Turkishization of Turkey

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The Turkishization of Turkey describes the process of penetration of Anatolia and Thrace by the Turkish culture and language since the 11th century. Turkishisation also describes attempts and measures to assimilate other ethnic groups since the emergence of Turkish nationalism . The Kurds , whose existence was denied until the 1990s, were particularly affected .

The term Türk and Turkish

The term “Turk” appears for the first time in Chinese scripts of the 6th century in a transliterated version as “ T'u-küe ”. In the 8th century it appears on the Orkhon inscriptions . The meaning is debatable. Perhaps it was originally a tribal name such as B. with the Gök Turks , whose ethnic composition is uncertain. Other theses indicate the meaning “powerful” or “nobility united under a kagan”.

In pre-Islamic times, “Turkish” was the common language of the steppe. It wasn't until the turn of the millennium that “Turk” finally became the name of tribes or peoples, the so-called Turkic peoples . In Ottoman texts, the terms “Turkish” ( Turk ) and “Turk” ( Turk ) had a pejorative character. Today “Turks” denotes an ethnic group with main settlement areas in Anatolia, Cyprus and Southeast Europe and a diaspora in Western Europe.

The Turkishization of Anatolia

The Turkishization of considerable parts of the Middle East was primarily a reshaping by nomads. From the 11th century to the 15th century , Oghuz tribes, other Turkish ethnic groups and Mongols poured into Anatolia in waves. By the 15th century at the latest, the Turks formed the absolute majority in Anatolia. With leaving the steppe belt, the settlement began near already existing cities. The Ottoman state also forced the nomads to settle down. The Turkish settlement was not a conquest of land by a unified nation. According to Klaus Kreiser, the number of “Turks” who came to Anatolia in the 11th and 12th centuries was between 100,000 and 300,000 with an established population of around three million.

The Iranian culture came to Anatolia through the Turkish Seljuks , who did not leave any written documents in the Turkish language . Persian remained the language of education for immigrants until the 13th century. With Islam , the Arabic language came to Anatolia. As the language of the Koran, Arabic was the language of Islamic scholarship and, thanks to Islamic jurisprudence, it was also the predominant language in court, in foundation deeds and inscriptions. In many areas it was replaced by the Ottoman Turkish at the end of the 16th century. The Turkish language quickly established itself as the colloquial language between the various parts of the population in Anatolia, favored by its political dominance, and Greeks in Central Anatolia and Armenians in Eastern Anatolia also used Turkish as the "common language".

Turkishization in the Ottoman Empire

Thousands of boys orphaned because of the Armenian genocide are
forcibly recruited into the Turkish army ; here during an inspection by Kazim Karabekir , who fought against the Democratic Republic of Armenia during the Turkish-Armenian War of 1920 .

The different ethnic groups lived within the core area of ​​the Ottoman Empire as denominational communities in the Millet system . There was active Turkishization through the boy harvest , the forced recruitment and Islamization of Christian boys. Turkish nationalism arose in the late 19th century. The impetus for this came from Konstanty Borzęcki , Hermann Vámbéry , Sándor Csoma , and Léon Cahun .

The 19th century in the Ottoman Empire was characterized by the attempt to modernize the state and prevent the dissolution of the empire by strengthening the headquarters. This goal was also served by the concept of Ottomanism , which advocated equal rights for all citizens regardless of their origin and religion as a guiding ideology of the elites and as an integration strategy. This reform process was called Tanzimat . These reforms were given their concrete form in the reform edicts Hatt-ı Şerif and Hatt-ı Hümâyûn (1839 and 1856) and culminated in the constitution of 1876 , which guaranteed all citizens the same rights and obligations and was repealed two years later.

Kurdish riots during this time were primarily perceived as a disruption of that reform process. The conflicts related to tribe loyalty, military service and tax liability. Turkish nationalists viewed Kurds as an obstacle to the creation of a modern state. An Ottoman officer said in a speech on the day of the Young Turkish Revolution that the Kurds only had one problem and that was ignorance. Parallel to this point of view, the idea developed that the Turks were not only the "real element" ( Unsur-i aslı ) of the state, but that they were entitled to be the ruling people ( Millet-i hakime ). With the end of the Balkan Wars in 1913, Turkish nationalism finally superseded the idea of ​​Ottomanism. In 1913, the Directory for the Settlement of Tribes and Refugees was created, which was responsible for monitoring the deportations as well as the settlement of Muslim refugees from the Balkans and the Caucasus. The loss of territories in the Balkans and the immigration of refugees from the Balkans to Anatolia led to a homogenization of the population. The massacres of the Armenians 1894-1896 , the deportation law valid from June 1, 1915 to February 8, 1916 with which Armenians, but also other non-Turkish population groups were deported, and the genocide of the Armenians are also in this context. Almost all Greeks and Armenians had left the country in the early stages of the republic or had been victims of massacres. Important components of the infrastructure belonged to foreign companies. The economy was down as a result of the wars and the global economic crisis. During the population exchange between Greece and Turkey , 400,000 Muslims came from Greece and about 1.2 million Greeks left from Asia Minor, Eastern Thrace, the Pontus and the Caucasus. People on both sides were only allowed to take their movable belongings with them. The houses were confiscated. The exchange did not take place according to ethnic, but religious criteria. Muslim Greeks had to leave Greece and Christian Turks like the Karamanlı had to leave Turkey. Only Greeks who were resident in Istanbul before October 30, 1918 were spared. This led to a further homogenization of the population.

On May 20, 1923, the Ministry of Education decided that geography, history and Turkish should be taught by ethnic Turks at minority schools.

During the republic

The Republic of Turkey was founded on October 29, 1923 . During the Turkish Liberation War , the Kurds joined the struggle of the Kuvayı Milliye led by Mustafa Kemal together with other Muslim minorities . At the beginning of 1923, Mustafa Kemal spoke openly in Izmir about the possibility of Kurdish autonomy. The original concept of Turkish nationalism in the founding years of the republic admitted the existence of minorities with the constitution of 1924 . While the non-Muslim citizens of Turkey, such as Greeks, Jews and Armenians, were later subject to discriminatory practices, the Kurds found themselves under pressure to assimilate. Kurds were "invited" to profess Turkish citizenship. The use of words such as Lase, Kurde, Circassian or Lâzistân and Kürdistân was banned as early as 1925 by a circular issued by the Ministry of Education. In the 1930s, municipal ordinances existed that punished the use of languages ​​other than Turkish with fines. In a particularly extreme form, which had existed from the authoritarianism of the 1930s to the 1990s, the sheer existence of the Kurds as an independent ethnic group was denied. The Kurds are originally Turks and the ethnonym Kurde is an onomatopoeia for crunching footsteps in the resinous snow. A prominent proponent of this theory is Abdulhaluk Çay . Similar theories were the solar language theory and the Turkish history thesis .

According to Articles 35–47 on the protection of minorities in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne , the non-Muslim population was a recognized minority with equal rights vis-à-vis the Turkish citizens, but the recognized minorities were soon expected to follow them in the treaty did not make use of the rights granted by Lausanne. The Jewish community announced on September 15, 1925 that it had refused the rights granted to them in Article 42. Article 42 entitles the non-Muslim minorities, among other things, to run and found religious institutions, and obliges Turkey to protect its churches, synagogues and cemeteries. As a result, Jewish institutions such as schools and foundations were gradually placed under state supervision.

Various laws have been passed to Turkishize the economy. In 1926, Turkish was introduced as a commercial and company language. The bookkeeping as well as all company correspondence had to be done in Turkish, otherwise sanctions could be imposed. This led to a wave of layoffs from non-Turkish management personnel. Furthermore, foreign companies, whose employees still consisted of up to 90% of non-Muslim citizens in 1923, were required to select 75% of their staff from Muslim Turks.

Another instrument used to Turkishize Turkey has been settlement policy, which passed laws encouraging Muslims and Turks to immigrate to or stay in Turkey, and non-Muslim and non-Turkish citizens, Turkey to leave. The first settlement law of 1926 determined which population from the Balkans, the Soviet Union and Greece would be entitled to be settled in Turkey. According to the law, the non-Turkish population was not eligible to be resettled in Turkey. The Citizenship Act of May 23, 1928 regulated that any citizen who had acquired a second citizenship or was in the service of another country without prior approval from the Turkish Council of Ministers could be expatriated. Between 1923 and 1938, land was distributed to approximately 217,000 families of Muslim immigrants and refugees from the Balkans ( Muhacir ). The Muhacire are said to have received the land of the Christians expelled in World War I and were settled according to their language skills.

The settlement law of 1934 divided the country into three regions. There were strategically important regions in which the Turkish population should have been settled. Then there were regions in which population should be settled, which should be adapted to the Turkish culture. This meant the Muslim immigrants from the Balkans , the Soviet Union, Greece and Kurds who lived in the third region here. And then there were regions that were supposed to be depopulated; These were mainly the regions in the south-east of the country where the majority of the Kurds lived. This project was never implemented. There were no specific geographical names in the 1934 legal text. It was left to the Ministry of the Interior to determine the regions. It was not until 1939 that geographical names were announced for the regions in which Turks were to be settled. Areas around strategically important roads and railroad tracks, areas near state borders and other areas in the provinces of Maraş , Göksun , Pinarbaşı , Erzincan , Erciş , Tatvan , Elazığ , Gümüşhane , and Ağrı have been declared as areas in which no non-Turkish population will be settled could. The Zazaki and Kurmanci-speaking Kurdish Alevis resisted state interference, which led to the Dersim uprising , which the government in Ankara wanted to see severely punished. Entire villages were destroyed by a ministerial decision on May 4, 1937. The estimates of the fatalities range from 12,000 to 60,000. The subsequent resettlements did not, however, take place according to ethnic criteria, but were aimed at restoring peace in the country.

In 1925, by resolution of the regional assembly, many places in Artvin with previously Georgian names were renamed to Turkish names. In 1928 the Turkish National Student Association launched the "Vatandaş Türkçe konuş!" (Citizens speak Turkish!) Into life. There were posters hung advertisements placed in magazines and held public speeches in which citizens were asked to speak Turkish. As a result, there were attacks on citizens and foreigners who spoke a language other than Turkish in public.

In Cumhuriyet and Anadolu newspaper articles it was openly criticized that Jews who had lived in the country for centuries spoke French rather than Turkish. The Jews were publicly resented for the fact that Jews had Turkish citizenship, their own schools, houses, businesses, money, and political rights, but spoke “Spanish”, fraternized with French, Italian and English people and did not speak a word of Turkish. In 1935, female PTT officers were prohibited from using languages ​​other than Turkish at work. In the context of this mood, leading members of the Jewish community in Ankara such as Moïse Cothen (later Muhsin Tekinalp) founded the organization "Türk Kültür Birligi" (for example: "Turkish Culture Association"). The organization worked to promote the use of the Turkish language among Jews. Jews in Izmir decided in 1934 that in future they would say their prayers in Turkish. Census data show that the number of Jews using “Jewish” as their mother tongue fell from 84 to 54 percent between 1927 and 1935. This cannot be interpreted as assimilation. Because many said Turkish as their mother tongue for fear of reprisals. The later Pope John XXIII. preached in Turkish for the first time in Istanbul, and Greek and Armenian Turks also founded an association called Laik Türk Hıristiyanlar Birliği (for example: Laicist Association of Turkish Christians), the aim of which was to Turkishize Christians. The association sat u. a. for the closure of minority schools.

In 1928 the Latin alphabet was introduced . The Latin alphabet was supposed to be closer to the Turkish language than the Arabic alphabet was. Each letter should reflect a tone of Turkish. The Institute for the Turkish Language ( Türk Dil Kurumu) , founded in 1932, banned non-Turkish words from the Turkish vocabulary as best it could and sought to replace the banned words with word formations from older Turkish language classes or dialects of Anatolia.

