literal, unhistorical understanding of biblical texts. These years of apprenticeship formed the most creative phase in Schlatter's life, in which he laid the foundation for both the breadth of his theological work, which was later often admired, and the peculiarities of his theological work. On the occasion of a competition in 1885, he submitted a 600-page work entitled “Faith in the New Testament”, which is highly regarded in the theological world to this day. With this study he achieved the scientific breakthrough that led to his appointment as associate professor by the University of Bern in 1888 - but with this move, the University of Bern was no longer able to prevent its colleague from leaving.

Professor for the New Testament in Greifswald

Adolf Schlatter (1888)
Memorial plaque for Adolf Schlatter in Bahnhofstrasse 46/47 in Greifswald

In 1888 Schlatter accepted a call to the University of Greifswald for the chair of the New Testament . A defining element during this time was his friendship with Hermann Cremer and the Lutheranism there , which he learned to appreciate as a Reformed but which he later also dealt critically with. Due to their shared belief in Jesus Christ, both saw each other as scriptural theologians who hoped for a renewal of theology by deepening the knowledge of the biblical scriptures (especially in their terminology).

Together with Cremer, Schlatter fought for a scientific alternative to Albrecht Ritschl's dominant theological school at the time . Here he received both the scientific exchange among colleagues and the number of listeners that he had always longed for. He saw his task in guiding the students to leave the fearful tradition and teacher ties behind and to cultivate independent knowledge . This was followed by his “Introduction to the Bible ” for the lay hand, in which, in his opinion, he took up justified observations of historical-critical theology (e.g. pseudepigraphy ) and the idea of ​​“pious lying” to secure his own view Refused about the Bible.

A three-month trip to Palestine in 1891 not only increased Schlatter's knowledge of the Holy Land , but also resulted in an extraordinarily positive attitude towards Judaism for the time, as well as a warning to the church against anti-Semitism and an admission of Christian guilt .

Professor for Systematic Theology in Berlin

Adolf von Harnack - Schlatter's antipode in Berlin

In 1893 Schlatter was appointed to a newly established professorship for systematic theology in Berlin by ministerial decree . The occasion for this was the so-called “ Apostolic Controversy ” between the liberal Ordinarius Adolf von Harnack and the church public. Schlatter, as a systematist of the “church-positive” direction, should now represent this at the faculty. Despite the conflicting initial conditions (whereby the criticism mainly related to the interference by the Berlin Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs), Schlatter was warmly received by his colleagues. He and his antipode Adolf von Harnack in particular had an intensive and friendly exchange in which the theological contradictions were nevertheless openly and controversially discussed. This ability to separate person and thing was downright a personality trait of Schlatter. He himself described Christology as the core of its contradictions: “Whether we were shown Jesus as he is, whether we saw what he gives us, or whether the New Testament disappeared behind our 'science', that was the question that came between me and the liberals stood. Harnack's dogma required him to look for a 'religion' in Jesus that connected 'the soul' to God. […] The historical (on the other hand) was the past, the individualized and consequently limited, the bark, without which no tree grows, but which remains useless. Only through the 'myth' did history acquire the absolute meaning of divine speech and effect [...] That is why Harnack instructed us to look for its 'essence' behind Christianity. However, this 'being' had no content that could be clearly understood. The goal to be desired appeared to be an internalization of the individual who, along with history, inevitably lost communion and felt the church merely as an oppressive burden. The history of dogma thus became evidence that dogma had destroyed itself. So the question between me and him was […] what Jesus is ”. On the other hand, Schlatter emphasized that Jesus was conveyed precisely through the historicity of the New Testament message and its ecclesiastical reception: he saw the“ essence of Christianity ”precisely in the union with the Original Christianity in what it communicates to the Church through the biblical writings of Jesus.

During his time in Berlin, Schlatter made friendly contacts with Friedrich von Bodelschwingh , which led to the jointly initiated educational project of the “Bethel Theological Weeks”. But this could not hide the fact that he felt increasingly lonely in his professionally isolated position at the Berlin faculty.

Professor of New Testament and Systematic Theology in Tübingen

Adolf Schlatter at the chair. Silhouette by Gerhard Lüling
Adolf Schlatter with his wife Susanna and their five children
Grave in the Tübingen city cemetery

In this situation, the Protestant theological faculty in Tübingen campaigned for Schlatter. He recognized the chance to continue the legacy of his important teacher Johann Tobias Beck there and started there in 1898. Contrary to his hopes, Schlatter initially remained lonely: there was hardly any collegial exchange (the only notable exception was the intensive fellowship with the young Karl Holl ). His student body was quite open to discussion (for which he was grateful), but consisted almost exclusively of non- Württemberg citizens . It took Schlatter ten years to really gain a foothold in the Württemberg Church . Obstacles were 1.) the listening expectations aroused by the religious history school , which Schlatter countered by explaining the New Testament with the help of inter-testament and rabbinical Judaism (instead of complex religious-historical comparisons), 2.) the double dominance of the Ritschl school and a mediation theology that strives to balance the conservative ecclesiasticalism , which struggled with the spirited and theologically resistant Schlatter, 3.) Schlatter's premature labeling as an "orthodox party man", who in turn 4.) on the part of Württemberg pietism due to his understanding of science, which also applies to believers the unprejudiced perception of reality (in his terminology the “act of sight”) required, was viewed critically.

At the end of this difficult first decade, his beloved wife Susanna died completely unexpectedly in 1907 and left a deep turning point in Schlatter's life. For the sake of his ministry he consciously renounced a second marriage, raised his children (two of whom were still going to school) alone and then immersed himself in theology to such an extent that the following seven years became his “most productive and at the same time theological” most fruitful phase of his academic activity ”became (Neuer). In an effort to summarize his life's work for posterity, he published about 4,000 pages of literature, including the exegetical and systematic main works "The Word of Jesus", "The Teaching of the Apostles", "The Christian Dogma" and "The Christian Ethics". He was now firmly established in the Württemberg student body and the regional church and in some cases was highly regarded. Schlatter recognized this in the midst of a rather skeptical inventory of his previous time in Tübingen, when the theological faculty of the University of Halle courted him in 1910 and numerous personalities from the faculty, student body and regional church emphatically (and successfully) campaigned for him to stay; in the following semesters some of his lectures had well over a hundred listeners.

The First World War cost about Schlatter's grief his youngest son Paul's life. Through a long period of depression he held lectures for 15 semesters after his retirement in 1922, in which he was able to look forward to a large audience. His listeners included later theological personalities such as Dietrich Bonhoeffer , Ernst Fuchs , Ernst Käsemann , Walther von Loewenich , Karl-Heinrich Rengstorf (1903-1992), Paul Schneider , Erich Seeberg and others. a. In doing so, his theses, which did not skimp on (sometimes harsh) criticism of contemporary exegesis, but sometimes bypassed direct discussion of its concrete assumptions, aroused not only approval but also rejection; so at first the young Karl Barth felt repulsed by Schlatter. However, Schlatter also saw himself as a pastor to his students who invested a lot of time and energy in consultation hours and "open evenings" in which he personally devoted himself to the individual questions and problems of his listeners and addressed them in the sense of a " Socratic method " ( Hans Brandenburg ) by asking questions about independent thinking and decision-making. Some of his students reported that they experienced this as encouraging, challenging and liberating from a certain pious narrowness.

From 1930 Schlatter's teaching activities were suspended. Instead, he devoted himself again to literary production, which, despite waning strength, continued until shortly before his death on May 19, 1938. During this time, important early works such as the commentaries on the Gospels of John and Luke or the Letter of James , but also a translation of the New Testament (published in 1931) and, above all, his commentary on the Epistle to the Romans under the title of God's Justice (1934), which became a classic . He already represented a reaction to the commentaries on the Roman epistles by Karl Barth and Paul Althaus and formulated in a criticism and extension of Martin Luther's Roman epistle lecture of 1515/16 that “it is not the individual justification of the sinner, but God's salvation, on the people of the Jews and the rest of the world of nations, aiming justice (of God) with individuals and in the church, is the real theme of the letter "(Neuer) - a thought that earned him a lot of criticism from numerous Lutherans, but which prevailed in the scientific interpretation of the Romans .

Special mention should be made of the last book from Schlatter's hand, Do we know Jesus? A walk through a year in conversation with him , which he "saw as his legacy" (Hans Stroh in the preface to the 4th edition of 1980). Written in generally understandable language and addressed to a broad readership, Schlatter linked in this book the story of Jesus Christ as he had perceived it in the four biblical Gospels with the testimony of the apostolic letters to one of his previous exegetical, systematic-theological and religious history Works processing synthesis of historical and instructive consideration. Although Schlatter divided his reflections into 366 sections for the daily reading, but do we know Jesus? not actually a devotional book. "It wants to provide reliable information, wants to convey what is absolutely necessary if one wants to understand and follow Jesus." (Hans Stroh) Schlatter wrote this "his last great work out of deep concern about the future path of the German people, which he based on of National Socialist antichristism was deeply endangered ”, in the face of which he“ tried to paint Jesus Christ once more for the readers as the only viable basis for the life of the individual and the people. ”(Werner Neuer)

plant

overview

Adolf Schlatter at his desk in Tübingen

Schlatter's theological research extends interdisciplinary over three areas: With regard to the New Testament , he became known on the one hand through his exegetical comments, which were addressed to a broad public, but on the other hand through his numerous works on inter- testament and rabbinic Judaism , whose ideas he - for the first time in the History of research - used to understand the New Testament. In systematic theology , he drafted a dogmatics and ethics which, due to their intellectual independence, are among the greatest challenges in theology studies . The philosophy he enriched among others posthumously with a " metaphysics " who see him as a representative of a " Critical Realism identifies". From 1897 he was co-editor of the journal Contributions to the Promotion of Christian Theology alongside Hermann Cremer .

Basic principles

Schlatter's scientific approach is based on a basic anthropological view that was conveyed to him by the writings of Franz von Baader , namely the pre-order of receiving before action : “The shape of our consciousness given to us shows us [...] that all action is based on our receiving and all speech is based on our hearing ”. This pre-order runs like a red thread through his entire theology and philosophy. In his opinion, this basic disposition can be exhibited in all activities of personal life.

Schlatter makes the precondition of perception before judgment as a prerequisite for all scientific thinking : “Science is firstly seeing and secondly seeing and thirdly seeing and seeing again and again.” Judgment is only possible and meaningful after “clean observation” of what is available. With this approach, which in current Schlatter research is seen in the neighborhood of phenomenology , he stands in opposition to the Ritschl school which predominated in theology of his time . This was largely determined by the " German idealism " of Immanuel Kant , whose philosophy is based on " synthetic a priori judgments ". Schlatter counters this: “A 'pure reason' that could think without receiving is a phantom when spoken of by humans”. Every hasty system formation that puts a speculation or a theory of being before its observation leads, according to Schlatter, to false, misleading knowledge.

According to Schlatter, one can only come across God on the path of consistent perception . He was convinced of the revelation of God in creation and in Jesus Christ , which is revealed through careful observation of nature and history. Faith and (properly pursued) science are therefore not mutually exclusive for him, but rather include one another.

