Hassan Bek Mosque (Tel Aviv-Jaffa)

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Hassan Bek Mosque
מִסְגַּד חַסָּן בֶּכּ
مسجد حسن بك

View north over the mosque to Rechov ha-Jarqon Street , 2014
Coordinates : 32 ° 3 '59 "  N , 34 ° 45' 48.2"  E Coordinates: 32 ° 3 '59 "  N , 34 ° 45' 48.2"  E
place Rechov ha-Kovschim 82 (רְחוֹב הַכּוֹבְשִׁים), Tel Aviv-Jaffa
Laying of the foundation stone 1915
opening 1916 (provisional)
1923 (completed)
1948–1988 (abandoned)
1994 (renovated)
Direction / grouping Sunni
Architectural information
architect 1914–1916: Ben Zion Gini
1923: Darwish Abu al-Afiah
draft Ottoman
Details
Couple 1 central dome
minaret 1
Minaret height 30 m

The Hassan Bek Mosque ( Arabic مسجد حسن بك, DMG Masǧid Ḥasan Bik , tooمسجد المنشية, DMG Masǧid al-Manšiyya ; Hebrew מִסְגַּד חַסָּן בֶּכּ Misgad Ḥassan Bek , tooמִסְגַּד חַסָּן בֶּק Misgad Ḥassan Beq ; Turkish Hasan Bey Camii ) is a Sunni mosque in Tel Aviv-Jaffa , Israel . The mosque was built between 1915 and 1916 on the initiative of Hassan Beys (1882–1953), after whom it is also named. The plans were drawn up by Jaffa's city ​​building director Ben Zion Gini (1869–1945). The building, which was not completed by 1916, was completed in 1923.

The mosque is one of the most famous Muslim places of prayer in the city and can be recognized from a distance as a landmark , because its location, unobstructed on all sides, is rather rare for a sacred building in Tel Aviv-Jaffa. The use of its minaret by snipers in 1936/1937 and 1947/1948 to shoot down Tel Avivis in the streets, the attempted profanation of the mosque, which had been abandoned since 1948, and the struggle to re-establish it until 1988 made the mosque in the Muslim-Jewish dispute to a symbol.

Tel Aviv map-plain.png
Hassan Bek Mosque
Hassan Bek Mosque
Localization of Israel in Israel
Tel Aviv-Jaffa
Tel
Aviv-
Jaffa

location

The mosque is flanked on three sides by streets, the address-giving Rechov ha-Kovschim  82 (רְחוֹב הַכּוֹבְשִׁים) in the east, the Rechov Joseph Loewy (רְחוֹב יוֹסֵף לֵוִי) in the south and the Retzif Herbert Samuel (רְצִיף הֶרְבֶּרְט סֶמוּאֶל) in the West. On the north side, where there is access to the mosque, there is a parking lot. Such a prominent location, unobstructed on all sides, roughly corresponds to the condition at the time the mosque was built, but is very rare in sacred buildings in the dense Tel Aviv-Jaffa in the 21st century.

Aerial photo of the mosque between Rechov ha-Kovschim (right), Rechov Joseph Loewy (front) and Retzif Herbert Samuel (left) with a view of the Mediterranean Sea, 2007

The mosque is located in the middle of Jaffa's former suburb of Manschiyya ( Hebrew מַנְשִׁיָּה, Arabic المنشية, DMG al-Manšiyya ), about one kilometer west of Lev Tel Aviv , the historic city center, and two kilometers north of the old town of Jaffa. Manschiyya emerged from the 1870s and extends north-south along the Mediterranean Sea . Beyond the Retzif to the west, Herbert Samuel is separated from Ayin Hillel (ע. הִלֵּל) designed Park Charles Clore (פָּארְק צָ'ארְלְס קְלוֹר) the mosque from the sea, about 200 meters on foot. Manschiyya and other former suburbs of Jaffa belong to district 5, which together with districts 3, 4 and 6 forms the central district of Tel Aviv.

After the destruction in the Palestinian Civil War (1947/1948), decades of decay, partial clearing and redevelopment of the district from the 1980s onwards, Manschiyya's buildings are quite heterogeneous. The former Jaffa train station from 1891, the Beit Giddi from 1900, which serves as the Irgun Museum (acronym: E t Z e " L ), and the mosque are the only buildings in the district in the 21st century that existed before 1947. The Kerem ha-Teimanim district on the northern edge of Manschiyya, which is better preserved in terms of its structural fabric, gives an impression of how it was built up until 1947. The Neweh Shalom , which is also largely preserved, to the east, on the other hand, was loosely built up from the start than Manschiyya.

View east over the courtyard with the octagonal Sabils, 2012

Building description

The elevated complex is divided into the actual mosque building, the minaret , outbuildings on the west and east side of the large courtyard, the north large courtyard with two octagonal fountains (anachronistically also called Sabil ) for ritual cleansing ( wudu ' ) and two smaller courtyards in the southwest and southeast corner of the rectangular complex. According to a report by the Supreme Muslim Council from 1941, the footprint of the elevated facility was 21 by 28 meters. The northern courtyard - completely paved since 1935 - was originally partly designed as a garden.

Northern courtyard with Sabil in front of the portal in the mosque's central projection with a foundation plaque on the right, overlooked by the InterContinental Group hotel, 2012

While the yellow-brown, locally mined Karkur (sandstone) is mostly used for Jaffa's buildings, the surrounding walls of the outdoor area, the facades, inner pillars and ribs of the belt arches are made of white limestone, which sets the mosque apart from other buildings. A crenellated wall of medium height made of natural stone, broken through by rectangular openings, encloses the original complex and access is on the north side via an outside staircase through an ornamented gate with a muqarnas arch . The decorations are partly made of marble.

View southwest through the interior with arched windows to the southwest courtyard, 2012

The mosque is entered through the main entrance in the central projection of the north facade to the north courtyard, to the west of the portal hangs a plaque reminding of the building and initiator. The well-proportioned mosque building forms a square of nine bays , the structure of which is indicated by buttress walls dividing the outer walls into twelve segments. The central yoke is crowned by a low dome on an octagonal short drum , while a flat roof with tar paper covers the surrounding eight yokes, which are supported on iron girders. This light construction allows slim pillars and eliminates the need for arches.

South wall with mihrab and minbar under three-pass window, horseshoe arch window beyond the ribbon rib, 2012

Daylight falls into the interior through green and red panes, which adorn the arched windows on the east and west sides like horseshoe arches in the south and north, crowned on all sides by round - framed three-pass windows . Inside, belt arches divide the building into nine bays, which rest on four pillars on a square floor plan and the pillars on the outer walls. In the square central yoke, pendentives form the transition to the inner round drum. In the middle of the south wall is the concave apsidial mihrab under Arabic inscriptions and a three-pass window, flanked to the west by the minbar . Before 1948, the floor was tiled with marble slabs that, according to a status report from the city of Tel Aviv in 1978, had largely broken out.

Small side wings extending in a north-south direction in the west and east of the northern courtyard adjoin the square mosque in the north-west and north-east corner. The corners as a transition to the side wings are emphasized by towers. The eastern tower measures only five meters, while the western one is designed as a minaret with access from the northern courtyard, the roof and the scissors . In 1985 the minaret was rebuilt 30 meters high. Its interior is illuminated by lancet windows up to the all-round covered scissors at a height of 25 meters. In the eastern north wing there are functional and service rooms for employees of the mosque, the smaller western north wing was renovated in 1992. During the renovation from 1988 onwards, the approximately four-meter-wide strip around the original facility was bordered by a fence and then planted with greenery.

history

From the 1860s onwards, Jaffa developed suburbs outside the city walls, most of them with their own ethnic and / or religious character. Achawah (1899, Palestinian Jews), Adams City (1866, US member of the Church of the Messiah , Mormon apostate; 1869 Württemberg Templars), Battej Feingold (1904), Battej Warschah (1871 Templars, from 1907 Polish Jews), Battej Joseph (1904), Chatzer Schmerling (1860s, Jews from Hebron), Jefeh Nof (1897), Kerem ha-Tejmanim (1905, Yemeni Jews), Machaneh Jehudah (1896), Manschiyya (1870s), Mount Hope (1853, Bergisch and US Protestants), Neweh Schalom (1897), Neweh Zedeq (1887), Ohel Moscheh (1906), Tel Aviv (1909, Eastern European Jews) and Walhalla (1900, Templars). Manschiyye was soon framed by new quarters.

Hassan Bey (حسن بك البصري الجابي, DMG Ḥasan Bik al-Baṣrī al-Ǧābī , 1882–1953), who was previously Jaffa's police chief , was promoted to military governor for Jaffa and the surrounding area in August 1914 during the First World War . On December 17, 1914, he expelled enemy foreigners , i.e. the British, French, Serbs and mostly Russians, mainly Jews, from the city. Even before the war, Hassan Bey, as police chief, had shown ambitions to stabilize Ottoman rule, an Islamic Caesaropapy as sultanate and caliphate . To this end, Hassan Bey took measures with an ideal or practical effect (e.g. the Hassan Bek mosque or new road openings). As a broad breakthrough to the port of Jaffa, he had the old bazaar with its many shops torn down in 1915, which stretches from the port along the seashore to the square by the clock tower (כִּכָּר הַשָּׁעוֹן Kikkar ha-Shaʿon ) and was actually protected as part of a waqf (here a charitable foundation of shops whose rents financed the nearby mosque). He requisitioned building material for paving with reference to war needs and had a spacious suburban boulevard built, which he named after his superior commander on the Palestine front , Cemal Pascha , since 1950 called Sderot Yerushalayim .

Foundation board west of the portal, 2012

Construction on the mosque between 1915 and 1923

With the construction of the mosque, he set an ideal symbol for the Ottoman Caesaropapy and against Zionist efforts for Jewish self-determination in the country. For the construction, Hassan Bey confiscated the farmland of the Christian farmer and orange planter Michel Matry, citing “religious needs”. Matry complained about this, arguing that building a mosque in the city would serve religious needs much better than in the midst of uninhabited fields. But it wasn't about a supposed religious undersupply.

Hassan Bey slandered the landowner Matry for having given shelter to Christian proselytes of Muslim descent whose conversion was threatened with death by Ottoman law, and left him in Jaffas Kışla on today's Kikkar ha-Schaʿon (כִּכָּר הַשָּׁעוֹן) lock up. Hassan Bey brought the blackmailed building land to a waqf (charitable foundation, here for the purpose of religious practice), of which the mosque only takes part, while the rest was used to generate rental or lease income, which was lost in 1948 due to state custody.

Mosque: pendentives to the dome over the central yoke with a view of the south wall, 2012

A native of Smyrniote Ben Zion Gini (בֵּןְ צִיּוֹן גִּינִי, 1869–1945), Jaffa's city planning director between 1910 and 1917, drafted the plans. In this case, the Hassan Bek Mosque similarities with the built in 1905 Ottoman Friday Mosque in Be'er Scheva' , which also nine yokes includes, of which the überkuppelt medium and the other covered flat. The building materials came from construction companies shut down due to the war and many dormant building sites in neighboring Tel Aviv, whereby the owners - if present, because not identified - had to sign that they would donate the building materials. Hassan Bey used many slave laborers as builders , a common practice in the Ottoman Empire , who worked day and night in shifts to speed up construction.

Ottoman soldiers forced young men, Christians, Muslims and Jews to do this, mainly from Kerem ha-Teimanim at the northern end of Manschiyyas. Kerem ha-Teimanim's residents, mostly Jews from Yemen and as such Ottoman subjects, were allowed to stay when Hassan Bey had expelled enemy foreigners from the city on December 17, 1914. Conditions were harsh and accidents at work were frequent. Even before the mosque was completed, on May 19, 1916, Shukri Bey took the place of Hassan Bey as military governor, who had become notorious for his hardship against civilians. The shell of the mosque awaited completion. For many years, most of the Jaffans rejected the mosque, which was built by forced labor under unspeakable conditions. British forces took Jaffa on November 16, 1917.

Location of Manschiyyas (center right in the picture, flat in gray), surrounded on 3 sides by Tel Aviv (not flat) along the border (dashed), map of the cities of Jaffa and Tel Aviv 1943

After an unauthorized demonstration on May 1st , 1921, an anti-Semitic mob caused the unrest in Jaffa on the fringes of the police's dissolution , which the city police did not seriously fight, but partly took part in it. Thereupon the British mandate granted Jaffa's suburb Tel Aviv the status of internal autonomy as a township with its own police within the framework of the Jaffa municipal association. In June 1923, the mandate power rearranged other suburbs of Jaffa, predominantly inhabited by Jews, to the Tel Aviv township, making Manschiyya's borders in the north, east and south-east the dividing line with Tel Aviv.

In 1921 the British mandate established the Supreme Muslim Council as the Islamic religious authority of the country of Palestine (Hebrew Eretz Israel / ar. Falasṭīn) and subordinated the previously independently administered Awqaf (plural of Waqf) to it. The Supreme Muslim Council also sided with the burgeoning Arab nationalism, which is why its attention fell on the Hassan Bek Mosque, which the council no longer saw as just a place of prayer but as an outpost of Arab self-determination within sight of Jewish Tel Aviv.

The council financed the completion of the Hassan Bek Mosque, in particular the decoration was still missing, the civil engineer Darwish Abu al-ʿAfiya (درويش أبو العافية), Jaffa's City Planning Director, graduated in late 1923. The council tried to address Manschiyya's residents with Muslim religious and nationalist activities as part of the community work it funded. At the same time, the development of Manschiyyas took place from the mid-1920s and especially in the 1930s, predominantly by Arab, Christian and Muslim members of the new middle classes made up of civil servants and freelancers.

Wudu ' fountain with wall and gate to the mosque, overlooked by palm trees in the green strip around, 2013

Mosque in the 1930s and 1940s

In 1935, the entire complex of the mosque was enclosed with a stone wall and the courtyard was paved, with facilities for ritual purification being built. In 1936/1937, at the beginning of the Arab uprising (1936–1939) against British mandate power and Jewish Palestinians that began in Jaffa on May 19, 1936 , snipers used the minaret's scissors as a high seat to shoot passers-by in Tel Aviv . The towering minaret was feared in the streets of Tel Aviv that were visible to the snipers, such as the Rechov ha-Jarqon , parts of the Rechov Allenby . In uncovered stretches of road, signs warned passers-by: 'The enemy sees you! If you go on - you will be shot at ›.

There were also attacks by insurgents elsewhere in Jaffa, there against British law enforcement forces, whose starting point and cover for their snipers was Jaffa's small-scale and difficult-to-penetrate old town, which is why the law enforcement authorities finally decided, after a few hours of warning, on June 18, 1936, to pacify to cut three aisles through the old town (Operation Anchor), whereby about 20% of the building stock of the old town was blown up and cleared in the following days. Also shantytowns poor Arab immigrants on the southeastern outskirts of which acted out violent offenders were razed. As a result of both measures, around 6,000 people were made homeless and later housed in simple new houses that the mandate authorities had specially built. For Manschiyya, too, a British committee was considering blasting a security lane and then fencing in Tel Aviv with controlled gate openings, but this did not happen.

Since the intensification of Arab hostilities against Jews after the end of World War II , around 15,000 of the 28,000 Jewish Jaffans - out of a total population of 94,000 - had fled the city, mainly those who lived in predominantly Jewish quarters remained lived. For the division of the mandate area into a state for Jews and one for non-Jewish Arabs - each with minority protection - by resolution of the UNO of November 29, 1947, in May 1948 , neighboring states - all members of the Arab League  - announced the invasions of their armed forces to militarily prevent or reverse the establishment of Israel. In anticipation of this announced war, mainly those non-Jewish Arabs with family connections abroad or who were able to finance their stay outside the country themselves, numerically around 20,000 of the over 80,000 remaining Jaffans, left Palestine for a while until they were after a hoped-for Arab victory could return.

In the run-up to the invasion of the armed forces of neighboring Arab states, the parties in the country - on the one hand anti-Zionist predominantly non-Jewish and on the other hand Zionist predominantly Jewish Palestinians - struggled to use force to take or hold positions and posts that seemed strategically important in the upcoming war, which was a matter of fact grew into the Palestinian civil war. From December 1947, the irregular Arab Liberation Army , which was formed from volunteers and financed by the Arab League, infiltrated the Mandate Palestine, 200 of them in Jaffa, and took part in the civil war.

Tel Avivis at Carmel Market hurriedly search or take cover to avoid snipers from the minaret, 25 February 1948

From December 1947 the border area between Manschiyya and Tel Aviv became a war zone of the warring parties until the Irgunists took Manschiyya on April 28, 1948. Anti-Zionist snipers used the minaret again as a high seat, from where they could fire at the Carmel market . The Irgun counted around 1,200 shots and almost 160 people hit (wounded and killed). When after two days of fighting for Manschiyya, meanwhile remaining residents of Manschiyya left, the quarter was taken, an Irgun unit on the mission to blow up the Hassan-Bek mosque, as Joseph Nachmias (יוֹסֵף נְחְמִיאָס, 1912–2008), once a member of the said unit. But Menachem Begin , then Commander-in-Chief of the Irgun, prevented the demolition.

By the end of March 1948, around another 20,000 Arab Christians and Muslims had left Jaffa, mainly abroad, while the fighting over Jaffa until the end of April around 34,000 Jaffans of various religions, non-Jews across the sea and Jews fled to Tel Aviv. Intervention by the British mandate, which was in withdrawal, stopped the Irgun's advance into the old town of Jaffa. Other residents of Jaffa used the time until the British withdrew in mid-May to flee.

The Jordanian Arab Legion opened the war for Israel's independence on May 13th in Kfar Etzion . On the same day, immediately after the last British forces left Jaffa, the Arab defenders surrendered to the superiority of Hagana and Irgun. On May 14, 1948, hours before the end of the British mandate at midnight and the withdrawal of the last British units via Haifa, Israel declared its independence in Tel Aviv, which had already been vacated. Israeli authorities counted around 4,000 non-Jews remaining after the capture of Jaffa, while Jaffa's Jewish refugees returned from their emergency shelters elsewhere in the country, insofar as they found their abandoned homes still habitable.

Destroyed buildings between Tel Aviv and the mosque, December 1948

Mosque construction in state custody

After the end of the war for Israel's independence in 1949, the mosque was abandoned and began to deteriorate, like many houses damaged in the war. The Israeli state trustee took over the custody of the assets of refugees who were unable to repossess or repossess their belongings . With the law on the property of absentee , passed on March 20, 1950, the official title changed to trustee for property absent . The Ministry of Immigrant Acceptance detained Jewish Arabs who had fled or driven from their Muslim homelands to habitable abandoned houses in Manschiyyas and all of Jaffa.

On May 18, 1949, Manschiyya and other northeastern suburbs were recruited from Jaffa to Tel Aviv, the rest of Jaffa was incorporated into Tel Aviv on April 25, 1950. On June 28, 1950, the Israeli cabinet decided against the will of David Ben Gurion, who favored the name Jaffa, and the city council, who preferred Tel Aviv, to officially rename the united city Tel Aviv-Jaffa. Although there were still beneficiaries of the Awqaf on site in many places, the legal practice counted the assets of Muslim Awqaf in the territory of Israel to the property of those who were absent, as the responsible supervisory authority, the Supreme Muslim Council , was based in East Jerusalem outside Israel. The new Jordanian gentlemen there dissolved the Supreme Council in 1951. According to the law, the trustee was only allowed to transfer properties out of state custody to the Jewish National Fund or to the Development Authority of the Land Administration of Israel . In Jaffa alone, a third of all commercial real estate belonged to Muslim awqaf before 1948; church awqaf alone remained untouched.

By law of February 2, 1965, the Knesseth withdrew the assets of the Awqaf with Muslim benevolent, Muslim educational or Muslim religious purposes from the trustee for the absentee and transferred them to a local Muslim committee in matters of the Muslim Waqfs , all of which were part of the General Muslim Council in Israel are subject to. In Tel Aviv, as in other places, the government circumvented this regulation and the Ministry of Religious Services appointed trustee committees (וַעֲדֵי הַנֶּאֱמָנִים waʿadej ha-ne'emanīm , German , Committees of Trustees' ) and appointed them with selected Muslim Israelis as trustees ( Arabic متولي, DMG mutawallī ), which usually did not stand in the way of the sale of Waqf assets for the purpose of public development plans and construction planning. The Board of Trustees for the Awqaf in the Tel Aviv-Jaffa area was established on November 23, 1967.

1966 view southwest through the still partially built-up Manschiyya to the mosque

In the course of the often difficult professional and painful social integration of many refugees from Arab countries, they were able to buy their own new apartments and left the quarters to which they had been assigned when they arrived in the country. New town plans in 1954 and 1968 included Manschiyya without ever having been implemented. In the meantime, old city districts such as Manschiyyas were gradually demolished from the 1960s to the 1980s. The Hassan Bek Mosque fell into disrepair and was used as a shelter for the homeless and drug traffickers.

The city councilors of Tel Aviv-Jaffa who were interested in urban planning and the members of the planning and construction committee entrusted with it, as well as employees of the city building authority, were mostly not interested in restoring the abandoned Hassan Bek mosque as such, but in rededicating it as an undesirable reminder of unloved times . The plan was - as part of the new development of Manschiyya - to set up a tourist and entertainment center in the Hassan Bek Mosque.

Schmu'el Toledano , Levi Eschkol's advisor in Arab affairs from 1965 , and Tel Aviv's Deputy Mayor Jehoschuʿa Rabinowitz won Gershon 'Gigi' Peres over to attempt to set up the board of trustees to lease the ruinous mosque to his real estate company Etgar (אֶתְגָּר) to move. Trustees who refused to agree were made offers, but something was given elsewhere, which led to the agreement on a Fojleschtiq ( Hebrew פוֹיְלֶשְׁטִיק 'Rotten piece' , or 'a thing about which something is rotten'), which is why the delicate contract was not made public. The 49-year lease signed in 1971 excluded the minaret and a hall below it (presumably the western north wing) as religiously dedicated rooms from profane use and envisaged renovation and conversion at the expense of the Etgar company , which, in view of this effort, was only supposed to pay a symbolic lease . But rumors circulated and finally one of the trustees involved, who was not left with the matter, filed a lawsuit with the Tel Aviv District Court to determine the legality of the lease, as the Maʿarīv (מַעֲרִיב) reported on August 31, 1973.

The plaintiff argued that the trustees appointed did not meet the interests of the founders documented in the deeds, but acted in the interests of the appointing ministry, which can also be seen from the very low rent and the idiosyncratic definition of the minaret and hall as res sacra . The district court, however, followed the defense, even in the argument that the mosque complex, apart from the minaret and said hall, mostly served no religious purpose. Peres explained the low rent with the ruinous condition and the increase in value, which arises from the renovation at the expense of the Etgar the Waqf. However, the contract provided the tenant Etgar with the option to buy the mosque after the contract period had expired, which the law forbade Awqaf to do.

A group of Muslim enthusiasts led by ʿAbd al-Badawi Kabub (عبد البدوى كبوب) from Jaffa, member of the bus cooperative Dan, protested against the handling of and the events around the mosque. Shortly after Schlomoh Lahat was elected mayor of Tel Aviv-Jaffa in 1974, Kabub and others founded the Association of Islamic Charities . On October 26, 1975, Tel Aviv's Deputy Mayor Jig'al Grippel reported in Ha'Aretzהָאָרֶץ, the city government rejects the conversion of the mosque. In the meantime, Kabub won the deputy ministerial director in the Ministry of Religions for his plans, which finally called six leading Muslim judges to negotiate the case of the lease, which they finally rejected by fatwa . Thereupon David Glass, Ministerial Director in the Ministry of Religions, notified the city of the fatwa, according to which the Ministry opposed the conversion of the mosque.

After a structural investigation in 1978, the city submitted a report on the deplorable condition of the mosque building, which - since it was unused and unguarded - was not only dilapidated and littered, but its degradable equipment of reusable value (sanitary facilities, windows and doors, wall and floor tiles ) had been largely dismantled by thieves. Kabub's initiative continued to lobby successfully and support Jigga'el Hurwitz's political career . As a minister, Hurwitz succeeded in replacing the board of trustees for the Awqaf Jaffas in 1978 with Kabub and other members of his initiative. The new trustees negotiated the future of the mosque with the City Hall from 1978 to 1981, until the Construction and Planning Committee of Tel Aviv-Jaffa City Council approved Peres' application for conversion on October 21, 1981.

Portal in the central elevation with foundation plaque on the right, 2012

The idea of ​​using the Hassan Bek Mosque profanely angered many Muslims in the city, and groups such as the predominantly Jewish civil rights initiative Jaffa Schöne der Meere , the Arab-nationalist predominantly Christian association for the care of the affairs of the Arabs Jaffa (short: Rābiṭa) and Kabub's Muslim charity protested together. The development sparked a public debate about misappropriation of the Awqaf. These protests prompted Ernst Nebenzahl , Israel's state controller in 1981 , who declared the lease null and void because it contained the option to purchase it after the lease expired. On Friday, November 2, 1981, Kabub's initiative called for prayer at the mosque, to which Kabub also invited Lahat. Finance Minister Hurwitz withdrew responsibility for the mosque complex from the city of Tel Aviv in the course of November 2, which meant that all plans for conversion were invalid. 2,000 people came to pray, including radicals who refused Lahat's participation and called for jihad.

Mosque complex from the air with north and south-east courtyards, the former dolphinarium at the top of the picture, 2007

The Dolphinarium opened 120 meters north-west of the mosque in 1980 , which, due to a lack of profitability, was only operated as a dolphinarium until 1985 and again between 1990 and 1993 , but in between and afterwards it was marketed more or less successfully as an event and business location. The dilapidated minaret collapsed on April 2, 1983, at which time all roof surfaces, with the exception of the central dome, had already collapsed as a result of decay. The Rābiṭa , mainly carried by young Arab Christian academics, took care of the reconstruction in reinforced concrete with natural stone cladding with a height of 30 meters, with the tacit consent of the city administration, two more than originally. The city authorities have not yet approved calls to prayer from the minaret. In July 1985, unknown people threw grenades at the mosque.

Mosque in Waqf trusteeship from 1985

Shortly after the minaret was completed in 1985, the Trustee for Absenteeism transferred the mosque to the newly appointed Board of Trustees, chaired by Kabub. This excluded the mostly Christian Rābiṭa members as nationalist Arab activists from the project to restore the mosque. As provided by a then new law, the Muslims of Jaffa who take part in the vote have been electing their self-governing body as a religious community, the Jaffa Muslim Council, every four years since 1988 . Since 1988 the council - for the actual use - and the board of trustees - for the preservation and maintenance - have been looking after the mosque together. The Jaffa Muslim Council raised money, the Jerusalem Waqf Authority , the Jordanian Ministry of Awqaf, Islamic Affairs and Holy Places, and the Saudi Organization for Islamic Cooperation were generous and financed the renovation of the mosque. The mosque was provisionally reopened in 1988, with renovations not being completed until 1994.

View eastwards to mosque and Hotel David InterContinental , 2014
Skyline of new hotel and office buildings south along Rechov Jesekiel Kaufmann , 2016

In the meantime, the first buildings had been built as part of the new town planning, for example the Panorama Hotel of the Dan Hotels group in 1986, 200 meters south of the mosque. In 1999 the Hotel David InterContinental of the InterContinental Group opened almost 100 meters south of the mosque . The Ottoman style of the mosque contrasts clearly with the modern, multi-storey office and hotel buildings in Manschiyya, which have been built since the 1980s. The Hassan Bek Mosque also maintains its pleasant and impressive appearance in the vicinity of this modern development, which is gradually becoming denser.

On Shabbat, June 2, 2001, the day after the murder of 21 night owls in front of the Dolphi Disco - in the course of the al-ʿAqṣā Intifaḍa (דּוֹלְפִי דִּיסְקוֹ, Discotheque under construction of the Dolphinarium) with over 120 other wounded by a suicide bomber, the rumor spread that the murderer had found approval in the Hassan Bek Mosque before the crime. Mostly Jewish secular youths gathered at the mosque and expressed their outrage over the murder of their own kind, as they did over so many other acts of violence in the wake of the Intifada. They finally enclosed the mosque complex and from the crowd of several hundred people, individual demonstrators pelted the building. Police did their job to prevent protesters from entering the site, injuring 60 people, including 11 police officers and 49 demonstrators, while locking some mosque-goers inside.

In the al-ʿAqṣā Intifaḍa, the Islamic Council of Jaffa left the minority represented in it of supporters of the Northern Islamic Movement in Israel, the northern Israeli radical branch of the Islamic movement in Israel (الحركة الإسلامية في إسرائيل), the community work in the Hassan Bek Mosque. The northern branch split off in 1996 in the dispute over the Oslo process and participation in the Knesseth elections, both of which were opposed by supporters of the Northern Islamic Movement, while the mainstream, known as the southern branch, supported them.

Minaret under renovation, 2008

In August 2005, friends Shimon Ben Chaim and Victoria Steinman threw a pig's head into the courtyard of the mosque because of their hatred of Arabs . In 2007 a Jewish militant carried out an arson attack on the Hassan Bek mosque, but was caught by the guards. On May 3, 2008, a group of Jewish militants broke into parts of the mosque and caused property damage to the equipment. In the early 21st century, the Waqf's Board of Trustees commissioned a restoration of the mosque. Although only a few Muslims live within walking distance, the mosque is open daily to mosque-goers and visitors who take advantage of the opportunity.

Symbol in the conflict over identities

The construction of the mosque in 1915/1916 in Jaffa's northern suburbs, in the middle of Manschiyyas, 500 meters south of Kerem ha-Teimanim, 800 meters from the then western border of Tel Aviv and 500 meters north of Neweh Shalom, was also a demonstration for Hassan Bey Precedence of Islam in the city, which made the mosque a symbol. The Ottoman Empire, as a sultanate and caliphate, was an Islamic Caesaropapy , for which the mosque was a symbol. According to Jusuf Haikal (يوسف هيكل), Mayor of Jaffa from 1945 to 1948, the purpose of the building was to counter Tel Aviv's territorial expansion, which was also achieved in the Manschiyyas area. For Jaffans and Tel Avivis, the mosque in an undeveloped area was a curiosity, but a minaret itself was normal in view of the many Muslims in the country. In Tel Aviv there was no special religious building at all until the mid-1920s.

When Tel Aviv became independent from 1921, which had been a suburb of Jaffa up until then, and the re-routing of some other suburbs of Jaffa to Tel Aviv in June 1923, this became manifest as an up-and-coming town of modern character, in its self-image a counter-model to Jaffa, also as Safe haven for Jewish Jaffans who left their homes in Jaffa after hunting down the Jews in 1921, 1929, 1936 and after 1945 to find refuge in Tel Aviv, which is almost exclusively inhabited by Jews. Even in Zionism, Tel Aviv was the controversial but self-confident counter-model to the Zionist-favored approach of a return to agrarian origins .

The new Supreme Muslim Council , Islamic Religious Authority of the Land of Palestine (Hebrew Eretz Israel / ar. Filasṭin), took over the construction of the unfinished Hassan Bek Mosque in Manschiyya in 1923, primarily as an outpost for Arab self-determination within sight of the Jewish Tel Avivs. Settlement activity in Manschiyya, which now bordered Tel Aviv to the north, east and south-east, barely progressed in those years of economic crisis, so the completion of the mosque was more symbolic than practical. Two central Jewish prayer houses, the Ashkenazi Great Synagogue and the Sephardic Great Synagogue Stiftszelt , were built in Tel Aviv in the second half of the 1920s ; they were also an expression of the fact that with the incorporation of traditional Jewish suburbs of Jaffa in June 1923, namely Neweh Schaloms and Neweh Zedeqs, the sober, modern, secular Tel Aviv had been expanded to include a religious dimension.

For Tel Avivis the Hassan Bek Mosque or its minaret became a dreaded symbol of the Arab sole claim to the land when the minaret served as a high seat for snipers in 1936/1937 in the course of the Arab uprising (1936–1939) to protect people in the nearby streets Tel Shoot the Avivs. Such attempts at murder were repeated in the late 1940s. This symbolism almost led to the demolition of the mosque in 1948 after the Irgunists had captured Manschiyya, as Joseph Nachmias recalled (see above).

After the establishment of the State of Israel, the mosque was a thorn in the side of some Jewish Tel Avivis, including those in the area of ​​urban development, but, like all of Jaffa, was neglected as an unpopular gift from the state government to Tel Aviv. In the memories of Tel Avivis at the time, the mosque or its minaret appears again and again in connection with the snipers who tried to shoot passers-by from there, so that these acts of violence entered the collective memory.

Since of Jaffa's inhabitants, 94,000 in 1945, after the flight until 1948 only 10,000 Jews, who lived mainly in districts of Jaffa on the city limits to Tel Aviv, and 4,000 Muslims and Christians remained who After the founding of the state - now when Arab Israelis were recorded together - were forcibly moved together under military law in the southern suburb of Adschami, the mosque, like all of Manschiyya, was abandoned by its previous inhabitants. The abandoned mosque was not personally associated with unpleasant memories for the destitute Jewish-Arab refugees who were then newly interned in Manschiyya and who had fled or been expelled from their Muslim homelands since 1948 . Urban planners tried in the meantime to reach a lease agreement with the trustees of the responsible waqf for a profane use of the mosque, which was achieved in 1971 on very controversial terms (see above in the section on history).

With the economic integration of Arab Israelis, the new up-and-coming generations also took advantage of Israel's opportunities for education and advancement. For new Arab educated climbers, the search for self-identification became an identity-creating commitment, unlike for the previous generation, who as adults with their own war participation or at least experience after the defeat, an identity that was often broken but perceived as secure had. For example, young Arab, predominantly Christian, academics founded the Rābiṭa ( Association for the Care of the Affairs of the Arabs of Jaffa ) in 1978 and also tried to address Muslims of their own kind, which is why they placed their activities under a national Arab model. The Rābiṭa also made the scandals about the leasing and planned profane conversion of the Hassan Bek Mosque, which had become public since 1973, their topic.

Civil rights associations, which are predominantly supported by Jews (such as the Jaffa Schöne der Meere association ) and the religiously oriented group around Abd al-Badawi Kabub (a Muslim charity association) also campaigned against the profane conversion of the mosque. The mosque was a religious symbol for Kabub's group, and a national Arab symbol for the Rābi araba. Commitment, protests and lawsuits in court against the profane conversion were ultimately successful. Finance Minister Jigga'el Hurwitz withdrew responsibility for the mosque from the city of Tel Aviv on November 2, which meant that all plans for conversion were invalid.

When the minaret collapsed on April 2, 1983, it mainly mobilized Muslims. The rumor quickly spread that the Jewish users who had been let out of the lease by Hurwitz in 1981 had destroyed the minaret. The Rābiṭa association then organized several protest prayers and renovated a wing of the mosque in the struggle to establish the mosque as a place of identification for a Palestinian nation in the awareness of the public and private individuals. Participants in the protest prayers also called for the mosque to be restored as a place of prayer. Finally, the Rābiṭa Association obtained the city's tacit consent to rebuild the minaret, having it two meters higher than before.

The identification of the mosque as a symbol of Arab nationality, initially pursued by the Rābiṭa across all religions, in nationalistic demarcation from an Israeli identity, soon gave way to a narrowing to Islam, whereby Arab nationalism was set at one with Islam, under which the identity that later became popular when the Palestinians were subsumed. Christianity and Judaism became incompatible with this determination of identity. Also legally, the Rābi verla, as the meanwhile actual entertainer of the plant, lost access when shortly after the completion of the minaret the state trustee for the property of absentee (see above) transferred the mosque to the newly occupied trustee committee for Jaffa's Muslim Waqf , which presided over the kabub.

The mosque was not only an outpost of self-assertion towards the Jewish-Israeli Tel Aviv for Arabs, or excluding Muslims, but also repeatedly addressed Jewish property damage in response to Arab murders and other violence. While the minaret was being rebuilt, the mosque was the target of a grenade attack in July 1985 by never captured militants, who saw their restoration as a symbol. What the militants saw in it can only be speculated, taking into account that the mosque was built between 1973 and 1981 because of the delicate lease deal and from 1983 onwards through attempts to make it a place of Arab-national, or exclusively Islamic identification, in public reporting and perception. Further attacks followed, by 2000 there were at least three in total.

View from the Dolphinarium over ambulances to the Hotel David after the massacre, June 1st 2001

For some Jewish Israelis, the mosque came into the spotlight as a symbol of the murderers during the phase of massive assassinations against Israelis, especially in Tel Aviv-Jaffa (September 2000 to February 2005, so-called al-ʿAqṣā Intifaḍa ). On Friday evening, June 1, 2001, a foreign Arab Muslim suicide bomber murdered 21 mostly young night owls in front of the Dolphi Disco (דּוֹלְפִי דִּיסְקוֹ) in the former Dolphinarium and wounded 120 others. It was rumored that the Muslim murderer had found approval in the Hassan Bek Mosque, 120 meters away, before the crime.

During the course of Saturday, June 2, 2001, mostly secular youths gathered in front of the mosque to protest against the murders of their own kind, as well as against other acts of violence as part of the Intifada, and chanted tirades. The demonstrators finally surrounded the mosque and, from the crowd of several hundred people, threw some people at the building. Property damage was caused by stone throwing. The police prevented the demonstrators from entering the facility, in which mosque-goers had already been trapped, and 60 people were injured, including eleven police officers and 49 demonstrators. Only in the evening did the police manage to evacuate the trapped people and escort them home. On December 26, 2004, unknown, presumably Jewish militants pelted the mosque with Molotov cocktails and damaged one of its windows.

In the al-ʿAqṣā Intifaḍa followers of the northern Israeli radical branch of the Islamic Movement in Israel took over (الحركة الإسلامية في إسرائيل) the community work in the Hassan Bek Mosque. The northern branch split off in 1996 in the dispute over the Oslo process and participation in the Knesseth elections, both of which were opposed by supporters of the Islamic movement in northern Israel, while the mainstream, known as the southern branch, supported them. With the takeover by the Northern Islamic Movement, a redefinition of the identity began, according to which Palestinian and Islam are one and all other conceptions are to be excluded. This makes the Hassan Bek Mosque the main destination for Muslim newcomers from northern Israel. All other mosques in the city are shaped by Jaffa's native Muslims, many of whom sympathize with the southern branch of the Islamic movement in Israel , founded in 1971 .

bibliography

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  • Jaʿaqov Janon (יַעֲקֹב יָנוֹן), סְבִיב כִּכָּר הַשָּׁעוֹן: לְסַיֵּר בְּיָפוֹ עִם יַד בֵּן צְבִי , Jerusalem:יַד בֵּן צְבִי, 2001 Greg. Cal. / 5761 Jew. Cal. (9/30/2000– 9/17/2001) . ISBN 9-65217-192-1
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  • Nimrod Luz, “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052. ISBN 978-3-7408-0263-9
  • Andrew Petersen, A Gazetteer of Buildings in Muslim Palestine : 4 Tl.e, Council for British Research in the Levant (Ed.), (= British Academy monographs in archeology; No. 12), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, part 2: 'Ḥasan Bey Mosque' (entry), p. 167seq. ISBN 978-0-19-727011-0
  • Mahmoud Yazbak (محمود يزبك), “The Islamic Waqf in Yaffa and the Urban Space”, in: Makan: Adalah's journal for Land Planning and Justice , Vol. 2 (2010) 'The Right to a Spatial Narrative', pp. 23-46. ISSN 1565-8031