In 1934 the Family Name Act was also introduced. Before 1934 it was not customary for the Turkish population to have a family name. Some townspeople and Christians already had family names, but the vast majority did not. With the surname law, all citizens of Turkey were asked to choose a surname representing a Turkish word or derived from a Turkish word within 2 years. Non-Turkish name endings such as -yan, -viç, -pulos, -of, -ef, -ic, -is, -idis, -zade, -bin were forbidden. The interior minister Şükrü Kaya said of the law: "These measures served the purpose of assimilation, which in turn was essential for the unity of the nation." The recognized non-Muslim minorities of Jews , Greeks and Armenians did not have to take on new names.

During the government of İsmet İnönü

On November 11, 1942, the law on property levy called Varlık Vergisi was proclaimed, with which the non-Muslim population in particular should be taxed. The tax mainly affected Greeks, Armenians and Jews as well as Jews who had converted to Islam ( Dönme ) in Istanbul. Anyone who was not able to pay their tax debt within 15 days was atone for interest surcharges. Forced labor was threatened after 30 days. As of January 20, 1943, large assets were confiscated and their previous owners were sentenced to forced labor in quarries or building roads. Prime Minister Sükrü Saraçoglu said that the tax should hit those who have become rich thanks to the hospitality of Turkey. Inönü said of the law that if you get rid of the foreigners who dominate the Turkish market, you give the market to the Turks. In March 1944 the law on property tax was abolished by parliament. With the law 315 million lira could be collected. In response to criticism from liberal circles, Inönü defended the fact that the majority of taxes were paid by non-Turks because they also had more wealth.

During the government of Adnan Menderes

After an attack on the 5 or 6 September 1955 birthplace of Ataturk in Salonika was exercised, it came on 6 and 7 September 1955 Istanbul Pogrom in which churches, Christian schools, and 4000, in the majority of Greeks but also shops run by Armenians and Jews in Istanbul as well as in other cities were looted or destroyed. Many Greeks then gave up hope that they could ever lead a safe life in Turkey and left the country.

In 1957 the Ministry of the Interior set up a commission which by 1978 renamed 16,000 names of mountains and rivers and 12,000 place names to Turkish or Turkish-sounding names. According to Aslan Senem, 63% of place names in southeast and east Turkey should have been changed by 1980. Further name changes followed after the military coup in 1980 .

After the 1980 military coup

Article 26 of the Turkish Constitution of 1982 prohibited the expression or dissemination of opinions through a legally prohibited language. This provision was abolished in 2001. Law No. 2932 of October 19, 1983 on publications in languages ​​other than Turkish prohibited the use of languages ​​other than Turkish or the first official languages ​​of the countries recognized by Turkey. If the law was violated, prison sentences of 6 months to 3 years and fines of up to 100,000 TL could be pronounced. The law also banned media publications in Kurdish. Teaching was only allowed in schools with Turkish as the language of instruction. In 1983 the new party law came into force, which only allowed Turkish at party events. Kurmanji was thus banned from party events. The Anti-Terrorism Act No. 3713 of 1991 repealed the Language Prohibition Act. Kurdish media publications were allowed again.

In the governments of Süleyman Demirel and Tansu Çiller , around three million people were resettled in western Turkey between 1993 and 1998, most of them Kurds in the wake of the PKK conflict. Furthermore, between 3,000 and 4,000 towns are said to have been destroyed.

See also

literature

  • Berna Pekesen: Nationalism, Turkishization and the End of the Jewish Communities in Thrace. R. Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich, ISBN 978-3-486-70715-1 .
  • Klaus Kreiser: History of Turkey, From Ataturk to the present. CH Beck, Munich, ISBN 978-3-406-64065-0 .
  • Dilek Güven: Nationalism and minorities, the riots against Christians and Jews in Turkey from September 1955. R. Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich, ISBN 978-3-486-70715-1 .

Individual evidence

  1. Klaus Kreiser, Christoph K. Neumann: Small history of Turkey . Stuttgart 2003, p. 29f.
  2. ^ Klaus Kreiser: The Ottoman State 1300-1922 . Munich 2001, p. 5
  3. Klaus Kreiser, Christoph K. Neumann: Small history of Turkey. Stuttgart 2003, p. 52
  4. Klaus Kreiser, Christoph K. Neumann: Small history of Turkey . Stuttgart 2003, p. 54.
  5. Vicken Cheterian: Open Wounds: Armenians, Turks and a Century of Genocide . Oxford University Press, 2015, ISBN 0-19-026352-0 , pp. 202 ( limited preview in Google Book search).
  6. Mesut Yeğen: Turkish nationalism, citizenship and the Kurdish question, in: Ilker Ataç, Bülent Küçük, Ulaş Şener (ed.): Perspektiven auf Turkey. Economic and social (dis) continuities in the context of Europeanization . Münster 2008, page 231.
  7. Naci Kutlay: İttihat Terakki ve Kürtler . Ankara 1992, page 176ff.
  8. Dominik Schaller, Jürgen Zimmerer: Late Ottoman Genocides . Routledge, 2009, ISBN 978-0-415-48012-3 , pp. 5-6 .
  9. Ugur Ungor, Mehmet Polatel: Confiscation and Destruction: The Young Turk Seizure of Armenian Property . Bloomsbury Publishing, 2011, ISBN 978-1-4411-1020-6 , pp. 81 ( limited preview in Google Book Search [accessed September 27, 2018]).
  10. Seevan Saeed: Kurdish politics in Turkey, from PKK to KCK . Routledge, 2017, ISBN 978-1-138-19529-5 , pp. 43 .
  11. Berna Pekesen: Nationalism, Turkishization and the end of the Jewish communities in Thrace . R.Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-70715-1 , p. 182-3 .
  12. ^ Geoffrey Haig: The Invisibilization of Kurdish, in: Asia and Africa. Contributions from the Center for Asian and African Studies (ZAAS) at the Christian Albrechts University in Kiel . Volume 8. Conermann and Haig (eds.): The Kurds. Studies on their language, history and culture. Schenefeld 2004, p. 124.
  13. Mesut Yegen: Turkish nationalism, citizenship and the Kurdish question, in: Ilker Atac, Bülent Kücük and Ulas Sener (eds.): Perspektiven auf Turkey. Münster 2008, page 230.
  14. Klaus Kreiser, Christoph K. Neumann: Small history of Turkey. Stuttgart 2003, p. 387f.
  15. Toktas, SULE: Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey's Jewish Minority . In: Journal of Historical Sociology . tape 18 , no. 4 , ISSN  0952-1909 ( academia.edu [accessed September 11, 2018]).
  16. a b From Rep. Of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Treaty of Lausanne, Articles 37–45. Archived from the original on September 30, 2018 ; accessed on September 18, 2018 .
  17. Toktas, SULE: Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey's Jewish Minority . In: Journal of Historical Sociology . tape 18 , no. 4 , ISSN  0952-1909 , p. 398 ( academia.edu [accessed September 11, 2018]).
  18. a b Berna Pekesen: Nationalism, Turkishization and the end of the Jewish communities in Thrace . R.Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-70715-1 , p. 151-152 .
  19. Berna Pekesen: Nationalism, Turkishization and the end of the Jewish communities in Thrace . R.Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-70715-1 , p. 175-176 .
  20. Neyire Akpınarlı, Arno Scherzberg: The position of the non-Turkish peoples and ethnic groups in Turkey against the backdrop of EU standards on minority protection . LIT Verlag Münster, 2013, ISBN 978-3-643-12198-1 , p. 88–89 ( limited preview in Google Book Search [accessed October 15, 2018]).
  21. a b Joost Jong earth: The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds: An Analysis of Spatial Policies, Modernity and War . BRILL, 2007, ISBN 90-04-15557-0 , pp. 177 ( limited preview in Google Book Search [accessed September 25, 2018]).
  22. Berna Pekesen: Nationalism, Turkishization and the end of the Jewish communities in Thrace . R.Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-70715-1 , p. 228-229 .
  23. a b Berna Pekesen: Nationalism, Turkishization and the end of the Jewish communities in Thrace . R.Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-70715-1 , p. 172 .
  24. ^ Tessa Hoffmann: The Genocide of the Ottoman Greeks . Melissa International, New York 2011, ISBN 978-0-89241-615-8 , pp. 48 .
  25. Berna Pekesen: Nationalism, Turkishization and the end of the Jewish communities in Thrace . R.Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-70715-1 , p. 185 .
  26. a b Joost Jong earth: The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds: An Analysis of Spatical policies, Modernity and War . BRILL, 2007, ISBN 90-04-15557-0 , pp. 175–176 ( limited preview in Google Book Search [accessed September 25, 2018]).
  27. Ülker, Erol: Assimilation, Security and Geographical Nationalization in Interwar Turkey: The Settlement Law of 1934 . Paragraph 16. In: European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey . No. 7 , September 23, 2008, ISSN  1773-0546 ( openedition.org [accessed September 25, 2018]).
  28. Ülker, Erol: Assimilation, Security and Geographical Nationalization in Interwar Turkey: The Settlement Law of 1934 . Paragraphs 19-21. In: European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey . No. 7 , September 23, 2008, ISSN  1773-0546 ( openedition.org [accessed September 27, 2018]).
  29. Klaus Kreiser: History of Turkey, From Ataturk to the present . CH Beck, 2012, ISBN 978-3-406-64065-0 , pp. 57-58 .
  30. a b The Lords of Names lose control | NZZ . In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung . November 23, 2009, ISSN  0376-6829 ( nzz.ch [accessed on September 11, 2018]).
  31. Toktas, SULE: Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey's Jewish Minority . In: Journal of Historical Sociology . tape 18 , no. 4 , ISSN  0952-1909 , p. 400 ( academia.edu [accessed September 11, 2018]).
  32. a b Klaus Kreiser: History of Turkey, From Ataturk to the present . CH Beck, 2012, ISBN 978-3-406-64065-0 , pp. 53-54 .
  33. Rifat N. Bali Bir Türkleştirme Serüveni 1923-1945: Cumhuriyet Yıllarında Türkiye Yahudileri. Istanbul 1999, page 272ff.
  34. Rifat N. Bali Bir Türkleştirme Serüveni 1923-1945: Cumhuriyet Yıllarında Türkiye Yahudileri. Istanbul 1999, page 243
  35. ^ Fuat Dündar: Türkiye Nüfus Sayımları Azınlıklar. Istanbul 1999, p. 39ff.
  36. Rifat N. Bali: Devlet'in Yahudileri Ve "Öteki" Yahudi. Istanbul, 2007, p. 165
  37. ^ Dilek Güven: Nationalism and Minorities, The riots against Christians and Jews in Turkey from September 1955 . R.Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-70715-1 , p. 92-93 .
  38. ^ Turkey - Language Reform: From Ottoman to Turkish. Retrieved September 13, 2018 .
  39. ^ Dilek Güven: Nationalism and Minorities, The riots against Christians and Jews in Turkey from September 1955 . R.Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-70715-1 , p. 94 .
  40. Klaus Kreiser: History of Turkey, From Ataturk to the present . CH Beck, 2012, ISBN 978-3-406-64065-0 , pp. 73 .
  41. ^ Howard M. Sachar: Farewell Espana: The World of the Sephardim Remembered . Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 2013, ISBN 978-0-8041-5053-8 ( limited preview in Google Book Search [accessed October 3, 2018]).
  42. Andrew Mango: The Turks Today . Hodder & Stoughton, 2011, ISBN 978-1-84854-617-2 ( limited preview in Google Book Search [accessed September 30, 2018]).
  43. ^ Aslan, Senem: Incoherent State: The Controversy over Kurdish Naming in Turkey . In: European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey . No. 10 , December 29, 2009, ISSN  1773-0546 ( openedition.org [accessed September 13, 2018]).
  44. a b Agnes Grond: Literale Lebenswelten: A case study on socialization processes in a Kurdish migrant family . Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG, 2018, ISBN 978-3-11-051743-9 ( limited preview in the Google book search [accessed on September 13, 2018]).
  45. ^ Proceedings because of Kurdish and deference to Öcalan - B-Ob8ungen. Retrieved September 12, 2018 .
  46. Celalettin Kartal: The legal status of the Kurds in the Ottoman Empire and in modern Turkey . Publishing house Dr. Kovaç, 2002, ISBN 978-3-8300-0599-5 , p. 155 .