Schlatter as an exegete

According to Schlatter, the story in which God shows himself to people becomes perceptible through the biblical writings . When he was asked once whether he stood 'on the Scriptures', Schlatter replied: 'I stand under the Scriptures!' And declared: 'I reject the theologians' mastery of theologians 'standing on the Scriptures' and rising above them in all forms ab, the orthodox as well as the rational, the dogmatically speculating as the historically criticizing. ”To be under the scripture meant for him to read it“ critically ”, whereby he understood by“ criticism ”pure, attentive observation, the any hypothesis formation is subordinated and which aims entirely at the appropriation of writing. In his commentaries on biblical books he sharpens the philological observation of every possible detail, works out the linguistic statistical characteristics of the respective authors and prefers to use the understanding of Judaism at the time of Jesus for explanation. He combines this to create an integrative perception of the overall theological design of the individual writings, without dealing with literary-critical , formal or religious-historical constructions. For this reason, he often remains conservative-traditional in introductory questions , for example when he considers the apostles of the same name as the author of the Gospel of Matthew or John or, in a variant of the (at that time still young) two-source theory, describes Matthew as the oldest Gospel and Mark as its summary. The impartial, precise observation of the text, in turn, led him beyond a traditional understanding of biblical texts, for example in the interpretation of Romans. His “realistic interpretation of the Bible” often brought Schlatter into conflict with contemporary currents in theology, which rejected this independent method as “unscientific”. On the other hand, it sparked a new interest in research into the New Testament terms and thus initiated the project of a “Theological Dictionary for the New Testament” (ThWNT). Methodologically, for Schlatter, history and theology were not a contradiction, but a unity. Therefore he resisted all attempts to exclude the idea of ​​God from a mere historical-critical examination of the biblical scriptures: "Atheistic methods in theology", which separate belief from knowledge, he rejects as inappropriate for theological and scientific reasons.

Schlatter as a systematic theologian

Schlatter's positive relationship with nature often led him to the mountains: Here with his son Theodor in 1921.

Schlatter's main systematic work “The Christian Dogma” (1911) also follows the empirical approach in that it includes the perception of creation in the formulation of statements of faith. He methodically follows the biblical understanding of the revelation of God, according to which "everything that exists is related to God and somehow his strength and his will are visible". This approach, which is in stark contradiction to German idealism , is reflected in a structure that has been singular in Protestant dogmatics to date: the first half of his book offers an empirical anthropology that includes a doctrine of creation , sin , grace and natural God includes. The - according to the above understanding - critical perception of creation already shows the outlines of the personal, holy and loving God. Much is confirmed by the perception of the work of redemption (mediated by the biblical scriptures) and supplemented by the knowledge of the incarnate and exalted Son of God . On the other hand, Schlatter decided not to describe the essence of God, which would necessarily be speculative in nature: he concentrated entirely on a “theology of facts”. Finally, Schlatter's “Christian Ethics” (1914), which also took unfamiliar paths, shows, based on Plato's cardinal virtues , how communion with God and the resulting shaping of personal life according to God's will is the basis of all social-ethical action. For him, social ethics are consistently based on individual ethics . He performs both according to the Christian understanding, but by including creation and the concept of natural law, he builds bridges to non-believers. The abundance of problems dealt with, some of which look far into the future (such as the basics of an “ ecological ethics”) made this book a reference work that has been sought after by politicians and lawyers for many decades. Schlatter was particularly interested in the connection between faith and love: Inspired by the Catholic Franz von Baader , he insisted in his published lecture "The Service of Christians in Older Dogmatics" that Christian faith is not based solely on consolation (the " Quietiv ”), but rather carries the“ motive ”for active love service to one's neighbor . Here he found - already applied to Luther , whom he was able to severely criticize - a weakness in Protestantism in general.

Schlatter as a philosopher

Schlatter's “Empirical Theology” correlates with an epistemology that he formulated in contrast to Immanuel Kant and Friedrich Schleiermacher . In a “ Metaphysics ” (1915), which he could no longer make up his mind to go to print during his lifetime, he formulated the main features of a “critical realism” that was between phenomenalism and “ naive realism ” (that of a mere depiction of reality in human Perception) takes into account the constructive part of human knowledge and dynamic (powerful) reality in equal measure. The preparatory work for this was his published lecture “The philosophical work since Cartesius . Your ethical and religious output ”, in which he perceived in an overview the peculiarities of the most important philosophical drafts in their historical becoming critical and yet with an impartial willingness to learn.

Classification and reactions

Schlatter was discovered and promoted by representatives of a "positive theology" in order to form a counterweight to the mainstream of " liberal theology " (especially in the form of the Ritschl school) compatible with pietism . Nevertheless, he never fit into the grid of mere biblicism : “For me [...] the two activities - faith and criticism - never separated into a contradiction, so that one time I would have believed in the Bible, the other time critically, but rather I thought critically because I believed in the Bible, and I believed in it because I read it critically. ”For today's reader, it is all the more difficult to classify as Schlatter only very sporadically refers to literature in his main works, but rather to literature Knowledge of numerous theological views, which he (often implicitly) criticizes, assumes. This peculiarity of giving priority to primary sources of knowledge over the dialogue with secondary literature in principle attracted criticism during his time. Some of Schlatter's works could also polarize their content. Representatives of “liberal theology” occasionally questioned their scientific nature - in some cases only to be rehabilitated decades later. Proponents of Pietism, on the other hand, were irritated when he included results of historical-critical biblical studies in the interpretation that contradicted their traditional understanding of Scripture - most of all in his "Introduction to the Bible". Many of his publications - such as "The Service of Christians in Older Dogmatics" or the "Christian Dogma", his comments or his philosophical treatises - were received positively by the majority across school boundaries.

The relationship between Schlatter and the “ dialectical theology ” that emerged in the 1920s was complex : Although Karl Barth omitted Schlatter in his general criticism of contemporary theology and saw him as a companion, he found no point of contact with his empirical approach. Schlatter, on the other hand, gave Barth's comment on the letter to the Romans a friendly, but with clear criticism, especially of Barth's understanding of God; He was more open to his dogmatics. Emil Brunner , Barth's first companion, who fell out with him over the question of the revelation of creation, later confessed that he had learned a lot from Schlatter; conversely, Schlatter was also positive about Brunner's writings. With Rudolf Bultmann , Schlatter initially found many of his own influences, but was most critical of him, since it ultimately led to an “atheistic theology”.

All of this makes Adolf Schlatter appear as an independent (and uncomfortable) thinker alongside the main theological currents. As such, however, he has exercised no small influence on theology up to the present day, without, however, having an educational effect. Those inspired by him include Friedrich Brunstäd , Paul Schneider , Paul Althaus , Otto Michel , Ernst Käsemann and Peter Stuhlmacher .

Church struggle at the beginning of National Socialism

Adolf Schlatter in old age

Towards the end of his life, Schlatter was confronted with National Socialism . He was hostile to him from the start. In his letters and in several public lectures in 1933, he sketched its political, theological and ecclesiastical objectives with an unrealistic sobriety and increasing rhetorical sharpness as dangerous, anti-Christian and oppressive. In view of the compulsory character of the new völkisch thinking, he insisted on freedom as a prerequisite for every national community: “A mass of enslaved people is not a people ... A people is not a slave house. We Christians, who have received and proclaim freedom, are truly nationalists. ”The national community“… does not become strong by disenfranchising, impoverishing and paralyzing its members. It is the protection of the individual, and it obliges him to the whole by granting him, the individual, the living conditions. ” He, who saw himself as a“ friend of the Jews ”since his visit to Palestine, was deeply repugnant to the National Socialist racial ideology ; he accused her of being ultimately hostile to the people: “If we founded the people solely on race, we would tear the people apart. [...] We Germans are not a product of race, but of history over which the name of God stood. ”The“ German nationality ”in itself cannot be recognized as a special value on the Christian side,“ because our holiest and best is not man , not even the heroic man, not even the Germanic man, the Nordic man, and not the nutrition, the well-being, the honor and power of the Germanic peoples is our highest concern ”. Schlatter attacked the National Socialist leader cult with particular sharpness : "The fate of our people does not depend on the special achievements of individuals, but on the loyalty with which everyone uses the divine gifts that carry our lives." He remarks sarcastically: "No Caesar stays". When a leader "denies the service character of political rule and makes his rule an end in itself, he destroys the foundation of the ethnic community". The “call for the total state” becomes “pure nonsense when he wanted to say that there is nothing but the state, the state can do everything, the state exists before there are people. Man stands before the state with everything that makes him human ”. His concern was the abandonment of the religious life, which would make Christians “useless for the state”: “One cannot form a living community from those who have died inside. Even Adolf Hitler does not create a German paradise out of withered fig trees ”. Throughout his life, Schlatter had emphasized that Jesus belonged to Judaism and - compared to other theologians of his time - gave extremely friendly assessments of Judaism. Although he rejected the so-called “ Aryan Paragraph ” on the whole, he did not take the step towards open resistance: he was unable to advocate a “right to be elevated to an office”. In the course of the creation of the " Bethel Confession ", he rejected the demand made in its draft that the Gentile Christians should "rather expose themselves to persecution [...] than [...] the church brotherhood with the Jewish Christians [...]" with the comment that the “fellowship with the people's comrades” was “more important at this hour than the fellowship with the Jewish Christians”, although at the same time he rejected the theology of the “German Christians”. Whether this inconsistent hesitation had something to do with a latent anti-Judaism related to contemporary Judaism or rather with his advanced age, which he complained to his friend Wilhelm Lütgert, has not yet been finally clarified. This also fits in with the fact that Schlatter decided not to sign the “Declaration of 300 German University Professors” in March 1933, which welcomed Hitler's takeover (unlike fourteen of his colleagues in Tübingen). On the other hand, however, he signed the lesser-known "Tübingen Sentences" in May 1934, which supported the distressed Württemberg bishop Theophil Wurm , but represented a program dominated by the theology of the "German Christians". Despite extensive correspondence with the “ Confessing Church ” with regard to its rejection of the “ German Christians ”, he did not join it, as the dialectical theology that prevailed there, influenced by Karl Barth , rejected an understanding of nature as a revelation of God (which was essential for him) - that is for theological reasons.

In the literature, it was discussed to what extent Schlatter should be considered the founder of "Tübingen scientific-theological anti-Semitism" (his successor Gerhard Kittel (1888–1948) and his assistant Walter Grundmann (1906–1976) are proven representatives of racial and ethnic hostility towards Jews) . The stumbling block is a writing by Schlatter from 1935, in which he says that Jesus is the conqueror and the greatest enemy of Judaism: “The Nordic soul is therefore designed to feel something of the greatness of Jesus because it detests those who are themselves cowardly and feebly only strive for their own well-being. No one fought against this abuse of life as seriously and as victoriously as Jesus did. Judaism has never had a more powerful adversary than him. ”Others understand the deliberate scripture in exactly the opposite sense as“ an almost passionate rejection of the glorification of the Aryan-Nordic race on the one hand and the disdain for the Jewish race on the other ”. They contain u. a. a seemingly prophetic warning of a “battlefield full of corpses and ruins” as a consequence of the National Socialist ideology. In its context, the quoted sentence should be understood as an (albeit unsuccessful) attempt to use its own arguments to reduce National Socialism to an absurdity in order to bring people who have been seduced by it to their senses. The Gestapo "confiscated and confiscated the text because of its unobjective position on the ideological and racial problems of the National Socialist state" and placed it on the " list of harmful and undesirable literature ".

Schlatter's passionate rejection of National Socialism and biological racism has now been documented by Werner Neuer’s academic Schlatter biography , which is based on extensive studies of his estate. The thesis that Schlatter was an anti-Semite is not supported in current theological specialist literature.

Appreciations

There is an Adolf Schlatter Archive and an Adolf Schlatter Foundation in Stuttgart . In Tübingen the "Adolf-Schlatter-Haus" on Österbergstrasse is named after him and in Recke the "Adolf-Schlatter-Heim" is named after him .

Selected works

  • Atheist Methods in Theology. In: Contributions to the promotion of Christian theology 9, 1905, H. 5. Reprinted in: Adolf Schlatter: Zur Theologie des Neue Testament und zur Dogmatik . Small fonts. Edited with an introduction by Ulrich Luck, Munich 1969, pp. 134–150.
  • Participate in suffering. Berlin 1934.
  • The Christian dogma. Calw / Stuttgart 1911.
  • The gospel according to Luke. Explained from its sources. Stuttgart 1931.
  • The letter of James. Calwer club bookstore 1932.
  • The service of Christians in older dogmatics. 1897 ( The Christian Ministry , 1999 reprint).
  • John the Evangelist. How he speaks, thinks and believes. A commentary on the 4th Gospel. Stuttgart 1930.
  • The Evangelist Matthew. His language, his goal, his independence. A commentary on the first gospel. Stuttgart 1929.
  • Faith in the New Testament. 4th edition. Stuttgart 1927 (and reprints)
  • The letters to the Galatians, Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon, designed for Bible readers. EzNT 7, Stuttgart 1962.
  • The letters of Peter, Judas, James, the letter to the Hebrews. EzNT 9, Stuttgart 1965.
  • The Acts of the Apostles. Stuttgart 1961.
  • Christian ethics. Stuttgart 1914.
  • The story of the Christ. Stuttgart 1921.
  • The grounds of Christian certainty. Calw 1917.
  • Philosophical work since Cartesius. Your religious and ethical return. 4th edition. Stuttgart 1959.
  • The Theology of the New Testament (two volumes). Calw / Stuttgart 1909 and 1910.
  • Introduction to the Bible. Calw / Stuttgart 1889.
  • Explanations on the New Testament (EzNT) [series of comments on all New Testament writings, revised by Theodor Schlatter], Stuttgart 1961–1965.
  • Gospel and service to the people. Gotha 1932.
  • God's righteousness. A comment on Romans. Stuttgart 1935.
  • Haering, Theodor von , ( Verlag JF Steinkopf ) Stuttgart 1918.
  • Help in Bible trouble. Collected works on the written question. Velbert 1926.
  • Do we know jesus A year of conversation with him. Stuttgart 1937.
  • Markus. The evangelist for the Greeks. Stuttgart 1935.
  • Metaphysics. A sketch. Ed. U. transcr. v. Werner Neuer, in: Journal for Theology and Church, Supplement 7, Tübingen 1987.
  • Paul, the messenger of Jesus. An interpretation of his letters to the Corinthians. Stuttgart 1934.
  • Review of my life's work. Gütersloh 1952.
  • From service to theology and the church. (Furche-Verlag) Berlin.
  • Will the Jew win over us? A word for the Christmas season. Freizeit-Blätter No. 8 (25 pages), Freizeiten-Verlag Velbert, Essen 1935.
  • Sacrifice - a waiver? MBK-Verlag, Bad Salzuflen 1935.
  • Our Father - An Interpretation of the Lord's Prayer. Furche-Verlag, Berlin 1938.

An almost complete bibliography of his over 400 titles is available in the compilation printed as a manuscript: Adolf Schlatter Foundation (Ed.): Das Schrifttum Adolf Schlatters , Neustetten o. J. (1980).

literature

The standard work for Schlatter's life and work is now:

  • Werner Neuer : Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church , Stuttgart 1996.

The following works also provide information:

  • Albert Bailer: The systematic principle in the theology of Adolf Schlatter . Stuttgart 1968.
  • SF Dintaman: Creative Grace. Faith and History in the Theology of Adolf Schlatter . New York 1993.
  • Eberhard Güting: On the requirements of Adolf Schlatter's systematic thinking . In: New journal for systematic theology and philosophy of religion . Volume 15, 1973, pp. 132-147.
  • Clemens Hägele: Scripture as a means of grace. Adolf Schlatter's doctrine of writing in its basic features . Stuttgart (Calwer Verlag) 2007
  • Heinzpeter Hempelmann : Adolf Schlatter as interpreter of the Holy Scriptures. Seven hermeneutic impulses . In: Theological Contributions . Volume 35, 2004, pp. 17-38.
  • Tanja Hetzer: Schlatter, Adolf , in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus , Volume 2/2, 2009, pp. 731–733
  • Gerrit Hohage: Preaching in the field of tension between office and person. An attempt to bring Luther's understanding of office and Schlatter's understanding of person into a homiletic conversation . Neukirchen-Vluyn 2005.
  • Irmgard Kindt: The idea of ​​unity. Adolf Schlatter's theology and its historical requirements. Stuttgart (Calwer Verlag) 1978
  • Ulrich Luck : Introduction . In: Adolf Schlatter: On the theology of the New Testament and on dogmatics. Small fonts. With an introduction edited by Ulrich Luck . Chr. Kaiser Verlag, Munich 1969.
  • Johannes von Lüpke : Perceiving God's gifts. Basic motifs of Adolf Schlatter's theology . In: Word and Service . Volume 27, 2003, pp. 277-292.
  • Werner Neuer: Schlatter, Adolf . In: Theological Real Encyclopedia . Volume 30, 1999, pp. 135-143.
  • Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter's understanding of history . In: Theological Contributions . Volume 35, 2004, pp. 39-54.
  • Werner Neuer: The connection between dogmatics and ethics in Adolf Schlatter. An Inquiry into the Foundation of Christian Ethics . Giessen 1986.
  • Werner Neuer: The ecumenical significance of Adolf Schlatter's theology . In: Klaus Bockmühl (ed.): The topicality of the theology of Adolf Schlatter . Giessen 1988.
  • Werner Neuer:  Schlatter, Adolf von. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 23, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-428-11204-3 , p. 27 f. ( Digitized version ).
  • Hans-Martin Rieger: Adolf Schlatter's doctrine of justification and the possibilities of ecumenical understanding . Stuttgart 2000.
  • J. Jürgen Seidel :  Adolf Schlatter. In: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL). Volume 9, Bautz, Herzberg 1995, ISBN 3-88309-058-1 , Sp. 232-235.  ( Article / beginning of article in Internet archive )
  • Leonore Siegele-Wenschkewitz : Adolf Schlatter's view of Judaism in a political context. The writing 'Will the Jew win over us?' from 1935 , in: Dies. (Ed.): Christian anti-Judaism and anti-Semitism. Theological and church programs of German Christians (Arnoldshainer Texte 85), Frankfurt a. M. 1994, pp. 95-110.
  • Jochen Walldorf: Realistic Philosophy. Adolf Schlatter's philosophical draft . Göttingen 1999.