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b c d e f g Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1039. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
  2. ↑ a b c d e f g Andrea Livnat (אַנְדְּרֵיְאָה לִבְנָת), 111 Places in Tel Aviv That You Shouldn't Miss , Angelika Baumgartner (Photos), John Sykes (transl.), Cologne: Emons, 2018, p. 96. ISBN 978-3-7408-0263-9 .
  3. ↑ Andrea Livnat (אַנְדְּרֵיְאָה לִבְנָת), 111 Places in Tel Aviv That You Shouldn't Miss , Angelika Baumgartner (Photos), John Sykes (transl.), Cologne: Emons, 2018, p. 97. ISBN 978-3-7408-0263-9 .
  4. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j NN, “Masjid Hasan Bik” , on: ArchNet , accessed on May 29, 2020.
  5. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j Andrew Petersen, A Gazetteer of Buildings in Muslim Palestine : 4 Tl.e, Council for British Research in the Levant (ed.), (= British Academy monographs in archeology; No. 12 ), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, Part 2: 'Ḥasan Bey Mosque' (entry), p. 167. ISBN 978-0-19-727011-0 .
  6. ^ A b Hadassah Aghion, Tel Aviv: Bauhaus & eclectic styles ['Tel Aviv: esprit Bauhaus et éclectisme', Paris: Marcus and Guysen, 2009, ISBN 978-2-7131-0284-4 ; Engl.], Lisa Maronese (transl.), Paris: Marcus, 2018, page number as indicated after the footnote number. ISBN 978-2-7131-0348-3 .
  7. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Ori Dvir (אוֹרִי דְּבִיר; 1931–2011), נְקֻדַּת חֵן תֵּל־אָבִיב – יָפוֹ , new, updated edition, Tel Aviv-Jaffa:מוֹדָן, 1991 Greg. Cal. / 5752 Jew. Kal. (9.9.1991-27.9.1992) , p. 92.
  8. ↑ a b c d Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “Self-empowerment through the sacred culture and representation in the urban landscape: the Mosque of Hassan Bey and the Arab community of Jaffa”, in: Holy Places in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Confrontation and Co-existence , Marshall J. Breger, Leonard Hammer and Yitzhak Reiter (eds.), London and New York: Routledge, 2010, (= Routledge studies in Middle Eastern politics; Vol. 14), pp. 249–262, here p. 253. ISBN 978-0 -415-54901-1 .
  9. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Andrew Petersen, A Gazetteer of Buildings in Muslim Palestine : 4 parts, Council for British Research in the Levant (ed.), (= British Academy monographs in archeology; No. 12), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, Part 2: 'Ḥasan Bey Mosque' (entry), p. 168. ISBN 978-0-19-727011-0 .
  10. ↑ a b c d e f g Mahmoud Yazbak, “The Islamic Waqf in Yaffa and the Urban Space”, in: Makan: Adalah's journal for Land Planning and Justice , Vol. 2 (2010) 'The Right to a Spatial Narrative', Pp. 23–46, here p. 40.
  11. ↑ a b c d Mahmoud Yazbak, “The Islamic Waqf in Yaffa and the Urban Space”, in: Makan: Adalah's journal for Land Planning and Justice , Vol. 2 (2010) 'The Right to a Spatial Narrative', p. 23 –46, here p. 43.
  12. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k Mordechai Naor , The Twentieth Century in Eretz Israel - a Pictorial History , [ סֵפֶר הַמֵּאָה - הִיסְטוֹרְיָה מְצֻלֶּמֶת שֶׁל אֶרֶץ־יִשְׂרָאֵל , Tel Aviv:עַם עוֹבֵד, 1996; engl.], Judith Krausz (transl.), Cologne: Könemann, 1998, page number as indicated after the number of footnotes. ISBN 3-89508-595-2 .
  13. ↑ Jaʿaqov Janon (יַעֲקֹב יָנוֹן), סְבִיב כִּכָּר הַשָּׁעוֹן: לְסַיֵּר בְּיָפוֹ עִם יַד בֵּן צְבִי , Jerusalem:יַד בֵּן צְבִי, 2001 Greg. Cal. / 5761 Jew. Kal. ( 9/30/2000– 9/17/2001 ) , p. 153. ISBN 9-65217-192-1 .
  14. ↑ Mahmoud Yazbak, “The Islamic Waqf in Yaffa and the Urban Space”, in: Makan: Adalah's journal for Land Planning and Justice , Vol. 2 (2010) 'The Right to a Spatial Narrative', pp. 23-46, here P. 38.
  15. ↑ a b c NN, "מִסְגַּד חַסָּן בֶּק"(Misgad Ḥassan Beq; April 9, 2020), on: תֵּל אָבִיב 100. הָאֶנְצִיקְלוֹפֶּדְיָה הָעִירוֹנִי( Link to the website ), accessed on May 31, 2020.
  16. ↑ a b c d e Mahmoud Yazbak (محمود يزبك), “The Islamic Waqf in Yaffa and the Urban Space”, in: Makan: Adalah's journal for Land Planning and Justice , Vol. 2 (2010) 'The Right to a Spatial Narrative', pp. 23–46, here pp. 39. ISSN 1565-8031.
  17. ↑ Mordechai Eliav (מֹרְדְּכַי אֱלִיאָב), בְּחָסוּת מַמְלֶכֶת אוֹסְטְרִיָה: מִבְחָר תְּעוּדוֹת מֵאַרְכִיּוֹן הַקּוֹנְסוּלְיָה הָאוֹסְטְרִית בִּירוּשָׁלָיִם 1849–1917 , Jerusalem:יַד בֵּן צְבִי, 1985 Greg. Cal. / 5746 Jew. Cal. (16.9.1985–3.10.1986) , (=סִפְרִיָּה לְתּוֹלְדוֹת הַיִּשּׁוּב הַיְּהוּדִי בְּאֶרֶץ־יִשְׂרָאֵל), P. 442. ISBN 9-65217-028-3 .
  18. ↑ a b Mark LeVine, Overthrowing geography: Jaffa, Tel Aviv, and the struggle for Palestine, 1880-1948 , Berkeley, Calif. and London: University of California Press, 2005, page number as indicated after footnote number. ISBN 0-52-023994-6 .
  19. ↑ a b Joachim Schlör : Tel Aviv - from dream to city: Journey through culture and history (=  Insel Taschenbuch . Volume 2514 ). Insel Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1999, ISBN 3-458-34214-1 (page number as indicated after the number of footnotes).
  20. ↑ Tom Segev , One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Arabs Under the British Mandate [ יְמֵי הַכַּלָּנִיּוֹת - אֶרֶץ יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּתְקוּפַת הַמַּנְדָּט , Jerusalem:כֶּתֶר, 1999; Engl.] Haim Watzman (ex.), New York: Henry Holt & Co., 2000, p. 399. ISBN 0-8050-6587-3 .
  21. ^ A b Matthew Hughes, Britain's Pacification of Palestine: The British Army, the Colonial State, and the Arab Revolt, 1936–1939 , Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2019, p. 179. ISBN 978-1-107-10320 -7 .
  22. ^ A b Benny Morris, The birth of the Palestinian refugee problem, 1947–1949 , Cambridge, Engl .: Cambridge University Press, 1987, page number as indicated after the number of footnotes. ISBN 0-521-33028-9 .
  23. ↑ Chaim Levenberg, Military Preparations of the Arab Community in Palestine: 1945-1948 , London: Routledge, 1993, p. 200. ISBN 0-7146-3439-5 .
  24. ↑ a b c d e f g h Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), "קְהִלַּת יָפוֹ הָעֲרָבִית וּמִסְגַּד חַסָּן בֶּכּ: גִּבּוּשׁ זֵהוּת קוֹלֶקְטִיבִית, הַעֲצָמָה עַצְמִית וְהִתְנַגְּדוּת”, In: פִּרְסוּם מָכוֹן פְלוֹרְסְהַיְמֶר לְמֶחְקְרֵי מְדִינִיּוּת ; No. 3/42 (July 2005), pp. 5–52, here the page number as indicated after the footnote number. ISSN 0792-6251.
  25. ↑ While it was impossible for refugees in foreign countries hostile to Israel to return and repossess their belongings without a treaty, which the enemy states consistently refused to accept, the Israeli government for its part also prevented non-Jewish internally displaced persons from leaving their places of refuge that were now in Israel return to their homes, whereby their belongings also fell into state custody. See Ibrahim Habib (إبراهيم حبيب), "Present - absent", in: David's dream: another Israel , Habbo Knoch (ed.), 1st edition, Gerlingen: Bleicher, 1998, pp. 307–343, here p. 310. ISBN 3-88350 -044-5 .
  26. ↑ In Hebrew האַפּוֹטְרוֹפּוֹס עַל הָרְכוּשׁ הַנּטוּשׁ ha-Apōtrōpōs ʿal ha-Rəchūsch ha-naṭūsch .
  27. ↑ cf.חוֹק נִכְסֵי נִפְקָדִים Chōq Nichsej Nifqadīm (March 20, 1950), in: סֵפֶר הָחֻקִּים , No. 37 / ב March 1950.
  28. ↑ Arnon Golan (אַרְנוֹן גּוֹלָן), שִׁינּוּי מֶרְחֲבֵי - תּוֹצְאַת מִלְחָמָה: הַשְּׁטָחִים הָעַרְבִיִּים לַשְׁעָבַר בִּמְדִינַת יִשְׂרָאֵל 1948–1950 ,הַמֶּרְכָּז לְמוֹרֶשֶׁת בֶּן גּוּרִיּוֹן (שְׂדֵה בּוֹקֵר) (Ed.), Be'er Scheva: הוֹצָאַת הַסְּפָרִים שֶׁל אוּנִיבֶרְסִיטַת בֶּן-גּוּרִיּוֹן בַּנֶּגֶב, 2001, p. 14seqq.
  29. ↑ a b Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1040. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
  30. ↑ a b Menachem Klein, Lives in common: Arabs and Jews in Jerusalem, Jaffa and Hebron , Haim Watzman (transl.), London: Hurst & Co., 2014, page number as indicated after the footnote number. ISBN 978-0-19-939626-9 .
  31. ↑ a b Mahmoud Yazbak, “The Islamic Waqf in Yaffa and the Urban Space”, in: Makan: Adalah's journal for Land Planning and Justice , Vol. 2 (2010) 'The Right to a Spatial Narrative', pp. 23-46 , here p. 41.
  32. ↑ In Hebrew רָשׁוּת הַפִּּתּוּחַ Rashūt ha-Pittūach .
  33. ↑ In Hebrew מִנְהַל מְקֻרְקְּעֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל Minhal Məqurqaʿej Jisra'el .
  34. ↑ a b c Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1041. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
  35. ↑ a b c d Mahmoud Yazbak, “The Islamic Waqf in Yaffa and the Urban Space”, in: Makan: Adalah's journal for Land Planning and Justice , Vol. 2 (2010) 'The Right to a Spatial Narrative', p. 23 –46, here p. 42.
  36. ↑ In Hebrew אַפּוֹטְרוֹפּוֹס לִנִכְסֵי נִפְקָדִים Apōtrōpōs lə-Nichsej Nifqadīm .
  37. ↑ In Hebrew הַוַּעַד הַמְּקוֹמִי הַמֻּסְלְמִי לְעִנְיָן הַוַּקְף הַמֻּסְלְמִי ha-Waʿad ha-Məqōmī ha-Musləmī lə-ʿinjan ha-Waqf ha-Musləmī .
  38. ↑ At that time, however, a local committee was only formed in seven Israeli cities with a traditional Muslim population, to which - contrary to the regulations - only a fraction of the Waqf's assets were subordinated. See Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1041. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
  39. ↑ All Muslim Israelis of legal age and foreigners with permanent residence permits elect the 101 members of the General Muslim Council (הַמּוֹעָצָה הַמֻּסְלְמִית הַכְּלָלִית בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל ha-Moʿatzah ha-Musləmīt ha-Klalīt bə-Jisra'el ) for four years, the same applies to the local committees with their seven to 15 members to be elected according to the population. Cf. "נכסי הוואקף הַמֻּסְלְמִי בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל” , In: עֲרָבִים בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל מֶרְחַב מֵידָּע רַב תְּחוּמִי , accessed June 5, 2020.
  40. ↑ Cf. "נִכְסֵי הַוַּואקְף הַמֻּסְלְמִי בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל” (Property of the Muslim Waqf in Israel), on: עֲרָבִים בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל מֶרְחַב מֵידָּע רַב תְּחוּמִי , accessed June 5, 2020.
  41. ↑ a b c Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1042. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
  42. ↑ His name is in Hebrew גֵּרְשׁוֹן גִּיגִי פֶּרֶס(1925–2011), he was a younger brother of Shimʿon Peres .
  43. ↑ a b c Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here the page number as indicated after the footnote number. ISBN 978-3-7408-0263-9 .
  44. ↑ a b c d e f g h i Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1045. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
  45. ↑ a b In Hebrew יָפוֹ יְפַת הַיַּמִּים Jafō Jəfat ha-Jammīm .
  46. ↑ a b In Arabic لرابطة لرعاية شؤون عرب يافا, DMG al-rābiṭa li-riʿāya šu'ūn ʿarab Yāfā .
  47. ↑ a b In Arabic جمعية المقاصد الخيرية الإسلامية, DMG Ǧamʿiyya al-Maqāṣid al-Ḫayriyya al-Islāmiyya .
  48. ↑ a b c d e f g h Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1047. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
  49. ↑ Ori Dvir (אוֹרִי דְּבִיר; 1931–2011), נְקֻדַּת חֵן תֵּל־אָבִיב – יָפוֹ , new, updated edition, Tel Aviv-Jaffo:מוֹדָן, 1991 Greg. Cal. / 5752 Jew. Kal. (9.9.1991-27.9.1992) , p. 93.
  50. ↑ Cf. "רֹאשׁ עִירִיַּת תֵּל אָבִיב מִתְנַכֵּל לְשִׁפּוּץ מִסְגַּד חַסָּן בֶּק”, In: מַעֲרִיב , May 27, 1986 and Benny Cohen (בֵּנִי כֹּהֵן), "מִכְתָּב לַמַעֲרֶכֶת - לֹא מִתְנַכְּלִים לְמִסְגַּד חַסָּן בֶּק”, In: מַעֲרִיב , May 28, 1986.
  51. ↑ a b Buki Na'eh (בּוּקִי נָאֶה), "הַפִּגּוּעַ בְּחַסָּן בֶּק מַעֲשֶׂה יְהוּדִים קִיצוֹנִיִּים”, In: מַעֲרִיב , July 10, 1985.
  52. ↑ Ahmad Natour (أحمد ناطور), "The battle over the Muslim cemeteries in Israel", in: Sacred Space in Israel and Palestine: Religion and Politics , Marshall J. Breger, Leonard Hammer and Yitzhak Reiter (eds.), London and New York: Routledge, 2012, (= Routledge studies in Middle Eastern politics; Vol. 41), pp. 168–192, here p. 175. ISBN 978-0-415-78315-6 .
  53. ↑ a b Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1048. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
  54. ↑ a b c d e f g Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1050. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
  55. ↑ Scheffi Gabba'i (שֶׁפִי גַּבָּאִי), "פְּקִידִים יַרְדֵּנִים בָּדְקוּ עֲבוֹדוֹת הַשִּׁקּוּם בְּמִסְגַּד חַסָּן בֶּק”, In: מַעֲרִיב , July 26, 1987.
  56. ↑ Or Maringer (אוֹר מָרִינְגֶּר), "עוֹנֶשׁ מַאֲסָר לְמַשְׁלִיכֵי רֹאשׁ חֲזִיר לַמִּסְגָּד בְּיָפוֹ” (December 6, 2006), on: News1 מַחְלָקָה רִאשׁוֹנָה , accessed June 7, 2020.
  57. ↑ a b Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1046. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
  58. ↑ a b c Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1037. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
  59. ↑ a b c Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1036. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .

Web links

Commons : Hassan Bek Mosque  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files