Relic translation

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Transfer of the relics of St. Gregor in the Petershausen Monastery. Engraving, late 17th century

In Christianity, relic translation is the solemn transfer ( Latin translatio "transfer") of relics from one place to another. The relics include the remains ( reliquiae "left behind") of the body, clothes and utensils of saints (initially only of martyrs , later also of virgins , confessors ); In addition, so-called “ Lord's relics ”, which are associated with Jesus Christ . In a broader sense, the term translatio also stands for all ritual-liturgical processes associated with the transfer of the relic (s), as well as for the commemoration of the translation and the literary report about it.

Translation process

  • Finding the relic: inventio ("discovery", "discovery"), revelatio ("revelation")
  • Elevation : elevatio ("elevation, suspension")
  • Transfer: translatio ("transfer", "relocation"), advectio ("transport"), illatio ("bring in"), processio ("ceremonial move")
  • Reception: receptio ("acceptance", "reception"), adventus ("solemn arrival", "arrival")
  • Deposit: depositio ("deposit, deposit")

The liturgical forms that emerged in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages are recorded in the Ordines Romani XLI-XLIII. Since relics are embedded in the altar when the altar is consecrated , it was an extremely common phenomenon. Permission for elevation and translation was usually given by the local bishop before canonization procedures fell under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Holy See from the end of the 10th century .

Translation report as a literary genre

The term translatio , like the names of the individual processes in their context, was used on the one hand to name the respective church days of remembrance, which were especially celebrated at the main places of worship in addition to the day of the death of the respective saint , on the other hand, translatio in a broader sense also denotes a specific one literary genre of the Middle Ages, the translation report , in which the course of the translation and the miracles that occurred during it are reported. These are in particular healing miracles during the translation and after it, but also visions and other miracles that allegedly made it possible to find the relics or through which the saint should have testified to his will to stay in the new place . The wonderful punishment of those who despise the saints is also not uncommon. The various genres of hagiography - the biography of the saints (Vita, Passio, Conversatio, legend ), translation report and book of miracles - can be encountered as a literary unit, but also as independent works. These records were made because the worship of the saint began with the first translation and the spread of his cult was accompanied by further translations. The documentation of the miracles, which, initially according to oral tradition, should have occurred on the occasion of the translation, was important because they seemed to certify the authenticity of the relics as well as the effectiveness and venerability of the saint. Therefore, allegedly trustworthy witnesses are often named and precise location information is given, more rarely also dates. Particularly influential for the development of the genre were the 22nd letter from the church father, Ambrosius, on the translation of the martyrs Gervasius and Protasius , the numerous translation reports by Gregory of Tours and, for the Carolingian epoch, the Translatio SS. Marcellini et Petri ( cf.Petrus and Marcellinus ) by Einhard . Translation reports do not have a uniform literary form. They appear both as independent texts that can be assigned to historiography and hagiography, as well as embedded in historiographical works or as part of biographies . They are mostly written in prose , but also appear in verse . Not infrequently they are designed as letters or sermons ( sermons ).

Beginnings of the historical development

With the translation of relics and the connection of the reliquary grave and the altar, the early custom of celebrating the Eucharist near a martyr's grave in memory of the dead changed from the middle of the 6th century . The martyrs' bones were now brought to the altar in the parish church in order to use the powerful relics to strengthen the “appropriation of salvation inside and outside of worship” and to establish a “relationship of rule and protection of the saint over the individual church”. This assignment of relics to altars seems to be suggested by Revelation 6: 9: “And when it [the Lamb] opened the fifth seal [of the book], I saw below at the altar the souls of those who had been killed for the Word Of God and for their testimony. ”According to this, the souls of the martyrs find their place at the foot of the heavenly altar in front of the throne of God. “The old religious law of the heavenly-earthly correspondence - as in heaven so on earth '- then required to create a correspondence on earth to the place of the soul in heaven. The bodies were thus transferred to the foot of the church altars. ”In addition, reference should be made to Ambrose of Milan, who, according to Angenendt, added a decidedly Eucharistic interpretation:“ The victorious sacrifices [of the martyrs] should move to the place where Christ, the sacrifice is: the one who suffered for all, on the altar, the one under the altar, because they are redeemed through his suffering. ”According to Roman sacred law, the graves were inviolable; for example, Gregory the Great is quoted as saying that someone's desire to touch the bodies of saints is unbearable and sacrilege for the Romans. The Codex Theodosianus , which was published in 438, forbade, among other things, the ↑ reburial of the dead, the dismemberment of the corpses of saints, and business with their parts. "However, this does not seem to have hindered the solemn elevation and translation of bones by the church authority, at most the private grave injury." The translation of saints to altars quickly became a necessity due to regulations that made it essential to equip the altars with relics and at the end of the 6th century it was "a rarity when there were no relics in an altar."

First documented translation of relics in church history

The first clearly documented translation of relics is the transfer of the bones of the Antiochene martyr bishop Babylas to Daphne (today's Harbiye), a suburb of Antioch on the Orontes (today's Antakya), by order of Caesar Gallus ( Flavius ​​Constantius Gallus ) during his reign from 351 to 354 AD Babylas, as Bishop of Antioch, is supposed to give the Emperor Philip Arabs and his wife Otacilia Severa access to the church on Easter vigil because of the alleged murder of Emperor Gordon III. because the emperor had not yet repented for it, whereupon the imperial successor Decius had him arrested in the context of the persecution of Christians out of revenge for the disgrace of the imperial dignity. There are contradicting statements about the cause of death of Babylas. Frutaz cites John Chrysostom , after which Babylas was strangled in custody; others attribute his death 250/251 to the consequences of ill-treatment while in detention. Babylas has since been venerated as a saint and made the chief saint of Antioch. A century after his death, Emperor Gallus arranged for his remains to be translated to Daphne, “in order to displace the Apollo cult there”. Emperor Julian Apostata had him brought back to his original burial place in 362 to revive the source oracle Kastalia , which was supposedly silenced in the neighborhood with Babylas, from where Bishop Meletios († 381) into the Babylas basilica built by him in 380/81 transferred across the Orontes.

Relic translations in the medieval world

Relic translation is a religious practice that is not limited to late antiquity (translation of Saint Babylas) and the early Middle Ages (translations to Saxony), but extends over the epochs of the Middle Ages , early modern times and modern times . The development of translations since the 9th century is characterized by the multiplication of the saints' feasts "and thus [by] the opportunity to collect, display and processionally move the existing relics." The relics of the saints were consequently not immobile. On the respective anniversary of the saint, the "traditional costume", the solemn carrying around the reliquary, "which meant: the saint walked around his recommended place." In addition, according to Heinzelmann, Ostension festivals were introduced in the 11th century and relic processions also outside of the actual holy festivals carried out, the so-called "quêtes itinérantes."

With regard to these reliquary processions, Angenendt proves that in this case the ancient Adventus ceremony was included in the Christian liturgy. While in antiquity the townspeople paid homage to the "kyrios", the ruler, the arriving by pulling out all residents, sorted according to rank and meaning and including signs and symbols, the procession in the Middle Ages became a natural form of veneration of saints: “Before the cross, plus lights, incense and flags, then the procession of the worshipers, arranged according to spiritual and secular ranks, all praying and singing, and in the middle of it the saint, whether in a shrine, a statue or a picture . ”In addition to the liturgical occasions, reliquary translations were also carried out on other occasions,“ in times of need, for example, to take vows from his admirers, in the event of a warlike threat to counteract the enemy on the city walls, in general with all unlawful violence to target the adversaries and lawbreakers to show their limits. The saint was present everywhere wherever one led his shrine. "

Reasons for relic translations based on examples

There are various reasons for the transfer of relics from one place to another, which are explained below using examples.

