Martin Heidegger and National Socialism (doxography)

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Martin Heidegger (1960)
Personal form (1935)

This doxography (also: source repertory ) on the side of Martin Heidegger and National Socialism is a supplement to the lemma mentioned. It is structured strictly according to topics - keywords -, connected with internal links that only go to this page from the main page (with the exception of the one link here in the intro).

The meanwhile considerably increased material of the citations of the secondary literature, which is necessary for an encyclopaedically balanced representation of the topic Heidegger and the National Socialism , is represented here by a selection that adds a larger spectrum of researcher opinions to the overview of the main page. Sources from the period from 1916 to the present are potentially documented. The purely documentary character excludes any formulation that goes beyond brief descriptive references to each catchphrase.

The names of the researchers are listed after each keyword, followed by quotations ("Snippet View", approx. 1–10 lines). The order in which the keywords and names are listed is alphabetical. In order to maintain proportionality, a maximum of approx. Ten representative quotations are permitted on each topic.

The keywords are pure search terms on the topics of the debate and do not imply any evaluation. In the case of Martin Heidegger, for example, the catchphrase “anti-Semitism” is neither asserted nor denied.

Keyword catalog

anti-Semitism

The Wandering Eternal Jew , colored woodcut by Gustave Doré , 1852, reproduction in an exhibition in Yad Vashem , 2007

Before 1933

1. Toni Cassirer: My life with Ernst Cassirer , p. 157, on the occasion of the meeting in Davos, 1929, about Heidegger:

"His tendency towards anti-Semitism was not alien to us either."

The judgment is controversial because it dates from 1948 and before Davos only Ernst Cassirer knew Heidegger but not Toni.

  • Beda Allemann speaks of the "picture that the Cassirer couple made of Heidegger even before they met in person in 1929."
  • Massimo Ferrari : “The testimony of Cassirer's wife (...) is no less significant: an aversion that was fed by anti-Semitic resentment and because of which, Toni Cassirer commented bitterly, his future role as 'first National Socialist rector' could no longer be astonishing. "
  • Wolfgang Müller Funk, with the reference to the text by T. Cassirer: Heidegger's "turn to National Socialism" had "already announced itself in his anti-Semitism".
  • Peter Gordon : “Likewise, Heidegger's personal feelings towards Cassirer were not without suspicion: In her memoirs of 1948 Toni Cassirer describes the view of the days that preceded the Davos Conference, which she and Ernst shared: (quotations 1 and 2 by T. Cassirer follow) ", 2. is the above (" Nor were Heidegger's personal feelings towards Cassirer above suspicion: In her 1948 memoirs, Toni Cassirer described her and Ernst's shared apprehension in the days preceding the Davos conference: (Quotations 1 and 2) ". Addition : "... this rather casual reference to his personal prejudices should not appear at all surprising."
  • Hugo Ott : Toni Cassirer “felt” Heidegger's inclination.
  • Maria Robaszkiewicz: “Heidegger's anti-Semitism also mentions Ernst Cassirer's wife, Toni, cf. T. Cassirer, My life with Ernst Cassirer, Meiner, Hamburg 2003, p. 187. "
  • Ernst Vollrath , 1990: “There is not the slightest trace of anti-Semitism in Heidegger's entire published work. Toni Cassirer was only able to explain the uncouth radicalism with which Heidegger distanced himself from Ernst Cassirer's academic refinement at the Davos University Days in 1929, later only through Heidegger's anti-Semitism. Edmund Husserl also believed that Heidegger's alienation from himself and his thinking could be associated with “anti-Semitism that has been increasingly expressed in recent years”. That is too little evidence, especially since intellectual disagreements and dissociations with Heidegger's social insecurity easily degenerated into tactlessness. The large number of his Jewish students speaks against this ”.

2. Karl Jaspers, who was married to a Jewish woman, in his report from December 1945:

  • Heidegger "became an anti-Semite at least in certain contexts in 1933". Until then, it had been different: “He wasn't just showing restraint on this issue. That does not preclude, as I have to assume, that in other cases anti-Semitism went against his conscience and taste ”.
  • Heidegger also gave no or “imprecise” answers “to sensitive questions”, says Jaspers.

On the question of anti-Semitism, assessments before 2014

  • Hugo Ott: “One thing should be certain: if Heidegger worshiped anti-Semitism, it was certainly not on the basis of the primitive racial-biological ideology of Hitler's Mein Kampf or Rosenberg's worldview or Streicher's antics. Heidegger was too cultured for that.
  • Bernd Martin : Heidegger did not like anti-Semitic statements or confessions to the German race, "in contrast to most of his colleagues in the rectors", at least in public.
  • The statement of Hans Jonas , once a student of Heidegger: “Many of these young Heidegger adorants who came from far away, including some from Königsberg, were - and although I have no explanation for this, it cannot have been a pure coincidence - young Jews . This affinity was probably rather one-sided. I don't know whether Heidegger was so comfortable that young Jews flocked to him, but he was utterly apolitical in itself. ”(Hans Jonas: Memories . After conversations with Rachel Salamander. Insel Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2003 , Pp. 108-109)
  • For Rüdiger Safranski - until the publication of the “Black Booklet” - Heidegger was not an anti-Semite in the Nazi sense: “It was not in the sense of the Nazis' delusional ideological system. Because it is noticeable that neither the lectures nor the philosophical writings nor the political speeches and pamphlets contain anti-Semitic, racist remarks. "
  • Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe in 1990: “Heidegger overestimated Nazism, possibly showing profit and loss, which was already announced before 33, and against which he nevertheless demonstrated resistance: anti-Semitism, ideology ('political science'), the Violence. "

On the question of anti-Semitism, quotes since 2014 (publication of the black books )

  • Christian Geulen : “The real characteristic of this Heideggerian anti-Semitism is not so much in the content of these statements. Even if they can sometimes be found literally in the inflammatory speeches of the Nazi leaders (...). The fatality of this racist anti-Semitism ”is“ the abstraction of Judaism into a mere counter-principle, the ghost of a mere counter-race ”.
  • Lutz Hachmeister comes to the conclusion that Heidegger was “certainly anti-Semite in a certain way”, but adds: “But you have to say, like 70 percent of his professor colleagues at the time, his bourgeois professor colleagues. This topic of overcrowding intellectual professions with Jews was a strong topic among German conservatives and professors and scholars with a völkisch mind, and he was not alone ”; Lutz Hachmeister on Deutschlandradio , March 12, 2014
  • Jaehoon Lee: “Who is existence? The black books are proof that this question is not a philosophical one, but a political and anti-Jewish question. "
  • Dieter Thomä : “Up until the publication of the Black Booklet there was hardly any evidence that Heidegger drew the anti-Semitic card in his philosophical - and also political - texts; we will speak of some suspicious passages later. Only in these issues does anti-Semitism become the innermost part of philosophical considerations. (...) Heidegger takes off his mask in the black notebooks . "
  • