Arab Israelis
As Arab Israelis , Arabs of Israel , Israeli Arabs and Palestinians in Israel, Israeli citizens are Arab - Palestinian designated origin, no Jews are and their ethnic and cultural identity is Arabic and the Arabic speaking as a mother tongue.
1,271,000 Arab Israelis live in Israel; they make up just under 20% of Israeli citizens. The Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics also includes East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights in its surveys . The proportion of Arab Israelis thus reached a little over 20% of the Israeli population (2008). Jews of Arab descent are not considered Arab Israelis.
The Arab Israelis speak Arabic regardless of their religion, mostly in the form of a Palestinian-Arabic dialect. Administrative and school language is usually standard Arabic. Most Arab Israelis have mastered modern Hebrew as a second language . Around 84% are Sunni Muslims , around 8% Druze and 8% Arab Christians . The latter are mainly members of the Greek Orthodox Church of Jerusalem , but also Maronites , Melkites , Roman and Syrian Catholics and Protestants . The church language is also usually Arabic. Most Arab Israelis consider themselves Palestinians or Arabs, but Israelis in terms of citizenship (see “Terminology”).
The more than 278,000 Arabs in East Jerusalem and on the Golan Heights have a special status as “permanent residents” . These areas have been occupied by Israel since the 1967 Six Day War . At that time, most of the Arabs living there refused their Israeli citizenship in protest against the occupation, but a pragmatically motivated rethinking can now be observed in this regard.
terminology
The Arab citizens of Israel are referred to by different names.
They are mostly called "Israeli Arabs" or "Arabs of Israel" by the Jewish-Israeli society; The terms “minorities” and “Arab sector” are also used.
According to a 2020 poll by the Institute for Jewish Politics (JPPI), only 7 percent of Israeli Arabs describe themselves as Palestinians. Half identify as Arab-Israeli and 23 percent as "primarily Israeli".
Palestinians in the Occupied Territories (West Bank and Gaza Strip) refer to this population group as "Palestinians in Israel", or also as "Forty-eight" and "Inland Arabs" ( Arabic عرب الداخل, DMG ʿarab ad-dāḫil ), d. H. as Arabs who lived on Israeli territory after the establishment of the State of Israel (including the Arab territories gained by Israel in the Middle East War of 1948).
Other names are “Arab Israelis”, “Israeli Palestinians”, “Palestinian Arabs in Israel”, “Palestinian Arabs” and “Israeli Palestinian Arabs”.
Jews born in Palestine with an Arabic mother tongue, who formed a large part of the Jewish population of Palestine until the onset of Zionist immigration from Europe and who assimilated to the country's newly emerging Hebrew culture in the course of the 20th century, were classified as Sephardic or Oriental Jews and as a member of the old yishuv , but rarely referred to as a Jewish Arab. Jews who immigrated from Arab countries are generally referred to in Israel as members of the "communities of the Orient" or referred to as Iraqi or Babylonian Jews (or simply as Iraqis), Moroccan Jews (or Moroccans), etc. after their parents or grandparents' country of origin; Sometimes the terms “Arab Jews” and - rarely - “Jewish Arabs” are also applied to them.
Politics and Society: Overview
Arab Israelis are equal citizens according to the law. They often have broader civil rights than Palestinians in neighboring states such as Lebanon and Syria, including the right to vote and other democratic and social freedoms. This is especially true for Arab-Israeli women.
The more than 278,000 Arabs who live in East Jerusalem and on the Golan Heights have a special status of "permanent residents". Both areas have been occupied by Israel since the 1967 Six Day War. East Jerusalem residents often have close ties with the West Bank, and few have applied for and been granted Israeli citizenship. However, you can vote in the elections for the Jerusalem Community Council. The Golan Heights were de facto annexed by Israel through a 1981 law. The vast majority of residents have turned down Israeli citizenship and have chosen to keep Syrian citizenship.
The majority (52 percent) of the Arab population of Israel consider themselves to be Israeli Arabs, Israelis or Arab citizens of Israel, while a minority (23 percent) prefer the designation Palestinians, Palestinians in Israel or Palestinian citizens of Israel. Many nevertheless have family ties to the West Bank and the Gaza Strip as well as to Palestinian refugees in Jordan , Syria and Lebanon . The Bedouins of the Negev identify more strongly with Israel than other Arab Israelis. Unlike the other Arab Israelis, the Druze men are drafted into military service. Non-Druze can volunteer for military service. For comparison: Palestinian refugees in the neighboring states of Israel mostly do not have the citizenship there; however, in some countries, such as Syria, they are required to do military service.
Since the elections to the 20th Knesset (Israeli parliament), 13 of the 120 MPs have been Arab Israelis. They are members of the United Arab List , Chadash and Balad, which will appear as the United List at the time of the election , and see themselves as representatives of the interests of the Israeli Arabs. In 2007 an Arab was appointed to a ministerial office for the first time.
Since the Arab population is particularly large in comparison to the rest of Israel's population, it is expected that the proportion of Israeli Arabs in the total population of Israel will rise well over 20 percent in the next few decades.
Many Arab Israelis feel they are second-class citizens in everyday Israeli life and complain that they are disadvantaged compared to Jewish Israelis. Land ownership issues are particularly controversial in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. In addition, until 2006 the term terrorist attack was defined solely as an attack by organizations that are directed against the existence of the State of Israel; Arab victims of attacks by radical Israeli settlers were not covered by the Terror Compensation Act. After protests, the relevant law was generalized and extended to general terrorist attacks.
history
The Palestinian War and its Consequences
Most Israelis refer to the 1948 War of Palestine as the War of Independence, while most Arab Israelis refer to it as Nakba (catastrophe), reflecting the different collective views of the war's aims and outcomes.
In the wake of the Palestinian War, the territory of the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine was de facto divided into three parts: the State of Israel, the West Bank under Jordanian sovereignty and the Gaza Strip administered by Egypt. Jordan, which initially also belonged to the British mandate area (Transjordan), had already received its full independence in 1946. 80% of the estimated 950,000 Arabs who lived in what would later become the State of Israel prior to the war, left this area. It is a matter of dispute how many of them fled and how many were expelled; only about 156,000 remained in Israel. The Israeli historian Benny Morris notes:
Most of the 700,000 Palestinian refugees left their homes because of the horrors of the war (and in the expectation that they would soon return to their homes in the wake of the victorious Arab attackers). However, it is also true that there were several dozen places from which the Arab residents were driven out by the Jewish forces, including Lydda and Ramla .
At the end of 2013, 71,600 Arab Israelis were 65 years of age and older and were thus already alive at the time the state was founded, while the other members of this population group, which now numbers more than 1.2 million, are their descendants, who were usually born in Israel. In addition, there are some Arabs from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank who have received Israeli citizenship through regulations on family reunification, as well as their descendants. Family reunions have meanwhile become more difficult again.
Arabs who had left their homes during the armed conflict, but from then on lived on Israeli territory, and their descendants, were considered “present absentees” or internal Palestinian refugees. An estimated 46,000 of the 156,000 Arabs remaining after the Palestinian War were “present absentees”. In some cases, they have been refused return to their homes and their homes have been expropriated and state-owned, as has the property of Palestinian refugees outside Israel.
Today around 274,000 Arab Israelis, around one in four, are considered “present absentees”, of which around 11,800 (in 2013) were born on the date of the expropriation (May 19, 1948). Well-known cases of "present absentees" are z. B. the inhabitants of Zippori and the villages of Kafr Bir'im and Iqrit in Galilee .
1949-1966
Most of the Arabs who remained in Israel received Israeli citizenship through the Nationality Law in 1952 , but were also subject to martial law for the first few years after the state was founded. Travel permits, curfews, administrative detention (prison sentences without trial) and deportations were part of everyday life in Israel until 1966. Various laws made it possible to transfer land that had been abandoned by the Arab owners into state ownership. These included the Absentee Property Law of 1950, which enabled the state to take over land whose owners were abroad after emigrating, fleeing, or displaced, as well as the Land Acquisition Law of 1953, which authorized the Treasury to state expropriated land to convict. Other common legal tools have been the use of emergency regulations to declare land owned by Arab Israelis a military exclusion zone, followed by the use of Ottoman abandoned land laws to take possession of the land.
All Israelis, including Arab citizens, have been able to participate in the elections to the Knesset since the founding of the state of Israel. From the first Israeli parliamentary term onwards, Arabs were also represented as members of the Knesset. The first Arab parliamentarians were Amin-Salim Jarjora and Seif el-Din el-Zoubi from the Democratic List of Nazareth and Tawfik Toubi from the Communist Party of Israel (abbreviation: Maki).
In 1965 a radical Arab group called al-Ard formed the Arab Socialist List to run for the Knesset. The list was not accepted for election by the Israeli Central Election Committee.
In 1966, martial law was completely repealed; the government began changing most of the discriminatory laws, and Arab citizens were given the same legal rights as Jewish citizens.
1967-2000
The Six Day War in 1967 marked a dramatic turning point in the lives of Arab Israelis. For the first time since the founding of Israel, they had contact with the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. This and the abolition of martial law led to growing political activities by Arab Israelis.
In 1974 a committee of Arab mayors and local councilors was established to play an important role in representing the Arab Israelis and advocating their interests vis-à-vis the Israeli government. In 1975 the Committee for the Defense of the Land was formed, which campaigned to prevent continued land expropriations. A political breakthrough in the same year was the election of the Arab poet Tawfiq Ziad , a member of the Communist Party, as Mayor of Nazareth, accompanied by a strong Communist Party faction in the city council. In 1976, six Arab Israelis were killed by Israeli security forces protesting against land expropriation and house demolition. The day of protest, March 30th, has been celebrated annually since then as the day of the soil .
In 1971, Abdullah Nimar Darwish and like-minded people founded the Islamic Movement in Israel ( Arabic الحركة الإسلامية في إسرائيل, Hebrew הַתְּנוּעָה הָאִסְלָמִית בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל). It is part of a larger trend among Muslims in the Arab world and aims to anchor Islam in politics. The Islamic Movement built schools, provided other basic social services, built mosques, and promoted prayer and conservative Islamic clothing styles. In the movement there was a dispute over the Oslo process and participation in elections in Israel, supporters of the movement, especially in Meshullash and the northern district of Israel, refused to participate and have formed the more radical Islamic movement in the north since 1996 . This was banned in 2015 because of ties to Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood . The mainstream, in contrast to the Islamic movement in the north, called the southern branch, succeeded in gaining mandates in elections, especially at the local level , through candidacies on lists of the Arab Democratic Party and, from 2000, the United Arab list , in order to exert political influence.
Many Arab Israelis supported the first Intifada and helped the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip by providing money, food and clothing. There were also several strikes in the occupied territories in solidarity with the Palestinians.
The years leading up to the Oslo peace process were a time of optimism for Arab Israelis. During the reign of Yitzhak Rabin , Arab parties played an important role in forming the ruling coalition. There was also growing participation in civil society among Israel's Arab citizens. Tensions persisted, however, as many Arabs called on Israel to become a "liberal nation-state for all citizens", thereby questioning Israel's Jewish identity. In the 1999 election of the Prime Minister, 94% of the Arab electorate voted for Ehud Barak . However, Barak formed a broad multi-party coalition across all political camps without consulting the Arab parties, and thus disappointed the Arab Israelis.
2000 – today
Tensions rose between Arab Israelis and the state in October 2000 after twelve Arab Israelis and a Gaza man were killed while protesting the government's response to the Second Intifada. The government responded to this incident by forming the Or-Commission . The events of October 2000 led many Arab Israelis to question the essence of their Israeli citizenship. In 2001 they boycotted the election of the prime minister in large numbers as a means of protest. Ironically, this boycott helped Ariel Sharon defeat Ehud Barak, for whom over 90% of Arab voters had voted in 1999. The number of Israeli Bedouins who volunteered for the Israeli armed forces decreased significantly.
During the 2006 Lebanon War , organizations representing the interests of Arabs complained that the Israeli government spent time and effort protecting Jewish citizens from Hezbollah attacks but neglected Arab citizens. They pointed out the lack of air raid shelters in Arab cities and villages and the lack of basic information in Arabic, although civil defense in Israel is the responsibility of the municipalities. Many Israeli Jews viewed the Arab opposition to government policy and sympathy with the Lebanese as a sign of lack of loyalty.
Tensions arose again in October 2006 when Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert promised the far-right Jisra'el Beitenu party to cede densely Arab-populated Israeli areas (such as Umm al-Fahm ) to the Palestinian territories.
In January 2007 Raleb Majadele became the first non-Druze Arab minister in the history of Israel to be appointed minister (without portfolio) ( Salach Tarif , a Druze, had already been appointed minister without portfolio in 2001). The appointment was criticized by the left-wing parties, who saw it as an attempt to divert attention from the Labor Party's decision to sit in government with Jisra'el Beitenu. Criticism also came from right-wing parties, who perceived the appointment as a threat to Israel's status as a Jewish state.
Two meetings at the invitation of President Reuven Rivlin focused on improving the economic situation of Arab Israeli citizens, on February 5, 2015 with Arab local councils and on February 8, 2015 with managing directors of various companies in Israel.
Ethnic and Religious Groups
| Religious groups | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Muslims | 83.2% | |||
| Christians | 8.4% | |||
| Druze | 8.3% | |||
In 2006, the official number of Arab residents in Israel was 1,413,500; including permanent residents of East Jerusalem, many of whom are non-Israeli citizens. That's about 20% of the Israeli population. According to the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics (2008), the Arab population is made up of 83.2% Muslims, including the Bedouins, 8.4 Arab Christians and 8.3% Druze. The mother tongue of all Arabs, including the Druze, is Arabic, and the common colloquial dialect is Palestinian Arabic.
Muslims
Traditional sedentary communities of Muslim Arabs make up about 70% of the Arab population in Israel.
The birth rate of Israeli Muslims is 4.0 children per woman and the reproductive rate is 3.8%. About 25% of the children born in Israel today have Muslim parents. The average age of the Muslim population is very low, the median age is 18 years, compared to the median age of the Jewish Israelis of 30 years. 42% of Muslims are younger than 15 years. Only 3% over 65 years of age compared to 12% of the Jewish population. The proportion of Muslims in the Arab population in Israel was 82% in 2005.
Bedouin
According to the Israeli Foreign Ministry, 110,000 Bedouins live in the Negev, 50,000 in Galilee and 10,000 in central Israel.
The term “Bedouin” (Arabic “Badawi”, “not settled” or “nomadic”) denotes ethnic groups of nomadic desert dwellers from the western Sahara to the Najd and Negev deserts (Arabic “Naqab”). During the second half of the 19th century, the traditional life of nomadic bedouin ranchers changed in Palestine . The Bedouins became a semi-nomadic agricultural community with a heavy emphasis on agricultural production and the privatization of tribal land. While the Bedouins in Israel are still considered nomads, today they are all completely sedentary and about half are city dwellers.
Before Israel was founded in 1948, an estimated 65,000 to 90,000 Bedouins lived in the Negev. The 11,000 Bedouins who remained were relocated by the Israeli government in the 1950s and 1960s to a siyag territory ("fenced-in land"), a poorly fertile area in the northeastern Negev that makes up about 10% of the Negev desert includes. Like the rest of the Arab population in Israel, the Bedouins of the Negev lived under military law until 1966. After that, many restrictions were lifted and the Bedouins were allowed to move outside the siyag territory , but not live outside. The Bedouins ended up living in an area that comprised only 2% of the Negev and never returned to their previous areas.
The Israeli government encourages the Bedouins to settle permanently in the specially built development cities. About half of the Bedouins live in seven cities that were built by the Israeli government between 1979 and 1982. The largest Bedouin settlement is the city of Rahat ; Ar'arat an-Naqab (Ar'ara BaNegev), Bir Hadaj , Hura , Kuseife , Lakiya , Shaqib al-Salam and Tel Sheva are other Bedouin cities.
About 40 to 50% of Israeli Bedouins live in around 40 so-called unrecognized Bedouin villages . The unrecognized villages have no right to municipal services such as connection to the electricity and water network or garbage collection. They are not correctly recorded on commercial maps.
Druze
The Druze are members of a religious community who live in many countries, but mainly in mountainous regions of Israel, Syria and Lebanon. The Israeli Druze live mainly in the north of the country, especially in the Ir haKarmel area near Haifa . Druze also live in places in the Syrian Golan Heights, conquered in 1967 and annexed by Israel in 1981, for example in Majdal Shams .
In keeping with the Druze religion, Druze always serve the land in which they live. Although the Israeli Druze, like the Syrian and Lebanese Druze, speak Arabic, they often consider themselves Israelis and, unlike the Arab Muslims and Arab Christians, rarely see themselves as Palestinians. As early as 1939, the leadership of a Druze village officially allied itself with pro-Israel militias such as the Haganah . The Israeli government, which had already recognized the Druze by law as an independent religious community in 1957, promoted identification as an "Israeli Druze".
The Israeli Interior Ministry defines the Druze in the census as an independent ethnic group. In the Israeli education system, which is divided into Hebrew-speaking and Arabic-speaking schools, the Druze enjoy autonomy within the Arabic-speaking sector.
During the League of Nations mandate for Palestine, the Druze showed little interest in the growing Arab nationalism of the 20th century and did not participate in the early Arab-Jewish disputes of that era. In 1948, many young Druze volunteered for the Israeli army and actively fought alongside the Israelis. During the war of 1948, unlike the villages of the Arab Muslims and Christians, no Druze villages were destroyed, nor were Druze villages permanently abandoned by their residents. Many Druze are drawn to right-wing Israeli parties, unlike most other Arab Israelis. Such was Ayoob Kara member of the conservative Likud in the Knesset, and parties like Shas and Yisrael Beiteinu have been successful in Druze voters. The Druze Madschalli Wahbi from Kadima , who is in the middle of the Israeli party spectrum, is currently deputy spokesman for the Knesset and thus the next deputy to the incumbent president.
Christians
More than 117,000 Arab Christians live in Israel. They make up about 9% of Israel's Arab population. Approx. 70% of them live in the northern district of Israel in the cities of Gisch , Eilaboun , Kafr Yasif , Kafr Kanna , I'billin , and Schefa-'Amr . The largest community of Arab Christians is in Nazareth . Christians also live in several other villages, including some Druze villages such as Hurfeish and Maghar . Christian Arabs played an important role in Israel's Arab political parties. The prominent politicians included George Hakim , Emile Toma , Tawfik Toubi , Emil Habibi and Azmi Bishara .
Important Christians in Israel's religious life include: the Archbishops of the Melkite Greek Catholic Church of Galilee, Elias Chacour and Boutros Mouallem, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem , Michel Sabbah , and the Bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Jordan and the Holy Land , Munib Younan .
The Christian Arab Salim Joubran is the first non-Jewish judge to be permanently appointed to the Israeli Supreme Court in May 2004 .
Self identification
| Self-identification of Muslim Arabs, 2008 | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Palestinian Arabs | 43% | |||
| Arab Israelis | 15% | |||
| Muslim Israelis | 4% | |||
| Self-identification of Christian Arabs, 2008 | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Palestinian Arabs | 24% | |||
| Arab Israelis | 24% | |||
| Christian Israelis | 24% | |||
| Young Druze self-identification, 2008 | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Druze Israelis | 94% | |||
| Other | 6% | |||
| Israeli patriotism among Arab Israelis, 2006 | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Very patriotic | 17% | |||
| Patriotic | 7% | |||
| A little patriotic | 35% | |||
| Not particularly patriotic | 41% | |||
| Herzliya Patriotism Survey | ||||
The relationship between Arab citizens and the State of Israel is often fraught with tension and can be seen in the context of relations between minorities and state organs around the world. The Arab Israelis consider themselves an indigenous people. The tension between the national identity as a Palestinian Arab and the identity as a citizen of Israel was described by the Arab member of the Knesset, Abd-al-Aziz Zuabimit, with the famous sentence: “My state is at war with my people”.
According to a 2006 study, most Arab Israelis are not proud of their citizenship (56%) and unwilling to fight to defend the state (73%). Only 24% of Israeli Arabs said they were patriotic or very patriotic. This contrasts with the high proportion of Arab Israelis who believe that Israel is better than most other countries (77%) - this is one of the highest percentages in developed countries for this question. 82% of Arab respondents said they would rather be Israeli citizens than citizens of any other country.
The National Resilience Survey, led by Dr. Yussuf Hassan from Tel Aviv University also examined the self-identification of the various groups of Arab Israelis in 2008 and came to the conclusion that 43% of Muslim Arabs define themselves as Palestinian Arabs, 15% as Arab Israelis and 4% as Muslim Israelis. Among Christian Arabs, 24% consider themselves Palestinian Arabs, 24% Arab Israelis and 24% Christian Israelis. In contrast, over 94% of young Druze defined themselves as Druze Israelis in a religious and national context.
The Arabs who live in East Jerusalem, which has been occupied and administered by Israel since the Six Day War in 1967, form a separate category. Shortly after the war, they were given special status as permanent residents of Israel and Israeli ID cards. Most, however, have given up applying for the Israeli citizenship they would be entitled to and have close ties to the West Bank. As permanent residents, they are entitled to vote in the Jerusalem local elections, but only a small proportion make use of this right.
Finally, there are the Druze who have lived on the Golan Heights, which Israel has occupied and administered since 1967, and who have also had permanent residents status by law since 1981. The vast majority of them consider themselves Syrian citizens and only a few have acquired Israeli citizenship.
In 2013 the young director Wisam Zureik made the documentary Where are you from? The film deals with the identity dilemma of the Arab minority in Israel and tells how different, Arab people find themselves in Israel. The question “Where are you from?” Is the central point of every meeting. The filmmaker aims to be able to define his own identity after these encounters.
population
In Israel's Northern District, Arab Israelis make up the majority of the population with 52%. About half of the Arab population lives in 114 different locations across Israel. In total there are 122 predominantly Arab towns in Israel, 89 of them with more than 2000 inhabitants. The only Arab towns that have emerged since 1948 are the seven development cities and the regional council of Abu Basma , which were established by the government for the Bedouins of the Negev to settle them there permanently ( see section Bedouins ).
46% of Arab Israelis (622 400 people) live in predominantly Arab places in the north of the country. The largest Arab city is Nazareth with 65,000 inhabitants, of which around 40,000 are Muslim. In Schefa-'Amr, with around 32,000 inhabitants, there are large Muslim, Christian and Druze populations.
The largest Arab community (209,000 people in 2000) lives in Jerusalem . In the city with a very mixed population, 33% of the population are Arabs. A total of 19% of all Arab Israelis live in Jerusalem and the adjacent Abu Gosh area.
14% of the Arab population live in Haifa district , especially in the Wadi Ara region . Here is the largest Muslim city of Umm al-Fahm in Israel with 43,000 inhabitants . Other cities with a large Arab population in this district are Baqa-Jatt and Carmel. 9% of Haifa's residents are Arabs; many of them live in the Wadi Nisnas district .
10% of the Arab population lives in the Israeli central district , particularly in the cities of Tayyibe , Tira and Qalansawe as well as in the mixed cities of Lod and Ramla , which have a predominantly Jewish population.
10% of Arab Israelis live in Bedouin villages in the northwest of the Negev. The Bedouin city of Rahat is the only Arab city in the southern district of the country and the third largest Arab city in Israel.
The remaining 1% of Arab Israelis live in cities with a predominantly Jewish population such as Nazareth Illit , where 9% of the population are Arabs, and Tel Aviv (4% Arabs).
In February 2008 the government announced the construction of the first new Arab city in Israel. According to Haaretz , "... not a single new Arab town had been established since the state of Israel was founded, with the exception of the Bedouin settlement projects in the Negev."
Important Arab population centers
With Arab population centers are meant here significant places with an almost exclusively Arab population; The sometimes even larger Arab communities in cities with a Jewish majority (such as Haifa and Jerusalem) are not included. Arabs make up the majority of the population in the heart of Galilee and in the areas along the Green Line; H. the border with Jordan (West Bank) in force after 1948, including the Wadi Ara region . Arab Bedouins make up the majority in the northeastern area of the Negev.
| place | Total population | district |
|---|---|---|
| Nazareth | 66 300 | Northern District |
| Umm al-Fahm | 44 400 | Haifa district |
| Rahat | 43 700 | South district |
| Tayibe | 35 500 | Central District |
| Schefa-'Amr | 34 900 | Northern District |
| Baqa-Dshatt | 33 100 | Haifa district |
| Shaghur | 30 500 | Northern District |
| Tamra | 27 800 | Northern District |
| Sachnin | 25 500 | Northern District |
| Carmel | 25 200 | Haifa district |
| Tira | 21 900 | Central District |
| Arraba | 21 100 | Northern District |
| Maghar | 19 600 | Northern District |
| Kafr Kanna | 18 800 | Northern District |
| Qalansawe | 19,000 | Central District |
The suspected "demographic threat"
In northeast Israel, the proportion of the Jewish population is declining. The growing Arab population in Israel and the fact that Arab Israelis form the majority in two important geographic regions - the Galilee and the Meshoulash area - have led to increasing political clashes in recent years. Dr. Wahid Abd Al-Magid, editor of Al-Ahram Weekly's Arab Strategic Report , predicted in 2001 that “the Arabs of 1948 (that is, the Arabs who stayed in Israel and accepted citizenship) in the year 2035 Could be a majority and that they will definitely form the majority in 2048 ”, but the proportion of Arabs in the Israeli population will be a little more than 20% in 2020, so that there is no tangible threat to the Jewish character of Israel. The Muslims have the highest birth rate among Arab Israelis, followed by the Druze and the Christians. The term demographic threat (or demographic bomb ) is used in Israeli politics to portray the increase in the Arab population as a threat to Israel's status as the homeland of Jews with a Jewish majority.
The Israeli historian Benny Morris said in 2004 that he was against the displacement or expulsion of Arab Israelis, which is occasionally mentioned as an option in Israeli politics (prevention of re-entry after stays abroad, population exchange, swap of Arab-populated areas of the State of Israel for Jewish settlement areas in the West Bank in the case of the establishment of a Palestinian state), but in the case of an "apocalyptic" scenario in which Israel would be attacked with weapons of mass destruction and its existence threatened, according to Morris, displacement could be the only way to survive as a Jewish state. He compared the Arab Israelis to a “time bomb” (“potential fifth column ”) in both demographic and security terms and said they were responsible for undermining the state during wartime.
Various politicians have viewed the Arabs in Israel as a demographic threat and a security risk.
Benjamin Netanyahu used the term “demographic bomb” in 2003 when he said that Israel would not be able to sustain a Jewish majority if the proportion of Arab citizens rose above the current level of 20%. Arab Knesset MPs and several civil rights and human rights organizations such as the Association for Civil Rights in Israel criticized Netanyahu's remarks as racist . Already in internal Israeli government documents from 1976, known as the Koenig Memorandum , allusions to a "demographic threat" can be found; the memorandum outlines a plan to reduce the number of Arab Israelis and their influence in the Galilee region.
The Israeli daily Ma'ariv published an article in 2003 entitled "Special Report: Polygamy is a Security Threat" on a report by the then director of the Israeli population authority, Herzl Gedj; the report claims that polygamy is a "security risk" in the Bedouin sector and advocates measures to reduce the birth rate of the Arab population. The population authority is a division of the National Demographic Council. Its mission, according to Israel's Central Bureau of Statistics, is "to increase the Jewish birthrate by encouraging women to have more children through government loans, housing grants and other incentives." In 2008, Interior Minister Yaakov appointed Ganot as the new director of the Department of Population, according to Haaretz this "... probably the most important appointment a minister of the interior can make."
According to a study published in 2011, the proportion of Jews in the Israeli population had increased, while the proportion of Arabs had decreased. The study shows that the birth rate of Jewish Israelis increased by 31% in 2010 and that 19,000 diaspora Jews immigrated to Israel, while the birth rate of Arab Israelis decreased by 1.7%.
Land exchange and population exchange
| Survey among residents of Umm Al-Fahm | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Wants to join a Palestinian state | 11% | |||
| Wants to remain under Israeli jurisdiction | 83% | |||
| Not specified | 6% | |||
| Source: Kul Al-Arab, 2000 | ||||
| Respondents opposed to joining a future Palestinian state | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Prefer to stay in a democratic state with a high standard of living | 54% | |||
| I am satisfied with the current situation | 18% | |||
| I am not ready to make sacrifices for the formation of a Palestinian state | 14% | |||
| Not specified | 11% | |||
| Source: Kul Al-Arab, 2000 | ||||
Some Israeli politicians are in favor of land swaps to ensure the future majority of Israel's Jewish population. A specific proposal is that Israel transfer the sovereignty of part of the Arab-inhabited area of Wadi Ara west of the Green Line to a future Palestinian state and in return receive formal sovereignty over the important Jewish settlement blocs that lie in the West Bank east of the Green Line.
Avigdor Lieberman of the Jisra'el Beitenu party, the fourth largest faction in the Knesset, is a leading proponent of the transfer of large Arab cities that are located in Israel near the border with the West Bank (e.g. Tayibe, Umm al-Fahm , Baqa al-Gharbiyye ) to the jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority in exchange for Israeli settlements in the West Bank. The London Times writes: “Lieberman plans to strengthen Israel's status as a Jewish state by relocating 500,000 people from the Arab minority in Israel to the West Bank, through the simple solution of adding some Arab-Israeli cities in northern Israel to the West Bank. Another 500,000 people would be deprived of their right to vote if they did not succeed in assuring their loyalty to Zionism . "
In October 2006, Jisra'el Beitenu officially joined the ruling coalition led by the Kadima. After the Israeli cabinet confirmed Avigdor Lieberman's appointment as Minister for Strategic Threats, Ophir Pines-Paz, Minister for Science, Technology, Culture and Sport of the Israel Labor Party resigned. In his resignation letter to Ehud Olmert , he wrote: "I could not sit in government with a minister who preaches racism."
The Lieberman Plan caused a lot of unrest among the Arab Israelis because it explicitly treated them as an internal enemy. Various surveys show that Arab Israelis do not want to move to the West Bank or the Gaza Strip if a Palestinian state is formed there. In a poll conducted by Kul Al-Arab among 1,000 Umm Al-Fahm residents, 83% of those questioned were against the idea of transferring their city under Palestinian sovereignty, 11% supported the proposal and 6% did not answer.
Of those who were against it, 54% said that they did not want to belong to a Palestinian state because they wanted to continue living in a democratic state and had a high standard of living. 18% said they were satisfied with their current situation, that they were born in Israel and had no interest in moving to another state, and 14% said they were not willing to make sacrifices for the establishment of a Palestinian state bring. 14% did not provide any information.
Birth rates
A January 2006 study based on statistical data rejects the threat of the “demographic time bomb”; it shows that the births of Jewish Israelis have increased while the births of Arab Israelis have started to decline. The study pointed to flaws in previous demographic projections; so there was As early as the 1960s, for example, predictions were made that the Arabs would form the majority of the population in the 1990s. It also showed that the birth rates of Christian Arabs and Druze were lower than the birth rate of Jewish Israelis. The study used data from a Gallup survey to show that the desired family size is the same among Arab and Jewish Israelis. For 2025, the study predicts that Arabs will then make up only 25% of the Israeli population. However, the Bedouins, with their high birth rate, are still perceived as a demographic threat in southern Israel, and various development plans such as the Negev Blueprint are addressing this issue.
politics
Arab political parties
There are three major Arab parties in Israel: Chadash (an Arab-Jewish party with strong Arab participation), Balad and the United Arab List , a coalition of various political organizations, including the Islamic Movement in Israel. Another, smaller party is Ta'al . All four parties primarily represent Arab-Israeli and Palestinian interests. The Islamic Movement is an Islamist organization with two factions: one faction does not recognize Israel's right to exist, the other fights against Israel's existence as a Jewish state. In the first Israeli election in 1949, two Arab parties ran, one of them, the Nazareth Democratic List, won two seats. Until the 1960s, all Arab parties in the Knesset formed an alliance with the ruling Mapai party .
A small fraction of the Arab Israelis are members of Zionist parties or vote for them. In the Israeli parliamentary elections in 2006, 30% of Arabs voted for such parties, in the 2003 elections it was 25%, in 1999 it was 30.5% and in 1996 it was 33.4%. The parties most popular with Arab Israelis belong to the left wing, e. B. Meretz-Yachad or the former Am Echad (“One Nation”) party. Some Druze also vote for right-wing parties such as Likud and Jisra'el Beitenu and the center Kadima party.
Representation in the Knesset
Palestinian Arabs were already represented in the first Knesset. Today 13 of the 120 members of the 18th Knesset are Arab Israelis, they mainly represent Arab parties.
In the past and also today there have been and still are police investigations against Arab Knesset members because of their visits to countries with which Israel is at war or which Israeli law classifies as hostile countries. After a visit by the Knesset MP Mohammad Barakeh to Syria, this law was expanded, the MPs now have to obtain express permission from the Interior Minister to visit these countries. In August 2006, Knesset members Azmi Bishara , Jamal Zahalka and Wasil Taha of Balad visited Syria without obtaining or requesting permission, and a criminal investigation began against them. Former Arab Knesset member Muhammad Miari was questioned by police on September 18, 2006 about his recent visit to Syria on suspicion of visiting a hostile country without official permission. Another former Knesset member, Muhammad Kanaan, was questioned by police in connection with the same trip . In 2010, six Arab Knesset MPs visited Libya, an openly anti-Zionist state, and met with Muammar al-Gaddafi and various senior government officials. Gaddafi urged them to work for a one-state solution and called on the Arabs to “multiply” in order to thwart any “plots” aimed at their expulsion.
According to a study commissioned by the Arab Association for Human Rights (HRA) in 2002, eight out of nine Arab Knesset MPs were beaten by Israeli police or security forces during demonstrations in the previous three years. The study with the title "Silencing Dissent" deals with the violation of the political rights of the Arab parties in Israel. She also states that various laws have been passed, including three electoral laws (e.g. banning political parties from elections) and two laws related to the Knesset, the aim of which is “... the rights of the minority [Arab Population] to elect public representatives and to significantly limit the possibilities of these representatives to create independent political platforms and to exercise their duties. "
Representation in the public sector
At the end of 2002, 6.1% of Israel's 56,362 public employees were Arabs. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon declared in 2004 that at least one Arab Israeli must be represented on the board of directors of every state company.
Representation in politics, military and law
Cabinet: Nawaf Massalha , a Muslim Arab, has held several deputy ministerial posts since 1999 and was a. Deputy Foreign Minister. Until 2001, no Arab Israeli was represented in the cabinet. That changed with the appointment of Salah Tarif , a Druze, as non-portfolio minister in Sharon's cabinet. When it came to corruption allegations and a corresponding investigation threatened, tariff resigned from his office. In 2007, the first non-Druze Arab minister in the history of Israel, Raleb Majadele , was appointed minister without portfolio and a month later minister for science, sport and culture. Right-wing Israelis, including cabinet members, criticized Majadele's appointment, but broad sections of Israeli politics condemned it. Some Arab MPs, on the other hand, called the appointment an attempt to "wash away the discriminatory policies against the Arab minority."
Knesset: Arab Israelis were represented in every Knesset. Currently 13 of the 120 MPs in the Knesset are Arabs. Hussniya Jabara , a Muslim from central Israel, was elected to the Knesset in 1999 as the first Arab woman.
Supreme Court: The first Arab judge on the Israeli Supreme Court was Abdel Rahman Zuabi , a secular Muslim from northern Israel. He was appointed for a nine month term in 1999. Salim Joubran , a Christian Arab from Haifa of Lebanese Maronite descent, was the first Arab to be appointed permanent judge at the Supreme Court in 2004. His specialty is criminal law .
Diplomatic Service: The Muslim Ali Yahya was the first Arab ambassador to Israel. He was appointed Israeli ambassador to Finland in 1995 and held that office until 1999. In 2006 he was appointed the Israeli ambassador to Greece . Other Arab ambassadors were the Druze Walid Mansour , who was appointed ambassador to Vietnam in 1999 , and Reda Mansour , also a Druze, a former ambassador to Ecuador . Mohammed Masarwa , an Arab Muslim, was Consul General in Atlanta . In 2006, Ishmael Khaldi was appointed Israeli consul in San Francisco , becoming Israel's first Bedouin consul.
Israel Defense Forces: Arab generals in the Israel Defense Forces include the Druze Arabs Major General Hussain Fares, commander of the Israeli Border Police, and Major General Yosef Mishlav , head of Home Front Command . Another high-ranking and legendary officer is Lieutenant Colonel Amos Yarkoni (born Abd el-Majid Hidr / عبد الماجد حيدر). The Bedouin is one of six Arab Israelis to have received the armed forces’s third highest award, the Medal of Distinguished Service .
Jewish National Fund : In 2007, Ra'adi Sfori was the first Arab Israeli to be elected director of the Jewish National Fund. An appeal against this decision was dismissed in court.
Other political organizations and movements
Abnaa el-Balad: Abnaa el-Balad (Sons of the Country) is a political movement that emerged in 1969 from a movement of Arab students. It is not affiliated with the Balad Knesset party. Abnaa el-Balad takes part in local elections, but strictly rejects any participation in the Knesset. Abnaa el-Balad's political demands include: "The return of all Palestinian refugees to their homeland and their land, [an] end [of] Israeli occupation and Zionist apartheid and the establishment of a democratic secular state in Palestine as the ultimate solution to the Arab-Zionist conflict."
High Follow-Up Committee for Arab Citizens of Israel The High Follow-Up Committee for Arab Citizens of Israel is an extra-parliamentary umbrella organization that represents Arab Israelis at the state level. It is the “most important representative body that deals with issues of general importance for all Israeli Arabs and makes binding decisions.” In fact, the committee is recognized by the state, but there is no legal recognition of its activities in this function so far.
Ta'ayush: Ta'ayush is "a grassroots movement of Arabs and Jews who are committed to breaking down the walls of racism and discrimination by building a true Arab-Jewish partnership."
Regional Council of Unrecognized Villages: The Regional Council of Unrecognized Villages is a body of unofficial representatives of the approx. 40 unrecognized villages in the entire Negev region in southern Israel, whose inhabitants are only slightly represented in comparison with the inhabitants of recognized localities.
Try to ban Arab parties
According to the Israeli constitution “The Knesset” (9th amendment), a political party may not be allowed to vote if “its goals or actions include a non-recognition of the existence of the State of Israel as a state of Jews, a non-recognition of the democratic nature of the state or incitement to racism. ”There have been several attempts to prohibit Arab parties on the basis of this rule. In 2010, however, all such attempts to ban were rejected by the Israeli Central Election Committee or lifted by the Supreme Court.
Progressive Peace List In 1988, a decision by the Central Election Committee to allow the Progressive Peace List to vote in the Knesset was contested on the basis of the 9th Amendment. The Supreme Court upheld the election committee's decision, however, ruling that the Progressive Peace List's demand that Israel “be a state for all its citizens” did not violate the ideology that Israel was the state of the Jews.
Balad In December 2002, Azmi Bishara and his Balad party, which called for Israel to become “a state for all its citizens”, were not allowed to vote by the central election committee. This was justified by the fact that they refused to recognize Israel as a "Jewish and democratic state" and made statements calling for an armed struggle against Israel. The Supreme Court overturned the decision in January 2003. Bishara was a member of the Knesset from 1996 to 2007. In a speech at an Arab book fair in Beirut , Lebanon , Bishara is said to have said in December 2005 that Arab Israelis “[...] are like all other Arabs, only with an Israeli citizenship [...] give us back Palestine and keep your democracy. We Arabs are not interested in it ”. Bishara resigned from his Knesset mandate and left the country in 2007 after it became known that he would be prosecuted. He is accused of espionage and money laundering. This is based on allegations that during the 2006 Lebanon War he gave Hezbollah information on strategic targets that were to be attacked with missiles in exchange for large sums of money.
United Arab List - Ta'al and Balad In 2009, the Ta'al and Balad parties, which were members of the United Arab List, were excluded from parliamentary elections by the Central Election Committee. This was justified with the fact that the parties would not recognize Israel's right to exist and would call for an armed uprising against Israel. The Supreme Court overturned the decision by a majority of eight to one.
Legal and political status
The Israeli declaration of independence declares the establishment of a state that grants all its citizens, regardless of religion, race or gender, social and political equality.
Human and civil rights are now guaranteed by eleven basic laws (Israel has no written constitution). Although the term “right to equal treatment” does not appear expressly in the basic laws, the Supreme Court has interpreted the basic laws “human dignity and freedom” and “freedom of occupation” as a guarantee of equal rights for all Israeli citizens.
The Israeli Foreign Ministry stated: “Arab Israelis are citizens of Israel with equal rights” and “The only legal difference between Arab and Jewish citizens is not a legal one, but rather one of civic duty. Since the founding of Israel, Arab citizens have been exempt from conscription in the Israeli armed forces. ”Druze and Circassian Israeli men are drawn into conscription; all other Israeli Arabs can do voluntary military service in the Israeli army, but very few do so.
Many Arab Israelis feel that the state and Israeli society as a whole not only treat them as second-class citizens, but even treat them as enemies. The 2006 document: The Future Vision of the Palestinian Arabs in Israel , the authors of which are well-known Arab Israelis, states: “The definition of the Israeli state as a Jewish state and the appropriation of democracy in the service of Judaism excludes us and creates tension between us the essence and the nature of the state. ”The document makes it clear that the concept of the Jewish state, by definition, insists on a preference for the Jewish people, enshrined in law in immigration policy and land policy. The authors call for institutions to be set up to protect minority rights under the supervision of an independent anti-discrimination commission.
According to a report by the Arab organization Mossawa, 29 Arabs lost their lives to Israeli security forces between 2000 and 2004. Ahmed Sa'adi pointed out in a 2004 article that the only Israelis killed by Israeli police in protests since 1948 were Arabs.
Arabic and Hebrew as official languages
Arabic was the country's second official language alongside New Hebrew. In July 2018, the Knesset passed the nation-state law . After that, Arabic is no longer the second official language, but it can still be used in government offices.
Following landmark decisions by the Supreme Court in the 1990s, the use of Arabic in the public sector increased significantly. All ministry materials intended for the public are published in Hebrew, and selected materials are also translated into Arabic, English, Russian and other languages. The right of the Arab population to information in the Arabic language is guaranteed by law. For example, the television stations must broadcast a certain proportion of the program in Arabic or with Arabic translation. Workplace safety regulations must be published in Arabic if a significant number of employees are Arabs. Information about drugs and dangerous chemicals must also be provided in Arabic.
Israeli laws are first published in Hebrew, followed by Arabic and English translations. However, the publication of laws in Hebrew in the official government gazette Reshumot is sufficient for them to come into effect. The lack of Arabic translations will only be recognized in court as a means of defense if the accused can demonstrate that he was unable to understand the meaning of the law in any way possible. After appeals to the Supreme Court, the number of street signs and markings in Arabic skyrocketed. The Supreme Court ruled, among other things, that although Arabic was only the second most important language after Hebrew, it should be used extensively as the official language of Israel. Today, most long-distance road signs are trilingual (Hebrew, Arabic and English). However, in many Arab villages there are no street signs at all and the Hebrew names are often used.
Hebrew is the standard language in workplaces, with the exception of Arabic institutions, new immigrants, foreign workers, and the tourism industry. The state schools for Arab children teach in Arabic according to a specially adapted curriculum. This includes compulsory lessons in Hebrew as a foreign language from the 3rd grade. Arabic is also taught in Hebrew-speaking schools, but only the elementary level is compulsory. In the summer of 2008 right-wing politicians attempted to abolish the status of the Arabic language as an official language, but the attempt failed.
National symbols of Israel and Independence Day
Some Arab politicians have called for a reassessment of the Israeli flag and the national anthem HaTikwa , as the Star of David is an exclusively Jewish symbol and the HaTikwa is about the desire of the Jews to return to their homeland and therefore does not represent the Arab citizens. The High Follow-Up Committee for Arab Citizens of Israel and the National Committee for the Heads of the Arab Local Authorities in Israel emphasized in the document "The Future Vision of Palestinian Arabs in Israel" that the disadvantage of the Arabs in both symbols and the Israeli flag and the definition of Israel as a Jewish state as well as in fundamental laws and that these help to create and increase inequality between Arabs and Jews in Israel.
Israeli Independence Day is celebrated on the 5th Ijjar of the Jewish calendar , which is why it falls on a different date every year in the Gregorian calendar . For Arab Israelis, however, this day is a day of mourning, on which they commemorate the Nakba , their name for the war of independence. Like all Palestinians , they also commemorate the Nakba on May 15th (the day after Israel's declaration of independence). However, Druze soldiers participated in Israel's first Independence Day parade in 1949, and Druze and Circassian parades and Bedouin events have been held on Independence Day ever since. In March 2011, the Knesset passed the controversial so-called “Nakba Law”, which provides for the cancellation or reduction of state funds for organizations that organize events and activities on the occasion of the Nakba.
Naturalization and entry to Israel
While Jews who immigrate to Israel usually automatically receive Israeli citizenship, the naturalization of non-Jews and especially Arabs is much more difficult. On July 31, 2003, Israel passed a Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, Temporary Provision, 5763-2003, in the form of an annually renewed ordinance, as an addition to the Israeli Citizenship Act. According to this law, the granting of Israeli citizenship and the right of residence in Israel to Palestinians from the Palestinian territories, i.e. the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, is prohibited. This is the case even if the immigration is part of family reunification, e.g. B. after a marriage with an Israeli citizen. The law runs counter to international family reunification practice. However, the Supreme Court approved the law in 2006 in a narrow majority decision. An exception to this law applies to Palestinians "who identify with the state of Israel and its goals when they or a member of their family has taken specific actions to improve security, the economy or other matters of importance to the state".
In 2005 and 2007, the law was expanded again and in individual cases allows for a limited right of residence in Israel for Palestinian men over 35 years of age and Palestinian women over 25 years of age, as well as for children under 14 years of age. Proponents of the law point out that it aims to prevent terrorist attacks by restricting the immigration of Arabs and to preserve the "Jewish character" of Israel. The amendments to the law of 2005 and 2007 were drafted in line with statistics from the Israeli domestic secret service Shin Bet , which show that participation in terrorist attacks decreases with age. In practice, the enlargements mean that over half of the Palestinians in the Palestinian Territories of Israel cannot obtain legal residence status through marriage and family reunification.
In theory, this law applies to all Israelis, but in practice it affects Arab Israelis far more often, as they are much more likely to be married to Palestinians than Jewish Israelis. The law is therefore widely viewed as discriminatory, and the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has unanimously passed a resolution stating that Israeli law violates an international human rights treaty against racism.
Civil Rights and Discrimination
The Israeli Declaration of Independence declares that the State of Israel guarantees all its citizens, regardless of religion, race or gender, freedom of religion, freedom of conscience and the right to their language, culture and education. Arab citizens are Israelis with equal rights under the law, but many official sources show that Arabs in Israel are discriminated against in many areas of life. Theodor Or, a former Supreme Court judge, wrote in the report of the Or Commission , a state-appointed commission to investigate the events of October 2000:
The Arab citizens of Israel live in a reality in which they experience discrimination as Arabs. This unequal treatment has been documented in numerous professional surveys and studies and confirmed in court orders and government resolutions. It is also reflected in many official reports and documents. The majority of the Jewish population is often barely aware of this discrimination, but it plays a central role in the attitudes and feelings of Arab citizens. This discrimination is widespread both in and outside the Arab sector and is a major source of anger according to official estimates.
The Or Commission report also states that the activities of Islamic organizations could use religious goals as a pretext to achieve political goals. The Commission identifies such activities as a factor in "heating up" the Muslim population in Israel against the authorities. She cites the events around the mosque of al-Sarafand , which Muslim Arabs wanted to restore while Jewish Israelis tried to prevent this, as an example of the "shift in dynamics" in relations between Muslims and the Israeli authorities.
According to the US State Department's 2004 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for Israel and the Occupied Territories, the Israeli government has done little "to reduce institutional , legal and social discrimination against the Arab citizens of Israel."
The U.S. Department of State report states:
- Israeli-Arab advocacy organizations are questioning the government's policy of demolishing illegal buildings in the Arab sector, claiming that the government is far more restrictive in granting building permits in Arab localities than in Jewish localities, thereby ignoring natural population growth.
- The Supreme Court ruled in June that it is discriminatory to exclude Arab cities from special government social and economic programs. This decision builds on the previous assessment of the disadvantages suffered by Arab Israelis.
- Israeli-Arab organizations have criticized the 1996 Master Plan for the Northern Areas of Israel-Arab as discriminatory because its main objectives are to increase the Jewish population of Galilee and prevent a contiguous area of Arab cities.
- Israeli Arabs are not required to do compulsory military service and, in practice, only a very small proportion of Israeli Arabs serve in the military. Those who do not do military service are excluded from the social and economic advantages for which military service is a prerequisite, e.g. B. Housing benefits, help with setting up a new household and employment opportunities especially in government and security-related areas. The Ivri Committee on National Service has made an official recommendation that Israeli Arabs who have previously been exempted from military service should not be forced to do military or community service, but should be given the opportunity to do such service.
- According to a 2003 study by the University of Haifa , there is a tendency for Arab citizens to receive higher prison terms than Jewish citizens. Human rights advocates claim that Arab citizens are more likely to be convicted of murder and that Arabs are more likely to be refused bail release.
- The investigation report of the Or Commission [...] states that the government's dealings with the Arab sector are mainly characterized by negligence and discrimination and that "the government does not show the necessary sensitivity to the needs of the Arab population and does not do enough to achieve this. to distribute state resources fairly ”. As a result, various areas of the Arab sector are faced with serious problems such as poverty, unemployment, lack of land, problems in education and major deficiencies in infrastructure.
The 2007 US State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices states:
- "According to a study by the Hebrew University , three times as much money was invested in Jewish children as in Arab children."
Human Rights Watch has criticized the fact that the cuts in child benefits for parents who have not done military service discriminate against Arab children: “These cuts will also affect the children of ultra-Orthodox Jews who do not do military service; However, they are entitled to additional support such as educational grants that Palestinian-Arab children cannot get. "
According to the Guardian , only 5% of civil servants were Arabs in 2006 while their proportion of the population is around 20%, and these were often hired to deal with other Arabs. The Guardian also reports that the Bedouin infant mortality rate is still the highest in Israel and one of the highest in the western world, yet the Arab towns receive only 0.6% of the Israeli budget for building health care facilities.
A report issued in March 2010 by various Israeli civil rights groups claimed that the Knesset was "the most racist in Israeli history" at the time; In 2008 and 2009, 21 laws were passed that discriminated against the country's Arab minority.
The Mossawa Center - an advocacy organization for Arabs in Israel - accuses the Knesset of discriminating against Arabs and finds a 75% increase in discriminatory and racist laws passed by the Knesset in 2009. According to the Mossawa Center's annual report on racism, the Knesset was presented with eleven courts in 2007 that Mossawa classified as “discriminatory and racist”; in 2008 there were twelve and in 2009 there were already 21 laws. According to the report, according to z. For example, a law granting academic scholarships to soldiers who have served in combat units; and a law denying financial aid to organizations that act contrary to “principles of the state”. The EU- sponsored Coalition Against Racism and the Mossawa Center say the bills aim to delegitimize the country's Arab citizens by restricting their civil rights.
Real estate
Administration, distribution and leasing of Israeli land
The Jewish National Fund (JNF) is a private organization founded in 1901 with the aim of buying land in Israel and making it available for Jewish settlement. Land purchases were made with earmarked donations from Jews around the world. The JNF currently owns around 13% of the Jewish land, 79.5% is state owned (this land is leased on an equal basis) and the remaining 6.5% is shared equally by Arab and Jewish owners. The Israel Land Administration (Israel Land Administration; ILA) manages the state's land and the land of the JNF and 93.5% of Israeli land. The "purchase" of ILA land in Israel actually means that the land will be leased to the "owner" for 49 years.
A significant portion of the JNF's real estate consists of former private property left behind by Palestinian absentees . Because of this, the legitimacy of some of the JNF's property is controversial. The JNF purchased these properties from the State of Israel between 1949 and 1953 after they were state owned under the Absentee Properties Law . The JNF charter expressly states that the land is intended for use by Jews; however, land was also leased to Bedouin shepherds. Nevertheless, the JNF's policies have been criticized as discriminatory. When the ILA leased land from the JNF to Arabs, it took control of that land and compensated the JNF with an equal amount of land in areas not designated for development (usually the Galilee and the Negev), so that the amount of land owned by the JNF stayed the same. This mechanism was complicated and controversial and its use was suspended in 2004. After discussions by the Supreme Court and a directive from the Attorney General ordering the ILA to lease JNF land to Arabs and Jews alike, the JNF proposed in 2007 that the land exchange mechanism be reintroduced.
While the JNF and ILA see land swaps as a long-term solution, opponents say that this mechanism will privatize public land and maintain a situation where important land areas are not available to all Israeli citizens. Adalah and other organizations have also expressed concern that the unbundling of the ILA and JNF proposed by Ami Ajalon , for example , would give the JNF a free hand in using its land to target hundreds of thousands of Jews in areas with a weak Jewish majority ( in particular 100,000 Jews in existing localities in Galilee and 250,000 Jews in new localities in the Negav as part of the Blueprint Negev development plan).
THE ILA, which manages 93.5% of Israeli land, does not lease any land to non-Israelis, including the Arab residents of Jerusalem, most of whom are in possession of Israeli identity cards but not Israeli citizenship. According to Article 19 of the ILA lease agreement, foreigners are excluded from leasing ILA land. In practice, foreigners can prove that they are considered Jewish under the Return Act.
Land abandoned in the 1948 Palestinian War
Israeli law does not treat Jews and Arabs equally on the issue of the right to regain property from before the refugee movements following the Palestinian War of 1948. The Absentees Property Law of 1950 states all Arabs who left the country between November 29, 1947 and May 19, 1948, and all Palestinians who were overseas or imprisoned in Palestinian territories up to September 1, 1948 were losing their legal rights to property they owned before the war. Palestinians who fled before or during the war of 1948 or were evicted from their homes by Jewish or Israeli forces but remained within the boundaries of the later State of Israel, i.e. the later Arab Israelis, were declared by law to be present absentees , even if they left their homes involuntarily and originally only wanted to do so for a few days.
In the wake of the 1967 Six Day War, in which Israel occupied the West Bank and East Jerusalem, Israel passed the Law and Administration Arrangements Law in 1970 , which allowed Jews to get back property in East Jerusalem and the West Bank that they had lost during the 1948 Palestine War. Arab residents of Jerusalem ( absentees ) in the same location and Arab Israelis ( present absentees ) who owned property in East Jerusalem or in other areas within Israel before the war and lost it as a result of the war cannot claim it back. So Israeli law allows Jews to get their property back, but Arabs do not.
( see section Palestine War ).
Opinions against the allegations of discrimination
Dr. Tashbih Sayyed , a Shiite Pakistani-American scholar, journalist, and author, denies that Muslim Arab Israelis have fewer rights than other Israelis, saying that Israel's democratic principles protect Arabs and that Israel grants them all of the rights and privileges of Israeli citizenship . He claims that Israel is one of the few countries in the Middle East where Arab women can vote. In fact, women have the right to vote in every Middle Eastern country except Saudi Arabia . Sayyed provides no substantive evidence for his generalization that Muslim women “enjoy more freedom in Israel than in any Muslim country”.
In Israel there are different social groups with their own strong cultural, religious, ideological and / or ethnic identity. The Israeli Foreign Ministry points out that the political system and the judiciary stand for strict legal and civic equality regardless of existing social differences and economic imbalances. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Israel is "not a social melting pot, but rather a mosaic of different population groups living together within the framework of the democratic state".
The highest-ranking Muslim in Israel's diplomatic service, Ishmael Khaldi , an Arab Israeli, believes that while Israeli society is far from perfect, minorities are doing better than any other country in the Middle East . He writes:
I am a proud Israeli, like many other non-Jewish Israelis, e.g. B. Druze, Baha'i , Bedouins, Christians and Muslims who live in one of the most culturally diverse societies and the only true democracy in the Middle East. Like America, Israeli society is far from perfect, but we should be honest. By every conceivable measure, be it educational opportunities, economic development, the situation of women and homosexuals, freedom of speech and assembly or representation in parliament, the minorities in Israel are far better off than in any other country in the Middle East.
The Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America (CAMERA), a pro-Israel organization, believes that Arab Israelis enjoy an advantage in that they do not have to do military service but have the same rights like the Jewish Israelis did. As evidence, they cite several cases in which Israeli courts have ruled in favor of Arab citizens.
The Arab-Israeli journalist Khaled Abu Toameh told an Arab audience at the Durban Review Conference in Geneva in 2009 : “As I said, there are very serious problems regarding the Arab sector in Israel. Ehud Olmert, the former Prime Minister of Israel, recently said that Israeli Arabs suffer from policies of systematic discrimination, especially in the distribution of public funds. ”, And continued“ Israel is a wonderful place to live and we are happy to be here . Israel is a free and open country. If given the choice, I would rather live in Israel as a second class citizen than a first class citizen in Cairo , Gaza , Amman or Ramallah . "
Resistance to marriages between Arab and Jewish Israelis
The Jewish halacha forbids marriages between Jews and non-Jews. Since there are no civil marriages under Israeli law, Jewish Israelis cannot marry non-Jews on Israeli territory. However, marriages made abroad are recognized by Israel, so marrying abroad is the only option for such couples.
Marriages between Jews and Arabs are a particularly emotionally charged topic. An opinion poll in 2007 found that over half of Israeli Jews think that mixed marriages amount to betrayal of Israel. In Pisgat Ze'ev , groups of Jewish men have started patrolling the streets to prevent Jewish women from meeting Arab men. The city of Petah Tikva has announced that it will set up a telephone hotline for friends and relatives of Jewish women meeting with Arab men and will also provide psychological counseling. The city of Kiryat Gat has launched a campaign in schools to warn Jewish girls against relationships with local Bedouins.
Economic situation and employment
Inequalities in the provision of public funds to meet the needs of the Jewish and Arab populations and widespread unemployment pose major economic problems for Arab Israelis. According to the Minorities-at-Risk project (MAR, research project by US universities on the situation of minorities worldwide), there is de facto discrimination against Arab Israelis in the economic field as well.
The most important characteristic of the economic development of the Arab Israelis after 1949 was the transition from a predominantly peasant-agricultural to a proletarian-industrial workforce. This economic transition took place in three different phases. The first phase from 1949 to 1967 was marked by the process of proletarianization. In the second phase from 1967 the economic development of the Arab Israelis was promoted and an Arab bourgeoisie gradually emerged on the fringes of the Jewish bourgeoisie. Since the 1980s, the Arab Israelis have been developing their economic and, in particular, industrial potential in a targeted manner. In July 2006, the Israeli government classified all Arab towns as “Class A development areas”, which qualifies them for tax breaks. This decision aims to encourage investments in the Arab sector.
Raanan Dinur, director general of the prime minister's office, said in December 2006 that Israel had firm plans to set up a capital fund of NIS 160 million to support business development in the country's Arab sector over the next decade. According to Dinur, up to 80 companies owned by Arab Israelis can receive a maximum of NIS 4 million (approx. € 803,000) from the fund over a period of ten years.
The New York Times reported in February 2007 that 53% of poverty-stricken families in Israel are Arab. Since most Arab Israelis do not do military service, they are also not entitled to a lot of financial support such as scholarships and housing loans.
Arab localities in Israel are unwilling to collect local taxes from their residents.
The well-known Arab-Jewish NGO Sikkuy found that 92.6% of Arab Israelis own their homes, compared to 70% of Jewish Israelis.
employment
36 of the 40 Israeli cities with the highest unemployment are Arab cities. According to the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics (2003), the average salaries of Arab workers were 29% lower than Jewish workers.
The reasons for the difficulties Arab Israelis find in finding work are the relatively low level of education compared to the Jewish population, a lack of employment opportunities in the vicinity of Arab cities, discrimination by Jewish employers and competition from foreign workers in areas such as construction and agriculture. The unemployment rate of Arab men is roughly the same as that of Jewish men. H. it was 64.3% for Arabs in 2016 (compared to 69.5% for Jewish men). However, the unemployment rate among Arab women is higher than that of both religious and secular Jewish women. In 1999 only 17% of Arab women were employed, which resulted in the Arab employment rate being only 68% of the average Israeli employment rate. The employment rate of the Druze and the Arab Christians was higher than that of the Muslims. In 2016, 27.5% of Arab women were employed in the official labor market (compared to 59.2% of Jewish women).
In 2006, only 5% of civil servants were Arabs, compared to about 20% of the population.
The non-profit organization Hybrid has been supporting Arab start-ups since 2015 with the aim of advising young companies, offering contacts to investors and developing business models. Hybrid sees the promotion of women-run companies as a particular success. Up to ten companies are funded each year.
health
The most common disease-related causes of death among Arab Israelis are heart disease and cancer. Around 14% of them had diabetes in 2000. About half of all Arab men are smokers. Life expectancy has increased by 27 years since 1948. In addition, Arab infant mortality has fallen from 32 deaths per 1,000 births in 1970 to 8.4 deaths per 1,000 births in 2003, mainly due to improved medical care. However, this is still more than twice as high as the Jewish infant mortality rate (3.6 deaths per 1,000 births). The Negev Bedouin infant mortality rate remains the highest in Israel and one of the highest in the western world. The Israeli government has not tried to address this imbalance with the distribution of budget funds: In the 2002 budget, the Arab towns and cities did not even receive 0.6% (1.6 million NIS) of the total budget of 277 million NIS from the Israeli Ministry of Health Expansion of health facilities.
education
The Israeli government regulates and funds most schools in the country, including most of the schools run by private organizations. The national school system has two branches, an Arabic-speaking branch and a Hebrew-speaking branch. The math, science, and English curricula are almost identical for both branches. However, they differ in the humanities subjects such as history and literature and in the languages Hebrew and Arabic. In Arabic-speaking schools, Hebrew is taught as a foreign language from the 3rd grade onwards; it is a compulsory subject for university entrance exams. In the Hebrew-speaking schools, on the other hand, only basic knowledge of Arabic is taught, usually from 7th to 9th grade. Arabic is not a compulsory subject for the university entrance exam. The linguistic division begins in preschool and continues until the end of high school. At the university level there is only one system, the languages of which are primarily Hebrew and English.
Inequalities between Arabs and Jews in the educational system
The Follow-Up Committee for Arab Education points out that the Israeli government spends an average of US $ 192 for every Arab student, but an average of US $ 1,100 for every Jewish student. The drop-out rate of Arab students at 12% is twice as high as that of Jewish students. The committee also notes that the Arab sector lacks 5000 classrooms.
A 2001 report by Human Rights Watch said: “Arab state schools are worlds apart from Jewish state schools. In virtually every way, the education Palestinian Arab children receive is inferior to that of Jewish children, and this is reflected in their relatively poor academic performance. ”The report finds striking differences in almost all aspects of education.
According to the US State Department's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for Israel and the Occupied Territories 2004 report, Israeli Arabs were under-represented in student organizations and faculties at most universities and in higher professional and corporate positions, and Jewish Israelis attended school on average three years longer than Arab Israelis. Arabs with higher education were often unable to find jobs that matched their educational level. According to Sikkuy, Arab citizens only held about 60 to 70 of the 5,000 university faculty positions. "
Arab teachers have long expressed concern about budgetary institutionalized discrimination in the state education sector. A study by Sorel Cahan of the Hebrew University's Department of Education, published in August 2009 by Megamot, shows that the Israeli Ministry of Education clearly discriminates against Arabs when it grants special grants to students with poor socio-economic backgrounds. This discrimination results from the distribution mechanism: First, the corresponding funds are divided between the Hebrew and Arab sectors according to the number of students. However, since there are many more students in need in the Arab sector, they receive less funding per capita than Jewish students. The Ministry of Education says it wants to get rid of this distribution method and move to a unified index method.
Data from the Ministry of Education on the number of high school students who pass the university entrance examination show, broken down by city, that most Arab cities were again in the under field. An exception is the Arab city of Fureidis with the best rate in all of Israel (75.86%).
higher education
Almost half of the Arab students who have passed the university entrance exam do not get a place at further educational institutions because they do poorly in the standardized PET test (Psychometric Entrance Test), which is very important in the allocation of university places. This only applies to 20% of the Jewish applicants. Khaled Arar, a professor at Beit Berl College , one of Israel's largest universities, believes the PET test is culturally unbalanced: “The difference between Jewish and Arab students in the results of the PET test has remained unchanged since 1982 and is 100 Points out of 800 total points. That alone should arouse suspicion. "
However, a study from 1986 came to the conclusion that the cultural background of the test subjects played only a very minor role in the PET test and that the differences in the results were more due to psychometric than to cultural characteristics.
Military service
Arab Israelis are not required to do military service. Apart from the Bedouins, there are hardly any Arab volunteers in the Israeli army (around 120 annually). Up until 2000, 5 to 10% of the Bedouins of the Negev who were of draft age for military service volunteered for the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). The Bedouins were well known for their special status as volunteers. The legendary Israeli soldier Amos Yarkoni , the first commander of the Shaked Reconnaissance Battalion of the Giv'ati Brigade , was a Bedouin (born Abd el-Majid Hidr). Today, less than 1% of Israeli soldiers are believed to be Bedouin. A 2003 report found that readiness to serve in the army has fallen dramatically among Bedouins in recent years as the Israeli government failed to deliver on its promise of equal service to Israeli Bedouins. However , according to a 2009 article in the Haaretz , the number of volunteers for a top Bedouin elite unit of the army has tripled.
Druze men are required to do military service under a 1956 agreement between the Druze regional religious leaders and the Israeli government. Initial resistance among the Druze to this decision has meanwhile given way to a broad “consensus” for military service. It is estimated that 85% of the Druze men in Israel do military service, many of them becoming officers, and some even reaching the rank of commanding general. In 2001, the politician of the Balad Said Nafa party , an Arab Druze, founded the Pact of Free Druze, an organization whose aim is to end the conscription of the Druze and which claims that the community the Druze is an inviolable part of the Arab Israelis and the Palestinian people as a whole. "
Sherut Leumi (National Service)
Young Arab Israelis have the option of voluntarily doing what is known as national service instead of military service, which is not open to them, and in return receive benefits that correspond to those of soldiers after they have been discharged from military service. The volunteers are usually used as helpers in social and communal matters in the Arab population. In 2010 there were 1,473 Arab volunteers in the national service, 92% of whom were women. According to the National Service Administration, Arab leaders discourage young Arabs from doing this service for the state. A national service official said: “For years the Arab leaders have rightly demanded perks for Arab youth on a par with those offered by soldiers after military service. Now that this opportunity exists, it is the very same leaders who are rejecting the state's invitation to serve and avail the perks. "
Relationship between Arab and Jewish Israelis
Opinion polls and scientific studies
In a 2004 study by Prof. Sammy Smooha of the Jewish-Arab Center at Haifa University, 84.9% of Arab Israelis said that Israel had a right to exist as an independent state; 70% said it had a right to exist as a democratic, Jewish state. A study by the Truman Institute at Haifa University found that 63% of Arab Israelis accept Israel's rationale as the state of the Jewish people.
A 2006 poll by the Arab lobby organization Center Against Racism revealed negative attitudes among Jewish Israelis towards Arabs. 63% of the Jews surveyed believed that Arabs were a threat to security, 68% were unwilling to live in a building with Arabs, and 34% believed that Arab culture was inferior to Israeli culture. Advocacy for a separation of Jewish and Arab Israelis was particularly high among Middle Eastern Jews.
An opinion poll by the Israeli Democracy Institute (IDI) found in 2007 that 75% of “… Israeli Arabs would support a constitution that defines Israel's status as a Jewish and democratic state, but guarantees equal rights for minorities; 23% said they were against such a definition ”. Another poll in the same year showed that 62% of Arab Israelis preferred to remain Israeli citizens rather than become citizens of a future Palestinian state. In a later poll, the number was even higher: in 2008, 77% said they would rather live as Israeli citizens in Israel than in any other country in the world.
Another poll by Sammy Smooha in 2007 found that 63% of Jewish Israelis avoided visiting Arab towns and villages; 86.4% feared widespread unrest among Arab Israelis. 49.7% of Arab Israelis justified the kidnapping of the two Israeli army reservists Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev by Hezbollah in an attack on Israeli soil; 18.7% believed that Israel had the right to go to war after this kidnapping. 48.2% of Arab Israelis justified Hezbollah's rocket attacks on northern Israel during the 2006 Lebanon War. 89.1% viewed the Israeli army bombing Lebanon as a war crime, and 44% viewed the Hezbollah bombing Israel as a war crime. 62% of Arab Israelis were concerned that Israel might place their localities under the jurisdiction of a future Palestinian state, and 60% said they were concerned about the possibility of mass displacement of Arabs from Israel. 67.5% of Arab Israelis would like to live in a Jewish state adjacent to a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip; 40.5% did not believe that the Holocaust took place.
The Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) noted a "dramatic" increase in racism against Arab citizens and a 26% increase in anti-Arab incidents. ACRI President, writer Sami Michael, said that Israeli society has reached a new level of racism that threatens freedom of expression and privacy.
A 2008 survey by the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University on the relationship between Arab and Jewish Israelis found that both Arabs and Jews underestimated the sympathy of their communities for one another. 63% of Jews were in favor of teaching the Arabic language in Jewish schools.
A new poll by the Center Against Racism in 2008 found that 75% of Jewish Israelis did not want to live in a building with Arabs, more than 60% would not invite Arabs into their homes, and 40% believed that Arabs should be deprived of their right to vote . More than 50% agreed with the statement that the state should encourage the emigration of Arab Israelis to other countries, and 59% rated Arab culture as primitive. When asked “How do you feel when you hear other people speak Arabic?”, 31% said that they felt hatred and 50% that they felt fear. Only 19% said they had positive or neutral feelings. More than half described marrying an Arab or an Arab woman as treason.
Polls from 2009 revealed a radicalization of attitudes of Arab Israelis towards the State of Israel. Only 41% recognized Israel's right to exist as a Jewish and democratic state (in 2003 it was 65.6%), and only 53.7% were of the opinion that Israel had the right to exist as an independent state (2003: 81.1%) . Opinion polls also showed that 40% of Arab citizens did not believe that the Holocaust took place.
In a 2010 poll of Israeli high school students, 49.5% believed that Arab Israelis should not have the same rights in Israel as Jews, and 56% believed that Arabs should not be elected to the Knesset. The proportion of religious students who were of this opinion was even higher. While 16% of secular students believe that the phrase "death to the Arabs" is a legitimate proposition, 45% of religious students thought so.
A 2016 poll by the Pew Research Center reveals growing doubts about the Middle East peace process . While in 2013 74% of Israeli Arabs believed a peaceful two-state solution was possible, in 2015 it was only 50%.
Involvement of Arab Israelis in terrorist attacks in Israel
Since Arab Israelis are Israeli citizens and have many useful knowledge as residents of Israel, organizations that attack civilians prefer to use them to assist in such attacks. Between 2001 and 2004 there were at least 102 Arab Israeli organizations involved in attacks on Israeli citizens. For example, on September 9, 2001, the passengers of a train were attacked by an Arab Israeli while they were disembarking in Nahariya ; he killed three people and injured 90 others. On March 1, 2007, two Arab Israelis were convicted of manslaughter. They smuggled a suicide bomber into Israel, enabling him to carry out a suicide bombing in Netanya in July 2005 , in which five Israelis were killed and 30 injured.
Participation of Arabs from East Jerusalem
Over the years, numerous Arabs from East Jerusalem have been involved in Palestinian terrorist activities, particularly Hamas activities . More than 150 Arab residents of East Jerusalem were arrested between the start of the Second Intifada in 2000 and 2004; they have been charged with participating in attacks that killed hundreds of Israelis and injured more than a thousand.
Connections between Arab Israelis and Hezbollah
Hezbollah uses - especially since the withdrawal of the Israeli army from southern Lebanon in May 2000 - family and criminal connections to Arab Israelis for its activities. Since Arab Israelis can cross the border with Lebanon and also meet Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, they can smuggle weapons, drugs and money into Israel, collect information and contact or recruit other sympathizers relatively easily. The village of Ghajar is particularly popular for such activities. Arab Israelis were convicted of espionage for Hezbollah. There are also terrorist cells run by Arab Israelis. In February 2004, members of a terrorist cell in the village of Reineh were arrested.
Violence against Arab Israelis in Israel
In the 1956 Kafr Qasim massacre, 48 unarmed Arab Israelis were killed by the Israeli border police on their way back to their village near Sinai . A curfew had previously been imposed, but the villagers were not informed. Arab Israelis were also killed in demonstrations and riots by Israeli security forces, for example six people lost their lives in the Ground Day demonstrations in March 1976 , and twelve Arab Israelis and one Palestinian from the Gaza Strip were killed in the October 2000 riots in northern Israel .
In 2005, the deserted Israeli army soldier and settler activist Eden Natan-Zada murdered four Arabs and injured 22 others on a bus in Shefa-'Amr , northern Israel. No group confessed to the attack; a representative of the radical settler movement denied any involvement.
Arab victims of terrorism
Arab Israelis have also been victims of Palestinian, Arab or Islamist terrorist attacks on Israel and Israelis. For example, on September 12, 1956, three Druze guards were murdered in an attack on Ein Ofarim in the Arabah region. Two Arabs were killed in the Ma'alot massacre by the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine on May 15, 1974. In March 2002, a resident of the Arab city of Tur'an was killed in an attack on a restaurant in Haifa. Two months later, a Tel Aviv woman was killed in a Hamas suicide bombing in Rishon LeZion . Among the 19 people killed in a Hamas bus bombing in Jerusalem in 2002 was an Arab woman from the Arab border town of Barta'a . In August 2002 a man from the Arab city of Maghar and a woman from the Druze village of Sajur were killed in a suicide attack at the Meron intersection. On October 21, 2002, a man from Isfiya and a woman from Tayibe were among the 14 people killed in an Islamic Jihad suicide attack on a bus near Hadera . On March 5, 2003, a thirteen-year-old girl from the Druze city of Daliyat al-Karmil was among the 17 victims of a Hamas suicide attack on a bus in Haifa. In May 2003 a man from Jisr al-Zarqa was killed in a suicide bombing in Afula .
On March 19, 2004, the Arab Christian George Khoury , a student at the Hebrew University, was murdered in Jerusalem. The al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades , a militant sub-group of Fatah , took responsibility for the assassination attempt on the Israeli, whom they believed to be a Jew. On December 12, 2004, five Arab soldiers from the Israeli army were killed in an explosion and shooting on the Egyptian border, committed by the militant Palestinian group Fatah Hawks . Arab Israelis were also among the 21 fatalities in the terrorist attack in the Maxim restaurant in Haifa on October 4, 2003. During the 2006 Lebanon War, 19 Arab Israelis lost their lives in July 2006 in Hezbollah rocket fire.
Culture
Many Arab Israelis share and are actively involved in the culture of the Palestinians and the Arab region. Arab women in Israel still produce the traditional Palestinian textiles and embroidery today. To this day, young people in cultural groups learn the Palestinian folk dance Dabke , which is often danced at weddings and celebrations.
Language and mass media
Most Arab Israelis are bilingual or trilingual and speak a dialect of Palestinian Arabic as well as modern Standard Arabic and Hebrew fluently. In Arabic cities and families, Arabic is the colloquial language. The dialect of the Arabs of Israel is mostly referred to as "Israeli Arabic".
There are different colloquial Arabic dialects in different regions and places. The inhabitants of Umm al-Fahm in the Meshulash area, as well as many Palestinians with (ancestors from) rural backgrounds, do not pronounce the letter kaph , but rather ch. Some Arabic words and expressions are only used in certain regions, e.g. B. the words issa in Nazareth for "now" and silema , a regional variant of the English word "cinema".
Some Hebrew words have found their way into colloquial Arabic, e.g. B. beseder (okay, okay), ramzor (traffic light), mazgan (air conditioning) and machschev (computer). The words adopted are often "Arabicized", ie adapted to the Arabic phonology, but also to the phonology of the Hebrew spoken by Arabs.
Arab Israelis often watch both Arab satellite television and Israeli cable television and read both Arab and Hebrew newspapers to compare the information.
Art and music
Arab Israelis support the Palestinian art scene with their contributions. Singers like Amal Murkus combine traditional elements of Palestinian and Arabic music with modern pop. In addition, a new generation of young Arab Israelis has started to express their Palestinian identity in new musical forms. The success of the Lod Arab hip-hop band Dam has contributed to the emergence of other hip-hop groups in cities such as Akkon , Bethlehem, Ramallah and Gaza.
Cinema and theater
Arab Israelis have made significant contributions to both Hebrew and Arab cinema and theater in Israel. The actors Mohammad Bakri , Salim Dau and Juliano Mer-Khamis have appeared in Israeli cinema and television productions. Award-winning directors such as Elia Suleiman , Hany Abu-Assad , and Michel Khleifi have made the Arab Israelis known in the cinema world. The films "Chronicle of a Disappearance" (1996) and "Divine Intervention - A Chronicle of Love and Pain" (2002) by Elia Suleiman won numerous international awards. Suleiman was a jury member at the 59th Cannes Film Festival in 2006 . Michel Khleifi's film "Hochzeit in Galiläa" (Wedding in Galilee, 1987) won the international critics' award in Cannes in 1987. " Paradise Now " by Hany Abu-Assad (2004) was nominated for an Oscar for Best Foreign Language Film in 2006 and received numerous international awards, including the 2006 Golden Globe in the Best Foreign Language Film category and the 2005 European Film Prize in the Best Screenplay category.
For several years now, Arab-Israeli culture in Israel has been concentrated in Haifa . The al-Midan Theater was opened there in 2015, among other things, it is the first permanent venue for the Arabic-speaking Khashabi Ensemble founded in 2011.
literature
Well-known Arab-Israeli authors include: Emil Habibi , Mahmoud Darwisch , Anton Shammas and Sayed Kashua .
See also
literature
- Sayed Kashua : Dancing Arabs. Berliner Taschenbuch-Verlag, Berlin 2004, ISBN 3-8333-0095-7 .
- Sayed Kashua: It was morning. Berliner Taschenbuch-Verlag, Berlin 2006, ISBN 3-8333-0400-6 .
- Honeida Ghanim: לבנות את האומה מחדש: אינטלקטואלים פלסטינים בישראל. (Reinventing the Nation. Palestinian Intellectuals in Israel.) Hebrew University Magnes Press, Jerusalem 2009, ISBN 978-965-493-415-2 . (in Hebrew)
- Katharina Kretzschmar: Identities in Conflict. Palestinian memory of the Nakba in 1948 and its effect on the third generation. Transcript Verlag, Histoire Volume 154, Bielefeld 2019, ISBN 978-3-8376-4787-7 .
- Orgad, Liav (PhD), IDC, Hertzlia: Internationalizing the issue of Israeli Arabs. Maariv, March 19, 2006 p. 7.
- Mark Tessler, Audra K. Grant: Israel's Arab Citizens: The Continuing Struggle. In: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Volume 555. Israel in Transition. January 1998, pp. 97-113.
- Alexander Bligh: The Israeli Palestinians: an Arab minority in the Jewish state . 2003.
- Smadar Bakovic: Tall shadows: interviews with Israeli Arabs . Hamilton Books, 2006, ISBN 0-7618-3289-0 .
- Laurence Louër, John King: Israel's Arab Citizens . C. Hurst & Co., London 2006, ISBN 1-85065-798-X .
- Massoud Ahmad Eghbarieh: Arab citizens in Israel: the ongoing conflict with the state . University of Maryland at College Park, Thesis (Ph.D.) 1991.
- International Crisis Group: Identity crisis: Israel and its Arab citizens. In: Middle East Report. No. 25, March 4, 2004.
- Rafi Israeli: The Arabs in Israel: A Surging New Identity. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, 1989.
Web links
- Adalah - The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel , Haifa
- Mossawa Center The Advocacy Center For Arab Citizens In Israel , Haifa
- Arab Association for Human Rights , Nazareth (English)
- Nabila Espanioly: A minority that is no longer silent. Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Israel, September 22, 2016
- Scientific services of the German Bundestag: The Israeli understanding of the state and the Arab population of Israel. (PDF), January 24, 2007
Individual evidence
- ^ Margalith, Haim: Enactment of a Nationality Law in Israel . In: American Society of Comparative Law (Ed.): The American Journal of Comparative Law . 2, No. 1, Winter, 1953, pp. 63-66. doi : 10.2307 / 837997 .
- ^ A b Johnathan Marcus: Israeli Arabs: 'Unequal citizens' . In: BBC News , May 2, 2005. Retrieved July 9, 2011.
- ↑ a b c d e f g h Israel in Figures 2008 Israel Central Bureau of Statistics , 2008.
- ^ A b International Crisis Group: Identity Crisis: Israel and its Arab Citizens . In: Middle East Report N ° 25 . March 4, 2004. Retrieved April 14, 2011.
- ^ A b Scott Wilson: Golan Heights Land, Lifestyle Lure Settlers . In: The Washington Post . October 30, 2006. Retrieved July 9, 2011.
- ^ Scott Wilson: More East Jerusalem Palestinians seeking Israeli citizenship, report shows . In: Haaretz . April 22, 2013. Retrieved February 28, 2014.
- ↑ Majority of Israeli Arabs identify with Israel. Israelnetz.de , April 21, 2020, accessed on May 4, 2020 .
- ↑ Nabila Espanioly: A minority that is no longer silent. In: Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Israel Office. September 22, 2016. Retrieved May 9, 2017 .
- ↑ Sam Bahour : Don't Call Us 'Israeli Arabs': Palestinians in Israel Speak Out. In: Haaretz , September 26, 2016.
- ↑ Muhammad Amara: Politics and sociolinguistic reflexes: Palestinian border villages , illustrated edition. Edition, John Benjamin Publishing Company, 1999, ISBN 978-90-272-4128-3 (accessed July 9, 2011).
- ^ Rebecca B. Kook: The Logic of Democratic Exclusion: African Americans in the United States and Palestinian citizens in Israel . Lexington Books, 2002 ,, ISBN 978-0-7391-0442-2 , pp. 67 f. (Accessed July 9, 2011): "The category of" Israeli Arab "was constructed by the Israeli authorities. As it indicates, this category assumes and constructs two levels of identity. The first is that of Arab. Local Palestinians who remained in what became Israel were designated as Arabs rather than Palestinians. This category refers to the realm of culture and ethnicity and not, clearly, politics. The official government intention was for the "Arab" to designate culture and ethnicity and the "Israeli" - to designate the political identity. [...] In addition to the category of Israeli Arabs, other categories include "the minorities" and "the Arab sector," or, in certain sectors the more cryptice appellation of "our cousins." "
- ↑ http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,5917689,00.html
- ↑ Archive link ( Memento from March 5, 2016 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ Gisela Dachs: Women in Israel: "A woman always belongs to someone". In: Zeit Online. June 17, 2010, accessed April 22, 2011 .
- ↑ A study by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation from 2008 shows that more Arab citizens feel connected to Israel than to a future Palestinian state. http://m.jpost.com/Israel-News/Survey-60-percent-of-Arab-Israelis-have-positive-view-of-state-506150#/ [SURVEY: 60% OF ARAB ISRAELIS HAVE POSITIVE VIEW OF STATE]
- ^ Steven Dinero: New Identity / Identities Formulation in a Post-Nomadic Community: The Case of the Bedouin of the Negev . In: National Identities . 6, No. 3, 2004, pp. 261-275.
- ↑ a b Suzanna Kokkoken: Between success and the search for identity . World Zionist Organization. Archived from the original on December 10, 2007. Retrieved July 9, 2011.
- ↑ Larry Derfner: Israeli Arabs find no joy during Independence Day . Jerusalem Post. April 24, 1998. Retrieved July 9, 2011.
- ↑ Hana Amoury, Yossi Bartal, Tsafrir Cohen: Together differently - The common list and progressive politics in Israel. In: Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Israel Office. September 20, 2016. Retrieved May 29, 2017 .
- ↑ Iris Mayer : Israel: The model Arab. In: Focus Online . January 29, 2007, accessed October 14, 2018 .
- ↑ http://www.adalah.org/newsletter/eng/dec06/tasawor-mostaqbali.pdf
- ↑ https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/sep/01/israel
- ↑ Muhammad Amara, Abd el-Rahman Mar'i: Language Education Policy: The Arab Minority in Israel . Springer, 2002, ISBN 978-1-4020-0585-5 , p. Xv.
- ↑ Nur Masalha, Edward W. Said: Catastrophe Remembered: Palestine, Israel and the Internal Refugees: Essays in Memory of Edward W. Said (1935-2003) . Zed Books, 2005, ISBN 978-1-84277-623-0 .
- ↑ Amrawi, Ahmad: The Palestinians of 1948 . al-Jazeera. December 9, 2003. Archived from the original on December 6, 2007. Retrieved July 9, 2011.
- ↑ Dr. Sarah Ozacky-Lazar, Relations between Jews and Arabs during Israel's first decade (in Hebrew) . Retrieved July 9, 2011.
- ^ Benny Morris: Israel and the Palestinians . In: Irish Times , February 21, 2008. Retrieved March 13, 2010.
- ↑ Central Bureau of Statistics (Israel), Selected Data for International Senior Citizens Day (PDF file) , Jerusalem: Press Release 261/2014, September 29, 2014, p. 3.
- ^ Changes to Family Unification Law . Adalah, The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel. Archived from the original on October 4, 2006. Retrieved July 9, 2011.
- ↑ The Internally Displaced Refugees ( Memento of September 7, 2008 in the Internet Archive )
- ^ Pappé, Ilan (1992) “The Making of the Arab Israeli Conflict 1947–1951”; IB Tauris, p. 72 ISBN 1-85043-819-6
- ^ Morris, Benny (2001). Revisiting the Palestinian exodus of 1948. In The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948 (pp. 37-59). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-79476-5 .
- ↑ Badil Resource Center for Palestinian Refugee and Residency Rights ( Memento of December 14, 2004 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ a b Internal Displacement Monitoring Center ( Memento from September 3, 2006 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ At the end of 2013, 4.3% of Arab Israelis were 65 years of age or older. Cf. Central Bureau of Statistics (Israel), Selected Data for International Senior Citizens Day (PDF file) , Jerusalem: Press release 261/2014, September 29, 2014, p. 3.
- ↑ 1967: Israel, the War, and the Year ... - Google Books
- ^ SN Eisenstadt : Israeli Society . Weidenfeld & Nicholson, London 1967, ISBN 0-8133-0306-0 , p. 403.
- ↑ a b c Identity Crisis: Israel and its Arab Citizens . Archived from the original on July 9, 2008. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ↑ Elia Zureik: The Palestinians in Israel: A Study in Internal Colonialism . Routledge and Kegan Paul, London 1979, ISBN 978-0-7100-0016-3 , pp. 172-175 (accessed October 8, 2009).
- ↑ Nimrod Luz (נִמְרוֹד לוּז), “The Politics of Sacred Places. Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict ”, in: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , Vol. 26 (2008), pp. 1036-1052, here p. 1050. ISBN 978-3- 7408-0263-9 .
- ^ A b c Mark Tessler, Audra K Grant: [ Cookie Absent . Retrieved June 14, 2008. Israel's Arab Citizens: The Continuing struggle .] In: Annals of the American Academy of Political Science . 555, No. January, January 1998, pp. 97-113. doi : 10.1177 / 0002716298555001007 . Retrieved March 15, 2008.
- ^ Bar-On, D., The others within us, 2008
- ↑ Rhoda Kanaaneh: Embattled Identities: Palestinian Soldiers in the Israeli Military. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 32, 2003, pp. 5-20, doi : 10.1525 / jps.2003.32.3.5 .
- ↑ The Arab Citizens of Israel and the 2006 War in Lebanon (PDF) In: The Arab Citizens of Israel and the 2006 War in Lebanon: Reflections and Realities . Mossawa. 2006. Archived from the original on April 13, 2008. Retrieved July 17, 2007.
- ^ The Arabs in Israel and the War in the North (PDF; 261 kB) Konrad Adenauer Program for Jewish-Arab Cooperation. 2006. Archived from the original on September 26, 2007. Retrieved July 17, 2007.
- ^ A b Jim Teeple: New Cabinet Appointment Tilts Israel to Right . Voice of America, Online English Edition. October 24, 2006. Archived from the original on October 24, 2006. Retrieved on October 31, 2006.
- ↑ a b Yoav Stern: Labor MK Raleb Majadele to be appointed first Arab minister , Haaretz. January 10, 2007. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ↑ a b Lieberman calls on Peretz to quit post for appointing first Arab minister Haaretz, January 12, 2007
- ↑ Newsletter of the Embassy of the State of Israel from February 9, 2015
- ↑ Statistics Report: Less Enlisting to Army . Ynetnews.com. December 28, 2006. Retrieved May 6, 2007., including permanent residents.
- ^ Sources of population growth, by district, population group and religion (PDF) Israel Central Bureau of Statistics. 2004. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ^ Projections of population (1) in Israel for 2010–2025, by sex, age and population group (PDF) Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics. Archived from the original on March 27, 2009. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ↑ The Bedouin in Israel: Demography Israeli Foreign Ministry July 1, 1999
- ↑ a b c The Indigenous Bedouin of the Negev Desert in Israel (PDF) Negev Coexistence Forum. Archived from the original on November 3, 2015. Retrieved July 9, 2011.