Repression of pagan customs and cults, as well as the supply of entire territories with relics (Christianization)

In the course of the Anglo-Saxon mission on the continent, there were intensive contacts with Rome, which also led to the transfer of books and relics to the northern Alpine region. The close cooperation between the Carolingian house-keepers and the papacy since the middle of the 8th century favored this development, since in liturgical terms they began to orientate themselves on the example of the Roman station liturgy. Since the second half of the 8th century at the latest, important monasteries and cathedral churches have had rich reliquary treasures and competed in their expansion, for example Centula ( Saint-Riquier ) and Saint-Denis in the West Franconian area, in the East Franconian area the Archbishoprics of Mainz , Trier and Cologne and the Lorsch Abbey and 744 of Boniface founded and particularly rich with apostles -, eastern and western monastic fathers - Roman martyrs, virgins - Gallic confessors - and Mr. relics equipped monastery of Fulda . After the baptism of the Saxon Duke Widukind in 785 initiated the Christianization of the Saxons , which were subjugated by Charlemagne in the Saxon Wars , they themselves did not have enough martyrs to properly equip all churches and altars with relics, which is why they translate them from other regions had to import. There is also evidence that pagan practices persisted for a long time after Christianization. This emerges from the report by the Fulda monks Ruodolf and Meginhard on the “ Translatio sancti Alexandri ” for the transfer of the Alexander relic to Wildeshausen in Saxony, in which the “unbroken spread of paganism in Saxony” is cited as the reason for the relic translation. “[...] so that through their signs and wonders his [Waltbrahts, grandsons of Windukind and initiator of translation] compatriots would be converted from pagan service and superstition to true religion. Because they were even more entangled in the errors of paganism than they were devoted to the Christian religion. ”Relic translations to Saxony were not only used to ensure that the altars were properly furnished with relics, but also to convert the pagan population through their miraculous powers. The "bodies" ( corpora ) of the saints were transferred from Rome (St. Alexander to Wildeshausen), France (St. Vitus to Corvey , St. Liborius to Paderborn ) and northern Italy (St. Epiphanius to Hildesheim ) , among others . On the one hand, the translations should serve to equip the altars of the newly emerging churches in Saxony with the necessary relics. On the other hand, they had the function of binding the newly subjugated and only weakly Christianized Saxons to the Christian faith through the effect that came from touching or looking at the visible remains and their apparently beneficial effect. The translations were also associated with the loss or transfer of political power. So one connected with the transfer of the bones of St. Vitus according to Corvey in the year 836 the decline of the West Franconian and the rise of the East Franconian empire (cf. Widukind von Corvey , Res gestae Saxonicae , I 33–34, ed. Paul Hirsch, in: Monumenta Germaniae Historicae [MGH] in usum scholarum, 5 Hanover 1935 edition): With the publication of the saint, the protection and thus power had also been lost. Conversely, in Widukind's view of history, the translations of the saints to Saxony are a prerequisite for the rise of Saxon power in the 10th century, when, after the Carolingian kings of Saxony, the Saxon kings ruled in the East Franconian Empire. Since the disposition of relics also served to legitimize rule, translations played an important role in this context.

Appreciation of your own location or your own person (self-presentation)

With the founding of Constantinople in 324 AD, Constantine the Great had a tomb built in his royal seat, which was completed in 337 AD when he died. Constantine I was buried in a sarcophagus near the altar, surrounded by 12 cenotaphs of Christ's apostles. Nineteen years after his death, his son Constantius II . the translation of the relics of the apostles Timothy , Andrew and Luke (356 and 357) to Constantinople. According to Paulinus von Nola , this is to be seen under the auspices of the city's founding, “to which the endowment of the aemula Romae with corresponding relics, that is, apostle bodies, had to occur.” Finally, Rome's position in the West was based on its treasure of martyrs and that “rival company” [Constantinople] gains additional state-political relief if one counteracts it, as in Rome at the same time under the use of imperial iconography and a topical theme such as the concordia imperii of the apostolic cult ( concordia apostolorum : Peter and Paul) on a large scale was raised. "

Transfer of barter items and gifts in the early Middle Ages, establishment of social relationships between sender and recipient of the relic (s)