Web links

Commons : Adolf Schlatter  - Collection of images, videos and audio files
Wikisource: Adolf Schlatter  - Sources and full texts

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Gerrit Hohage: Preaching in the field of tension between office and person. An attempt to bring Luther's understanding of office and Schlatter's understanding of person into a homiletic conversation . Neukirchen-Vluyn 2005, p. 158. See also Wilfried Härle : Adolf Schlatter . In: W. Härle / H. Wagner: Theologenlexikon . Munich 1987, pp. 209f .; Ulrich Luck: Introduction . In: Adolf Schlatter: On the theology of the New Testament and on dogmatics . Munich 1969, pp. 10-21.
  2. ↑ a b Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. Life, work, impact , web publication on the homepage of the Adolf Schlatter Foundation ( Memento from April 25, 2012 in the Internet Archive ), chap. IV. Schlatter's meaning is u. a. It is clear from the fact that Calwer Verlag continues to sell numerous works by Schlatter in new editions.
  3. ↑ Cf. on her J. Ninck: Anna Schlatter and her children . Leipzig, Hamburg 1934; Albrecht Ritschl: History of Pietism. Vol. 1: Pietism in the Reformed Church . Bonn 1880, pp. 541-564.
  4. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 13-16; 25-31.
  5. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 18-23.
  6. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 34-48.
  7. ↑ Adolf Schlatter: Review of my life's work . Stuttgart 2 1977, p. 36f.
  8. ↑ Schlatter was a member of the Schwizerhüsli Basel , as well as the Wingolfs connections in Greifswald, Berlin and Tübingen: in W. Betzler (Ed.): Gesamtverzeichnis des Wingolfs , Lichtenberg 1991.
  9. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 63.
  10. ↑ Adolf Schlatter: Review of my life's work . Stuttgart 2 1977, pp. 45f .; see. Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 66-77.
  11. ↑ See the compilation of the comments in Schlatter's personal letters from Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 123f .; 196ff; 284ff, 440ff.
  12. ↑ The work was long lost, but was rediscovered by Walter Michaelis and published posthumously: Walter Michaelis: From Adolf Schlatters Berner Zeit. On his hundredth birthday August 16, 1952 . Bern 1952; see. on the whole Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church , Stuttgart 1996, pp. 66–77.
  13. ^ On the whole, see Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 143-224.
  14. ^ Benedikt Bietenhard: Free High School Bern 1859 - 2009, 150 years of school history. Free High School Bern, accessed on March 9, 2020 .
  15. ↑ Almost all of them have been preserved in the form of handwritten manuscripts. For the following, see Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 164-175.
  16. ↑ Here he dealt with " Israel as God's people", Genesis , all the Gospels and the great letters (in particular the letter of James, from which he was always able to gain a lot - in contrast to, for example, Luther, who had called him a "straw epistle".)
  17. ↑ Here Schlatter read, among other things, "History of speculative theology since Cartesius" (it later became his book The Philosophical Work since Cartesius ), "Doctrine of Justification after its Movement in the History of the Church" and "Symbolism"
  18. ↑ In his lecture "Essence and Sources of Knowledge of God" Schlatter presented his approach of an "empirical theology" based on a theologically and philosophically responsible epistemology; It found its mature form in his late work, The Christian Dogma .
  19. ↑ Here Schlatter gave a lecture on Franz von Baader's philosophy, which he himself regarded as his "hobby".
  20. ↑ Peter Stuhlmacher described Schlatter's study in the foreword to the 6th edition printed in 1982 as "unsurpassed in its systematic cohesion and historical precision [...] to this day": Peter Stuhlmacher: On the reprint of Adolf Schlatter's 'The Faith in the New Testament' (Introduction to the 6th edition), Stuttgart 1982, p. VIII.
  21. ↑ See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 225-300.
  22. ↑ See the study by H.-M. Rieger: Adolf Schlatter's doctrine of justification and the possibilities of ecumenical understanding . Stuttgart 2000.
  23. ↑ Adolf Schlatter: Introduction to the Bible . Calw / Stuttgart 1889; see. also A. Schlatter: A word for my loyal Warner . In: Der Kirchenfreund 23, 1889, pp. 385–390.
  24. ↑ See his work on the topography and history of Palestine . Calw 1893. That this work was rejected by the professional world because of its empirical methodology and the limited amount of secondary literature, had hurt Schlatter deeply.
  25. ↑ See Schlatter: Israel's history from Alexander the Great to Hadrian . Calw 1901, p. 4; see. Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 280.
  26. ↑ Werner Neuer: Schlatter, Adolf . In: Theological Real Encyclopedia . Volume 30, 1999, pp. 135-143, here p. 137.
  27. ↑ The potential for conflict with this contract is clear from the fact that three candidates ( Martin Kähler , Reinhold Seeberg and Hermann Cremer ) had canceled before Schlatter . See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 292-297.
  28. ↑ See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 301-308.
  29. ↑ G. Hohage: Preaching in the field of tension between office and person. An attempt to bring Luther's understanding of office and Schlatter's understanding of person into a homiletic conversation . Neukirchen-Vluyn 2005, p. 158.
  30. ↑ Schlatter: Review of my life's work . Gütersloh 1952, p. 160f.
  31. ↑ See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 348-356.
  32. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 359-363.
  33. ↑ Schlatter was not alone in this way of working: Schlatter's contemporary Paul Billerbeck put together a four-volume commentary on the New Testament from the Talmud and Midrash (1922–1928). Others such as Karl-Heinrich Rengstorf (1903–1992), Otto Michel and nowadays Klaus Berger continued this approach later.
  34. ^ On this first decade, see Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 367-439.
  35. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 447.
  36. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 453-462.
  37. ↑ See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 522-527.
  38. ↑ Wilfried Härle , Harald Wagner : Theologenlexikon . Munich 2 1994, p. 239. Schlatter expressed his joy in several letters to his children, cf. Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 597. Walther von Loewenich confirms the number of up to 200 listeners : Erlebte Theologie. Encounters. Experience. Considerations , Munich 1979, p. 41.
  39. ↑ On the circumstances of continuing his teaching activity, cf. Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church. Stuttgart 1996, p. 592 ff.
  40. ↑ See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 598-599; for the earlier years, ibid. p. 459.
  41. ↑ See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 609-617.
  42. ↑ See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 688-708
  43. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church , Stuttgart 1996, p. 693f. The “Schlatter Translation” was not widely used, however, with around twelve thousand copies.
  44. ↑ Peter Stuhlmacher: Adolf Schlatter as a Paul interpreter - an attempt . In: A. Schlatter: God's justice. A commentary on Romans , Stuttgart 1991, SX
  45. ↑ a b c Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 790. Cf. on this subject the study by Hans-Martin Rieger: Adolf Schlatters Justification Theory and the Possibilities of Ecumenical Understanding . Stuttgart 2000.
  46. ↑ Adolf Schlatter: Do we know Jesus? A walk through a year in conversation with him . 4th edition, Stuttgart 1980, p. 15.
  47. ↑ See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 801: “Until April 1938 he worked on the second edition of his devotional book Do we know Jesus? The last little work he was still able to do was on the most important theme of his theological life work: the message, the work and the person of the incarnate, crucified and risen Christ. "
  48. ↑ Adolf Schlatter: Do we know Jesus? A walk through a year in conversation with him . 4th edition, Stuttgart 1980, p. 16.
  49. ↑ Heinzpeter Hempelmann / Johannes von Lüpke / Werner Neuer: Realistic Theology. An introduction to Adolf Schlatter . Gießen and Basel 2006, p. 26.
  50. ↑ So Schlatter in rendering of Franz von Baaders, quoted. in: Hans-Martin Rieger: Adolf Schlatters Justification Theory and the Possibilities of Ecumenical Understanding , Stuttgart 2000, p. 43ff.
  51. ↑ Adolf Schlatter: Atheistic Methods in Theology . In: Ders .: That. With a contribution by Paul Jäger ed. by Heinzpeter Hempelmann . Wuppertal 1985
  52. ↑ Cf. also Adolf Schlatter: Der Evangelist Matthäus. His language, his goal, his independence . Stuttgart 7 1982, p. XI.
  53. ↑ E.g. Jochen Walldorf: Realistic Philosophy. Adolf Schlatter's philosophical draft . Göttingen 1999, pp. 277-284.
  54. ^ Jochen Walldorf: Realistic Philosophy. Adolf Schlatter's philosophical draft . Göttingen 1999, p. 284ff.
  55. ↑ Gerrit Hohage: Preaching in the field of tension between office and person. An attempt to bring Luther's understanding of office and Schlatter's understanding of person into a homiletic conversation . Neukirchen-Vluyn 2005, p. 170.
  56. ↑ See Heinzpeter Hempelmann: Adolf Schlatter as interpreter of the Holy Scriptures. Seven impulses . In: Theological contributions 35, Wuppertal 2004, pp. 17–38.
  57. ^ Adolf Schlatter: Review of my life work , Gütersloh 1952, p. 132; see. Heinzpeter Hempelmann: Adolf Schlatter as interpreter of the Holy Scriptures. Seven impulses . In: Theological contributions 35, Wuppertal 2004, pp. 17–38, p. 27.
  58. ↑ D. h. Criticism does not mean first of all the factual, but the self-questioning.
  59. ↑ This solution to the “ synoptic problem ” is also known as the “ Augustinian theory ”. See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 633-637 on the Matthäuskommentar, pp. 689-693; on Mark's commentary, pp. 793–795; to John's commentary.
  60. ^ For example, the Kiel New Testament scholar Emil Schürer harshly dismissed Schlatter's publications on several occasions, cf. Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church , Stuttgart 1996, p. 280ff., 410.
  61. ↑ It is no coincidence that the first volume of the ThWNT, published in 1932, is dedicated to “Adolf Schlatter, the eighty year old”. See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 159ff .; 464-480.
  62. ↑ Atheistic Methods in Theology , in: Contributions to the Promotion of Christian Theology 9, 1905, H. 5. Cf. Ulrich Luck: Introduction . In: Adolf Schlatter: On the theology of the New Testament and on dogmatics . Munich 1969, p. 25f.
  63. ↑ Adolf Schlatter: The Christian dogma . Stuttgart 1911, p. 14.
  64. ↑ cf. to her G. Hohage: Preaching in the field of tension between office and person. An attempt to bring Luther's understanding of office and Schlatter's understanding of person into a homiletic conversation . Neukirchen-Vluyn 2005.
  65. ↑ See Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 489-498.
  66. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 503-508.
  67. ↑ See Werner Neuer: The connection between dogmatics and ethics in Adolf Schlatter. An Inquiry into the Foundation of Christian Ethics . Giessen 1986; on Schlatter's complex relationship to Martin Luther Hans-Martin Rieger: Adolf Schlatter's Doctrine of Justification and the Possibilities of Ecumenical Understanding , Stuttgart 2000.
  68. ↑ It was published posthumously: Adolf Schlatter, Methaphysik. A sketch , ed. u. transcr. v. Werner Neuer. In: Journal for Theology and Church, supplement 7, Tübingen 1987.
  69. ↑ See Jochen Walldorf, Realist Philosophy. The philosophical draft of Adolf Schlatter , Göttingen 1999; Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 532-536.
  70. ↑ cf. Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 397-407.
  71. ↑ Adolf Schlatter: Review of my life's work . Gütersloh 1952, p. 82f.
  72. ↑ cf. z. B. Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 282-284.
  73. ↑ This is what happened with Schlatter's study: The Church of Jerusalem from 70 to 130 , in: Contributions to the Promotion of Christian Theology, Volume 2, 1898, which was first critically criticized by Schlatter's main opponent Emil Schürer and its author, but then 70 years later by Joachim Jeremias when the groundbreaking rehabilitation was: Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 409f.
  74. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 242-245
  75. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 346ff. u. a.
  76. ↑ On the complex relationship between Schlatter and Barth, cf. Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 637-653.
  77. ↑ In Schlatter's opinion, Barth's understanding of God as the “completely different” was too far removed from Paul, since it overlooks the work of redemption that happened in Christ for the community: Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 640.
  78. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 652.
  79. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 659ff.