- ↑ Rebecca Manski, "Criminalizing Self-Subsistence"; News from Within, Summer 2006
- ↑ Jonathan Cook . "Bedouin face new transfer" ; MERIP, May 10, 2003
- ^ A b "Off the Map: Land and Housing Rights Violations in Israel's Unrecognized Bedouin Villages" ; Human Rights Watch, March 2008 Volume 20, No. 5 (E)
- ↑ Bedouin information, ILA, 2007 ( Memento from July 15, 2015 in the Internet Archive ; PDF; 200 kB)
- ↑ The undocumented / Fifth in a series - Bedouin trackers: Israeli enough for the IDF, but not for an ID card ( Memento of November 16, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) Haaretz, October 10, 2006
- ↑ Yoav Stern: Christian Arabs / Second in a series - Israel's Christian Arabs don't want to fight to fit in , Haaretz. March 23, 2005. Retrieved January 7, 2006.
- ^ Identity Repertoires among Arabs in Israel, by Muhammad Amara and Izhak Schnell; Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Volume 30, 2004
- ↑ a b Sabri Jiryis : The Arabs in Israel . The Institute for Palestine Studies, 1969, 2nd edition, ISBN 0-85345-377-2 , p. 145.
- ^ Druse MK next in line for presidency
- ^ SOCIETY: Minority Communities , Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs
- ↑ a b Patriotism and Israel's National Security. Herzliya Patriotism Survey 2006 ( Memento from May 4, 2015 in the Internet Archive ; PDF; 646 kB)
- ^ Ismael Abu-Saad: State-Controlled Education and Identity Formation Among the Palestinian Arab Minority in Israel . American Behavioral Scientist. Volume 49, No. 8, 1085-1100 (2006). Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ↑ Mossawa Center: The Advocacy Center for Arab Citizens of Israel: UN Human Rights Commission Working Group on Minorities . UN Human Rights Commission . May 30 - June 3, 2005. Archived from the original on September 26, 2007. Retrieved July 9, 2011. (Word document)
- ↑ a b c d e Prof. (Emeritus) Shimon Shamir The Arabs in Israel - Two Years after the Or Commission Report ( Memento from July 23, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 393 kB)
- ↑ Scott Wilson: Golan Heights Land, Lifestyle Lure Settlers . In: The Washington Post . October 30, 2006. Retrieved May 6, 2007.
- ↑ Where are you from?
- ↑ a b The Arab Minority in Israel . Arab Human Rights Association. Archived from the original on October 15, 2007. Retrieved July 9, 2011.
- ↑ a b Israel Central Bureau of Statistics The Arab Population of Israel 2003 ( Memento of December 1, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
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- ^ Egyptian Dream: Israel will disappear "thanks to demographics" Global Jewish Agenda, November 8, 2001
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- ^ Ari Shavit : Survival of the Fittest . Haaretz. January 16, 2004. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ^ "... a fifth column, a league of traitors" (Evelyn Gordon, No longer the political fringe , The Jerusalem Post, September 14, 2006)
- ↑ "[Avigdor Lieberman] compared Arab MKs to collaborators with Nazis and expressed the hope that they would be executed." (Uzi Benziman, " For want of stability ", Ha'aretz October 11, 2006)
- ^ "... many Israeli Jews view Israeli Arabs as a security and demographic threat." (Evelyn Gordon, " 'Kassaming' coexistence ", The Jerusalem Post, May 23, 2007)
- ↑ "Why is Arab criticism always labeled as conspiracy to destroy Israel?" (Abir Kopty, " Fifth column forever? ", Ynetnews, April 7, 2007)
- ↑ "... they hurl accusations against us, like that we are a 'fifth column.'" (Roee Nahmias, Arab MK: Israel committing 'genocide' of Shiites , Ynet News August 2, 2006).
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- ↑ Haaretz as the new director of the population authorities
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- ^ Aluf Benn: Trading Places . The Washington Post. August 14, 2005. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
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- ^ Israeli Arabs and the Vote International Herald Tribune, March 24, 2006
- ^ Zimmerman, Roberta Seid and Michael L. Wise: Forecast for Israel and West Bank 2025 . 6th Herzliya Conference, January 23, 2006
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- ^ Arabs in Israel: on the move Open Democracy, April 19, 2007
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- ↑ Going strong among the Druze Haaretz, January 10, 2003
- ^ The Arab vote Haaretz, November 26, 2002
- ^ Country's Report Israel . Freedom House. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
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- ^ Ali Haider: Follow up: Arab representation in the civil service, in government corporations and in the court system (PDF; 625 kB) Sikkuy: The Association for the Advancement of Civic Equality in Israel. 2003. Archived from the original on March 27, 2009. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ^ Office of the Prime Minister: PM Sharon convenes meeting of the ministerial committee on Non-Jewish Sector ( Memento of December 3, 2008 in the Internet Archive )
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- ^ Saleh Tarif Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs
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- ^ Race row as Israel gets Arab minister
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- ↑ Arab MKs in their own words
- ↑ Homepage of the Knesset (English) Retrieved on May 11, 2011
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- ↑ Salim Jubran Jewish Virtual Library
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- ^ Avner Yaniv: National security and democracy in Israel , Illustrated. Edition, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1993, ISBN 978-1-55587-394-3 , p. 121.
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- ^ Basic Laws - Summaries
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- ^ Basic Laws - Introduction
- ^ Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty
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- ^ "The Future Vision of the Palestinian Arabs in Israel" (PDF; 679 kB) pp. 5–12
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- ↑ An Israel only for Jews? ZEIT online, July 19, 2018
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- ↑ Nathan Jeffay. "Knesset Hawks Move To Strip Arabic of Official Status in Israel" ; The Jewish Daily Forward, June 12, 2008
- ^ The National Committee for the Heads of the Arab Local Authorities in Israel: The Future Vision of Palestinian Arabs in Israel (PDF) December 2006. Archived from the original on March 27, 2009. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ↑ Eli Ashkenazi: Israeli Arabs to mark Nakba day with march . Ha'aretz Online, English edition. April 26, 2004. Retrieved July 9, 2011.
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- ^ "Israeli Arabs find no joy during Independence Day," Larry Derfner, Jewish News Weekly , April 24, 1998
- ↑ Elad Benari. Knesset approves Nakba Law IsraelNationalNews.com, March 23, 2011.
- ↑ a b Jan Schneider. Country profile Israel, migration, citizenship , Federal Agency for Political Education, June 1, 2008. Accessed May 11, 2011
- ^ Human Rights Issues for the Palestinian Population . Archived from the original on July 6, 2008. Retrieved June 14, 2008.
- ↑ Ben Lynfield: Arab spouses face Israeli legal purge , The Scotsman . Retrieved July 9, 2011.
- ^ Israeli marriage law blocks citizenship for Palestinians , San Francisco Chronicle. August 1, 2003. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ^ UN blasts Israeli marriage law , BBC News. August 15, 2003. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ^ Report of the Or Commission, p. 33, Israel Studies , Volume 11, No. 2, pp. 25–53.
- ↑ a b c U.S. State Department: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Israel and the occupied territories , February 28, 2005.
- ^ US State Department "Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Israel and the Occupied Territories" March 11, 2007
- ^ Israel: Cuts in Child Allowance Discriminate Against Palestinian Arab , Human Rights Watch .
- ↑ a b c d Worlds apart | Israel and the Middle East | Guardian Unlimited
- ↑ 'Current Knesset is the most racist in Israeli history' , Haaretz . March 21, 2010. Retrieved March 22, 2010.
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- ↑ Project overview Coalition Against Racism (English) ( Memento of the original from May 7, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , European Union, Delegation of the European Union to Israel. Retrieved May 12, 2010
- ↑ Jack Khoury: 'Current Knesset is the most racist in Israeli history' , Haaretz. March 21, 2010. Retrieved July 9, 2011.
- ↑ a b Kenneth W. Stein. "The Jewish National Fund: Land Purchase Methods and Priorities, 1924–1939" ( Memento of May 17, 2008 in the Internet Archive ); Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 20 No. 2, pp. 190-205, April 1984
- ↑ Anshel Pfeffer, Stern, Yoav: High Court delays ruling on JNF land sales to non-Jews . In: Haaretz , September 24, 2007. Retrieved December 20, 2007.
- ^ A b Nir Hasson: Most Arabs can't buy most homes in West Jerusalem , Haaretz. July 21, 2009. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ^ Government Press Office, Israel, May 22, 1997.
- ^ A. Golan. The Transfer of Abandoned Rural Arab Lands to Jews During Israel's War of Independence , Cathedra, 63, pp. 122–154, 1992. English translation: “The Transfer to Jewish Control of Abandoned Arab Land during the War of Independence,” in: SI Troen and N. Lucas (Eds.), Israel, The First Decade of Independence (Albany, NY, 1995)
- ^ A. Barkat: Buying the State of Israel , Haaretz. February 10, 2005. Retrieved May 29, 2007.
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- ↑ a b c Shahar Ilan: The JNF, backed into a corner . Haaretz. July 30, 2007. Retrieved June 17, 2008.
- ↑ Aref Abu-Rabia. The Negev Bedouin and Livestock Rearing: Social, Economic, and Political Aspects, Oxford, 1994, pp. 28, 36, 38
- ↑ Amiram Barkat. State offers JNF NIS 1.3b in biggest land deal ever ; Haaretz, June 17, 2008
- ↑ Tal Rosner. Historic Land Decision Made: Attorney General allows land to be purchased by Jews and Arabs alike YNet, January 27, 2005
- ↑ A Message from Ronald Lauder ( Memento from May 3, 2007 in the web archive archive.today )
- ↑ a b Dan Izenberg: Analysis: Arabs, Jews do not have equal rights to recover pre-1948 properties. The Jerusalem Post, January 20, 2010. (No longer available online.) Formerly original ; accessed on March 23, 2021 . ( Page no longer available , search in web archives )
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- ↑ Andrea Fleschenberg dos Ramos Pinéu, Claudia Derichs: Handbuch Spitzenpolitikerinnen , VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2008, p. 123
- ↑ Sayyed Tashbih: A Muslim in a Jewish Land . Muslim World Today. Archived from the original on December 11, 2010. Retrieved June 17, 2010.
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- ↑ Ishmael Khaldi. Lost in the Blur of Slogans ( January 11, 2012 memento on the Internet Archive ), San Francisco Chronicle, March 4, 2009
-
↑ see e.g. B.
- Rally in Philadelphia wants to support America and Israel. Press release. Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America (Greater Philadelphia District). January 18, 1991.
- Zara Myers. The Name of the Game? Advocacy for Israel. Jewish exponent . Philadelphia. November 25, 2004
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. CAMERA: Fighting Distorted Media Coverage of Israel and the Middle East: An Interview with Andrea Levin. JCPA website, June 1, 2005.
- The New York Times. MIDEAST TURMOIL: THE NEWS OUTLETS; Some US Backers of Israel Boycott Dailies Over Mideast Coverage That They Deplore . New York Times website, May 23, 2002
- ↑ CAMERA: BACKGROUNDER: Land, the Palestinian Authority, and Israel
- ↑ Islam Today , by Khaled Abu Toameh, May 18, 2009
- ^ Kaufmann Kohler, Joseph Jacobs. Intermarriage Jewish Encyclopedia Online. Retrieved May 17, 2011
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- ^ New York Times Noted Arab Citizens Call on Israel to Shed Jewish Identity
- ^ Freedom House: Country Report
- ^ Haaretz The Bottom Line / Arab municipalities do not believe in equality in debts
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- ^ Moshe Semyonov, Noah Lewin-Epstein, Iris Brahm: Changing Labor Force Participation and Occupational Status: Arab Women in the Israeli Labor Force . In: Work, Employment and Society . tape 13 , no. 1 , 1999, p. 117-131 (English, Cambridge.org [accessed June 20, 2017]).
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- ↑ An Update on Discrimination Affecting Palestinian Arab Children in the Israeli Educational System
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- ^ Israeli Schools Separate, Not Equal (Human Rights Watch, May 12, 2001)
- ^ Human Rights Watch: Second Class: Discrimination Against Palestinian Arab Children in Israel's Schools - Summary
- ^ Second Class - Discrimination Against Palestinian Arab Children in Israel's Schools , Human Rights Watch.
- ↑ a b Ohr Kashti. Israel aids its needy Jewish students more than Arab counterparts Haaretz, 12. August 2009.
- ^ Atlantic Free Press: Jonathan Cook. Israel's Arab students cross to Jordan - Academic hurdles block access to universities ( Memento from October 29, 2010 in the Internet Archive ) April 11, 2009
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- ^ Zeidan Atashi: The Druze in Israel and the Question of Compulsory Military Service . Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. October 15, 2001. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
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- ↑ The Druze in Israel: The Question of Compulsory Military Service ( Memento from September 10, 2016 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ See e.g. B. Brig. Gen. Mufid Ganam appointed IDF Chief Logistics Officer ( Memento from July 21, 2011 on the Internet Archive )
- ^ Yoav Stern and Jack Khoury: Balad's MK-to-be: 'Anti-Israelization' conscientious objector . Ha'aretz, English edition. May 1, 2007. Accessed 2011-17-05.
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- ^ Ha'aretz, October 2, 2005
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- ^ 3 Israelis convicted of manslaughter for transporting suicide bomber
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