Hedwig Röckelein was able to prove that the relic translations to Saxony in the 9th century always took place as an exchange of gifts, never under the neutral conditions of purchase. "As gifts, the saints who were transferred to Saxony initiated, reaffirmed or renewed social relationships between the exchange partners or they remedied disturbed connections and harmonized them." For example, the translation of holy bones, including those of St. Liborius from Le Mans to Paderborn in April / May 836 to be seen as just a “thread in the fabric of the exchange of gifts between the Neustrian and Saxon bishopric”. This exchange arose between the initiator, Bishop Badurad von Paderborn and the sender of the relics, Bishop Aldrich, who were both related and politically connected to Ludwig the Free, on whose orders and with his consent the translation took place. This alliance pushed through the transfer against the resistance of a Manceller opposition, which refused to let the relics of their patron saint. Possibly the noble families of Widons and Hervenids hid behind her . “The transaction was not only strengthened by the handing over of several saints, but also by the foundation of a prayer fraternity , in which lay people and clergy in Le Mans and Paderborn alike participated, and which aimed at a continuous exchange of prayers, gifts and gifts in return . "

Expressing and supporting political events

According to Heinzelmann, the writings of Gregory of Tours prove that in Merovingian times reliquary translations were a central instrument both for the systematic dissemination of traditional saints in the form of partial relics (expansion of Christianization, furnishing of altars in churches in the country) and for canonization contemporary saint by bishops in connection with the propagation of corresponding Christian-social values. In the 8th century the emphasis of the translations was on the introduction of Roman martyr relics , which was due to a change in the Roman consuetudo regarding the division and removal of relics and to the political relations with the papacy that the Carolingians suggested ; The special weighting of such Roman martyr relics should also be seen in connection with a more Rome-related, more institutional ecclesiological worldview.

Protection of relics from robbery

Especially in the 9th century, the invasions of the Normans from Scandinavia in Europe were often the occasion for translations in order to bring the relics to safety. In addition, however, there are also reports in which the relics are not in need of protection, but on the contrary act protective: “When the Normans besieged Paris in 885/86, the relics of the city patrons Germanus and Genovefa were always carried to the most threatened places on the wall, as was in 903 in Tours. "

Developments in modern times

With the onset of the Reformation, however, the veneration of the saints and their relics became increasingly a topic of struggle, because the reformers denied “the possibility of invoking the saints for their merits; Christ's atonement is unique and should not appear to be in need of supplementation by crediting the merits of the saints. ” Martin Luther opposed the relics decisively and described them in his teaching, the“ Great Catechism ”, as“ all dead things. ”The Confessio accordingly states Augustana notes on the veneration of saints:

“Our people taught about the veneration of the saints that we should see grace return to them and help them by faith. In addition, one should take an example from their good works, each for his own area of ​​life. [...] But it cannot be proven from the Holy Scriptures that one should invoke saints or seek help from them. Because there is only one God and one mediator between God and man, namely the man Christ Jesus'. He is the only Savior, the only high priest, source of grace and intercessor before God. "

Luther's position had far-reaching consequences for the Church. The altars, pictures, figures, anniversaries and the names of the church patrons were left, but at the same time the removal of the relics was sought. As a result, relics were translated increasingly for their preservation and protection: “Benno von Meißen, canonized in 1523/24, came to Munich in 1580 and even became the city's patron; the relics of Norbert von Magdeburg were transferred to Prague in 1626, and in 1661 the electoral Cologne administration was able to negotiate a picture of Mary from the city of Soest, which had been carelessly placed there in the Wiesenkirche and which now founded a pilgrimage in Werl. "

Finally, the rediscovery of the Roman catacombs , initiated in 1578 by the collapse of a vineyard in the Roman Via Salaria and the resulting catacombs, had a stimulating effect on reliquary translations; It was not until 1881 that a Roman decree forbade any further removal and translation of bones from the catacombs. With the so-called catacomb saints, not only did the Catholic research into the old church veneration of martyrs begin, but also the transfer of the relics found to the Swiss-South German-Austrian region, where they are "already dressed with the heavenly ornament of white robes and pearls, put on the altars and displayed. "

Reliquary translations and the associated celebrations, the occasion of which were often the catacomb saints, played an important role in the church life of the areas covered by the Counter Reformation in the Baroque era . In his essay on “Translations of Sacred Bodies as a Baroque Phenomenon”, Hans-Jakob Achermann describes the basic scheme of a baroque festival of transmission in Switzerland using the example of the translation of St. Placidus in the collegiate church Einsiedeln and compares the course of the festival with a "large-scale mystery play staged in all splendor and glory ."

“In fact, translation was also a game with the relic body. The princely reception, the introduction to his residence, the festival - they only applied to a limited extent to the physical remains of the martyr, in the end the whole event was intended for the saint in heaven so that he could really show him how much he was valued. "

Achermann further explains that the “preciously decorated martyr bodies of the Roman saints in their symbolic connection of time and eternity correspond particularly strongly to the baroque feeling” and that translations in their design should also be seen as an expression of baroque thinking, after that in the “earthly” If only the reflection of the eternal “wanted to be seen and the world would only be viewed as a reflection, behind which the true world only begins to exist. With the last third of the 18th century, the Enlightenment gradually drove "pious customs" from everyday life, which also affected the cult of the catacomb saints. Above all, Krausen mentions the abolition of the monasteries at the beginning of the 19th century as a particularly disadvantageous development, “It would have been the orders, the prelate monasteries in the same way as those of the mendicants, who were great supporters of the veneration of the Roman catacomb saints in the countries north of the Alps. ”In the course of the abolition of the monastery, many relics were translated to other churches (albeit without the usual celebrations); in other cases relics were auctioned off or "disappeared".

In the second half of the 19th century there were finally translations in many places in the form of reburial of the catacomb saints, when the keeping church was "cleansed of all baroque ornamentation in accordance with the changed artistic taste and given a neo-Gothic interior." Krausen mentioned in In this context, the collegiate church of Admont in Styria, in which, triggered by a major fire on April 27, 1865, the relics of Saints Wenceslas and Benedict are still wrapped in their "old baroque version" from their original location, [finally] in reliquaries made in neo-Gothic style two opposite side altars of the newly built collegiate church ”.

literature

  • Hans-Jakob Achermann: "Translations of sacred bodies as a baroque phenomenon", in: Wolfgang Brückner et al. (Ed.): Jahrbuch für Volkskunde, NF 4, Würzburg 1981, pp. 101–111.
  • Michel Andrieu: Les "Ordines Romani" du haut moyen âge (Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense. Études et Documents 28), Vol. 4: Les textes (suite) Ordines XXXV-XLIX, Louvain 1956.
  • Arnold Angenendt : Art. "Reliquien", in: Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche Volume 8, reviewed edition of the 3rd edition Freiburg et al. 2006, Sp. 1091-1094.
  • Arnold Angenendt: Art. “Relics / Reliquary Adoration. In Christianity ”, in: Theologische Realenzyklopädie, Volume 29, Berlin 1998, pp. 69–74
  • Arnold Angenendt: Saints and Relics. The history of their cult from early Christianity to the present day . Beck, Munich 1994.
  • Okko Behrends : "Grave robbery and grave crime in Roman law", in: Herbert Jankuhn et al. (Ed.): On grave crime in prehistoric and early historical times (Treatises of the Academy of Sciences in Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Kl. 3. F. , 113). Göttingen 1978, pp. 85-106.
  • Walter Berschin : biography and epoch style in the Latin Middle Ages. (Sources and studies on the Latin philology of the Middle Ages 8-10; 12; 15), Volumes 1–5. Hiersemann, Stuttgart 1986-2004.
  • Martin Heinzelmann: Art. "Translation (of relics)", in: Lexikon des Mittelalters, Volume 8, Munich 2002, Sp. 947-949
  • Martin Heinzelmann: Translation reports and other sources of the cult of relics (Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental 33). Brepols, Turnhout 1979.
  • Nicole Herrmann-Mascard: Les reliques des saints. Formation coutumière d'un droit. Paris 1975.
  • Ulrich Köpf : Art. “Relics / Adoration of Relics. Religious history. Old Church to Reformation ”in: Religion in Past and Present, Volume 7, Tübingen 2008, Sp. 418–421.
  • Bernhard Kötting among other things: Art. Relics. In: Lexicon for Theology and Church. Volume 8, 2nd ed. Freiburg 1963, Col. 1216-1221.
  • Edgar Krausen : "Fates of Roman catacomb saints in the 19th and 20th centuries", in: Wolfgang Brückner et al. (Ed.): Jahrbuch für Volkskunde , NF 4, Würzburg 1981, pp. 160–167.
  • Hedwig Röckelein: Reliquary translations to Saxony in the 9th century. About communication, mobility and the public in the early Middle Ages. (Supplement to Francia 48). Thorbecke, Sigmaringen 2001, http://www.perspectivia.net/content/publikationen/bdf/roeckelein_reliquientranslationen
  • Ursula Swinarski: “The whole body and the divided body. On two opposing ideas in the medieval cult of relics ”, in: Dieter R. Bauer and Klaus Herbers (eds.): Hagiography in context. Effects and possibilities of historical evaluation. Stuttgart 2000, pp. 58-68.

Web links

Commons : Reliquary Translation  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ cf. B. Kötting, Art. “Reliquien” in: Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, Volume 8, Freiburg 1963, Sp. 1216–1221, here Sp. 1216.
  2. ↑ M. Heinzelmann, Art. "Translation (von Reliquien)" in: Lexikon des Mittelalters, Volume 8, Munich 2002, Sp. 947–949, here Sp. 947.
  3. ↑ Michel Andrieu, Les 'Ordines Romani' du haut moyen âge , in Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense. Études et Documents 28, Vol. 4 Les textes (suite) Ordines XXXV – XLIX, Louvain 1956. Cf. Arnold Angenendt, Saints and Relics - the history of their cult from early Christianity to the present , Beck, Munich 1994, p. 172– 182; Martin Heinzelmann, Translation reports and other sources of the cult of relics Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental 33, Brepols, Turnhout 1979, p. 48f .; Pp. 66-83, especially pp. 72-74
  4. ↑ Migne, Patrologia latina, Vol. 16, Col. 1019ff.
  5. ↑ Translatio SS. Marcellini et Petri, ed. Georg Waitz in: MGH Scriptores, Vol. 15, 1, p. 238ff.
  6. ↑ Martin Heinzelmann, Art. "Translation (von Reliquien)" in: Lexikon des Mittelalters, Volume 8, Munich 2002, Sp. 947–949, here Sp. 947; Martin Heinzelmann, translation reports and other sources of the cult of relics (Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental 33). Brepols, Turnhout 1979, pp. 53-56.
  7. ↑ Ulrich Köpf, Art. “Relics / Reliquary Adoration. Religious history. Old Church to Reformation ”in: Religion in Past and Present, Volume 7, 4th edition Tübingen 2008, Col. 418–421, here Col. 419.
  8. ^ Evangelical Church in Germany (ed.), The Bible based on the translation by Martin Luther [Bible text in the revised version of 1984], Stuttgart 2008, Revelation 6, 9.
  9. ^ Arnold Angenendt, Saints and Relics. The history of their cult from early Christianity to the present, Munich 1994, p. 173.
  10. ↑ Ambrosius, Epistularum liber decimus 77.13, ed. Michaela Zelzer, in: Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum [CSEL] 82.3, Vienna 1982, p. 134, quoted from: Arnold Angenendt, Heilige und Reliquien. The history of their cult from early Christianity to the present, Munich 1994, p. 173.
  11. ↑ Cf. Okko Behrends, “Grabraub und Grabfrevel im Roman Recht” in: Herbert Jankuhn et al. (Hrsg.), On Grabfrevel in prehistoric times (treatises of the Academy of Sciences in Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Kl. 3. F., 113), Göttingen 1978, pp. 85-106.
  12. ↑ Gregor I., Ep. IV 30, ed. Dag Norberg, in: Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina [CChr SL] 140), p. 249. quoted from: Arnold Angenendt, The Presence of Saints and Relics, Münster 2010, p 119: "Romanis [...] omnio intolerabile est atque sacrilegum, si sanctorum corpora tangere quisquam fortasse voluerit."
  13. ↑ Codex Theodosianus IX 17, 7: Humatum corpus nemo ad alterum locum transferat; nemo martyrem distrahat, nemo mercetur. Habeant vero in potestate, si quolibet in loco sanctorum est aliquis conditus, pro eius veneratione quod martyrium vocandum sit, addant quod voluerint fabricarum. quoted from: Ursula Swinarski, “The whole body and the divided body. On two opposing ideas in the medieval cult of relics ”in: Dieter R. Bauer, Klaus Herbers (ed.), Hagiography in Context. Effects and possibilities of historical evaluation, Stuttgart 2000, pp. 58–68, here p. 61, footnote 20.