  80. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 655ff.
  81. ↑ See Wilfried Härle, Harald Wagner (Ed.): Theologenlexikon. From the Church Fathers to the present . Munich 2 1994, p. 239; Gerrit Hohage: Preaching in the area of ​​tension between office and person. An attempt to bring Luther's understanding of office and Schlatter's understanding of person into a homiletic conversation . Neukirchen-Vluyn 2005, p. 158; Ulrich Luck: Introduction . In: Adolf Schlatter: On the theology of the New Testament and on dogmatics . Munich 1969, p. 10f.
  82. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church. Stuttgart 1996, p. 497.
  83. ↑ Schlatter's influence on Käsemann can be seen (despite later delimitations) as in Otto Michel v .a. in the interpretation of Romans, cf. Ernst Käsemann: God's righteousness with Paul. In: Ders .: Exegetical experiments and reflections, Vol. S, Göttingen 1964, pp. 181–193; Ders .: An die Römer , HNT 8a, 4th edition Tübingen 1980; see. on this Peter Stuhlmacher: Biblical Theology of the New Testament Vol. 1: From Jesus to Paulus. Göttingen 1992, p. 335. See further Otto Michel: The letter to the Romans. KEK, Göttingen 4th edition 1966, z. BS V. On the whole cf. Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church. Stuttgart 1996, p. 598; 790.
  84. ↑ On the following, see Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church. Stuttgart 1996, pp. 725-780.
  85. ↑ Some of Schlatter's lectures critical of Nazi Germany are collected in the brochure The New German Art in the Church. Reprints of the monthly newspaper BethEl, Issue 14, Bethel 1933.
  86. ↑ Based on a letter to his mother in 1892, quoted in: Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church. Stuttgart 1996, p. 748.
  87. ↑ All previous quotations from the lecture: The Ten Commandments as the bearers of our nationality. In: Adolf Schlatter: The new German way in the church. Bethel 1933, pp. 23–29, quoted from: Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church. Stuttgart 1996, pp. 732f.
  88. ↑ Community of people - community of God. In: Adolf Schlatter: The new German way in the church. Bethel 1933, p. 11, quoted from: Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church. Stuttgart 1996, p. 734.
  89. ↑ The Ten Commandments as bearers of our nationality. In: Adolf Schlatter: The new German way in the church. Bethel 1933, pp. 23–29, quoted from: Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church. Stuttgart 1996, p. 732 f.
  90. ↑ Community of people - community of God. In: Adolf Schlatter: The new German way in the church. Bethel 1933, p. 22f., Quoted from: Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church. 1996, pp. 734f.
  91. ↑ Anders Gerdmar: Roots of theological Antisemitism. German Biblical interpretation and the Jews, from Herder and Semler to Kittel and Bultmann. Leiden 2009, pp. 253-274, especially pp. 272ff.
  92. ↑ visible especially from his letters to Theodor, in: Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church. Stuttgart 1996, pp. 747f.
  93. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 747f.
  94. ↑ Anders Gerdmar: Roots of theological Antisemitism. German Biblical interpretation and the Jews, from Herder and Semler to Kittel and Bultmann. Leiden 2009, p. 274ff.
  95. ↑ So Schlatter himself to his friend Wilhelm Lütgert: Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church , 1996, pp. 753f.
  96. ↑ Anders Gerdmar: Roots of theological Antisemitism. German Biblical interpretation and the Jews, from Herder and Semler to Kittel and Bultmann . Leiden 2009, p. 277ff. The year given there is incorrect.
  97. ↑ Cf. Art. Georg Wehrung , in: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon ( Memento from June 29, 2007 in the Internet Archive ), accessed on November 21, 2010
  98. ^ Leonore Siegele-Wenschkewitz : Responsibility and guilt of Christians for the Holocaust . In: Evangelische Theologie 42, 1982, p. 183 characterizes Grundmann as a pupil of Schlatter, with whom he corresponded regularly. In the meantime, Werner Neuer and Anders Gerdmar found this claim to be false from the estates, as not a single correspondence between the two men has survived: Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, p. 729; Anders Gerdmar: Roots of theological Antisemitism. German Biblical interpretation and the Jews, from Herder and Semler to Kittel and Bultmann . Leiden 2009, p. 293.
  99. ^ Leonore Siegele-Wenschkewitz: Adolf Schlatter's view of Judaism in a political context. Scripture Will the Jew prevail over us? from 1935 . In this. (Ed.): Christian anti-Judaism and anti-Semitism: theological and church programs of German Christians . Frankfurt a. M. 1994, pp. 95-110. It follows Birgit Gregor: On Protestant anti-Semitism , without processing the findings from Schlatter's estate that have since become available . Protestant churches and theologians in the time of National Socialism . In: Fritz Bauer Institute (Ed.): Elimination of Jewish Influence ... Anti-Semitic Research, Elites and Careers in National Socialism . Yearbook 1998/1999, pp. 171–200.
  100. ↑ Adolf Schlatter: Will the Jew win over us? A word for the Christmas season . Velbert-Essen, 1935, p. 6.
  101. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 757-761.
  102. ↑ This does not, however, exempt Schlatter from the accusation that he wrongly assessed the purpose of the “Reich Citizenship Law” and the murderous intentions of the Nazi regime (cf. Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. Ein Leben für Theologie und Kirche . Stuttgart 1996, p. 760f.).
  103. ↑ The original Gestapo document is in the Schlatter archive under the designation 169/6. It proves that the dissident intent of this document was well understood by its opponents and resulted in the usual reprisals.
  104. ↑ List of harmful and undesirable literature , as of December 31, 1938. Page 128. Leipzig, 1938. Online publication of the list of publications banned by the National Socialists
  105. ^ Werner Neuer: Adolf Schlatter. A life for theology and the church . Stuttgart 1996, pp. 725-780.
  106. ↑ See last Anders Gerdmar: Roots of theological Antisemitism. German Biblical interpretation and the Jews, from Herder and Semler to Kittel and Bultmann . Leiden 2009, pp. 253-326.
  107. ↑ Faith in the New Testament online
This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on November 28, 2010 .
personal data
SURNAME Schlatter, Adolf
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Swiss Protestant theologian
DATE OF BIRTH August 16, 1852
PLACE OF BIRTH St. Gallen
DATE OF DEATH May 19, 1938
Place of death Tübingen