  14. ↑ Bernhard Kötting, Art. “Reliquien” in: Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, Freiburg 1963, Sp. 1218.
  15. ↑ The provisions of a Franconian council from the early 7th century and the seventh canon of the second council of Nicaea in 787 are decisive here. Cf. Nicole Herrmann-Mascard, Les reliques des saints. Formation coutumière d'un droit, Paris 1975, pp. 162f.
  16. ↑ Bernhard Kötting, Art. “Reliquien” in: Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, 2nd ed. Freiburg 1963, Col. 1219. Cf. also the emphasis on the extraordinary nature of the exceptions, ie the altars without relics, in Gregor von Tours, In gloriam martyrum, 30 and Liber vitae patrum VIII, 11 in: MGH, SRM I / 2, p. 56 and p. 250.
  17. ↑ Cf. Aimé-Pierre Frutaz , Art. “Babylas” in: Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, Josef Höfer and Karl Rahner (eds.), Volume 1, 2nd edition Freiburg 1957, Sp. 1169.
  18. ↑ Cf. Amato Pietro Frutaz, Art. "Babylas" in: Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, Volume 1, 2nd edition Freiburg 1957, Sp. 1169.
  19. ↑ Anonymus, Art. “Babylas” in: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon, Volume 1, Hamm 1990, Sp. 316.
  20. ↑ Martin Heinzelmann, Art. "Translation (of relics)" in: Lexikon des Mittelalters, Volume 8, Munich 2002, Sp. 947.
  21. ↑ See. Thomas R. Karrmann, Meletius of Antioch. Studies on the history of the trinity theological dispute in the years 360–364 AD (Diss.), Regensburg 2006, p. 223ff.
  22. ↑ a b Martin Heinzelmann, Art. "Translation (von Reliquien)" in: Lexikon des Mittelalters, Volume 8, Munich 2002, Sp. 949.
  23. ↑ a b c Arnold Angenendt, Saints and Relics. The history of their cult from early Christianity to the present, Munich 1994, p. 179.
  24. ↑ Cf. Marc-Aeilko Aris et al. (Ed.), Hrabanus Maurus in Fulda. With a Hrabanus-Maurus bibliography (1979–2009). Knecht, Frankfurt am Main 2010, in it the contributions by Gereon Becht-Jördens, Sturmi or Bonifatius? A conflict in the age of the Anian reform about identity and monastic self-image as reflected in the altar rituals of Hrabanus Maurus for the Salvator basilica in Fulda (pp. 123–187); Susanna Bullido del Barrio, "Iuxta decreta" reflections on Hrabanus Maurus and his "Martyrologium" (pp. 189–218) and Janneke E. Raaijmakers, Fulda, a holy city. Hrabanus Maurus and the Reliquary Translations (835–838) (pp. 219–238)
  25. ↑ Cf. Hedwig Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen nach Sachsen in the 9th century. On communication, mobility and the public in the early Middle Ages, Stuttgart 2002, p. 137
  26. ^ Beda Venerabilis, Historia ecclesiastica, IV 24, quoted from: Klaus Gantert, Accommodation and inscribed commentary. Investigations into the transmission strategy of the Heliand poet, Tübingen 1998, p. 271.
  27. ↑ Cf. Paulinus von Nola, Carm. XVIIII, verses 317ff., Ed. Wilhelm von Hartel, in: Corpus Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum [CSEL] 30, 1894, p. 129f.
  28. ↑ Martin Heinzelmann, "Translation reports and other sources of the reliquary cult" in: Tyopologie des sources du moyen âge occidental, L. Genicot (ed.), Facs. 33, Brepols 1979, p. 37.
  29. ↑ Martin Heinzelmann, "Translation reports and other sources of the reliquary cult" in: Tyopologie des sources du moyen âge occidental, Fasc. 33, Brepols 1979, p. 34 and p. 37.
  30. ↑ a b Hedwig Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen nach Sachsen in the 9th Century, Stuttgart 2002, p. 366.
  31. ↑ a b c Hedwig Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen nach Sachsen in the 9th Century, Stuttgart 2002, p. 167
  32. ↑ a b Martin Heinzelmann, Art. "Translation (von Reliquien)" in: Lexikon des Mittelalters, Volume 8, Munich 2002, Sp. 948.
  33. ↑ M. Heinzelmann, Art. "Translation (von Reliquien)" in: Lexikon des Mittelalters, Volume 8, Munich 2002, Col. 949.
  34. ↑ Wolfgang Haubrichs : "Christianity of the time of conversion" in: Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, Volume 4, Berlin 1981, p. 543.
  35. ^ Arnold Angenendt, Saints and Relics. The history of their cult from early Christianity to the present, Munich 1994, p. 236.
  36. ↑ Martin Luther, Works. Critical Complete Edition, Weimar 1883–1990, “The Great Catechism”, third commandment, quoted from Arnold Angenendt, Heilige und Reliquien. The history of their cult from early Christianity to the present, Munich 1994, p. 238.
  37. ↑ Günther Gassmann (ed.), Das Augsburger Beestandnis, German 1530–1980, Göttingen 1988, p. 37, quoted from Arnold Angenendt, Heilige und Reliquien. The history of their cult from early Christianity to the present, Munich 1994, p. 238.
  38. ^ Arnold Angenendt, Saints and Relics. The history of their cult from early Christianity to the present, Munich 1994, p. 238.
  39. ^ Arnold Angenendt, Saints and Relics. The history of their cult from early Christianity to the present, Munich 1994, p. 244.
  40. ↑ a b Arnold Angenendt, Art. “Relics / Reliquary Adoration. In Christianity ”in: Theologische Realenzyklopädie, Volume 29, Berlin 1998, pp. 69–74, here p. 72.
  41. ↑ Hans-Jakob Achermann, "Translations of sacred bodies as a baroque phenomenon", in: Wolfgang Brückner et al. (Ed.): Jahrbuch für Volkskunde, NF 4, Würzburg 1981, pp. 101–111, here p. 101.
  42. ↑ Hans-Jakob Achermann, "Translations of sacred bodies as a baroque phenomenon", in: Wolfgang Brückner et al. (Ed.): Jahrbuch für Volkskunde, NF 4, Würzburg 1981, pp. 101–111, here p. 108.
  43. ↑ a b Hans-Jakob Achermann, "Translations of sacred bodies as a baroque phenomenon", in: Wolfgang Brückner et al. (Ed.): Jahrbuch für Volkskunde, NF 4, Würzburg 1981, pp. 101–111, here p. 109.
  44. ↑ Hans-Jakob Achermann, "Translations of sacred bodies as a baroque phenomenon", in: Wolfgang Brückner et al. (Ed.): Jahrbuch für Volkskunde, NF 4, Würzburg 1981, pp. 101–111, here p. 111.
  45. ↑ a b Edgar Krausen, “Fates of Roman Catacomb Saints in the 19th and 20th Centuries”, in: Wolfgang Brückner et al. (Ed.): Jahrbuch für Volkskunde, NF 4, Würzburg 1981, pp. 160–167, here p. 160.
  46. ↑ a b Edgar Krausen, “Fates of Roman Catacomb Saints in the 19th and 20th Centuries”, in: Wolfgang Brückner et al. (Ed.): Jahrbuch für Volkskunde, NF 4, Würzburg 1981, pp. 160–167, here p. 164.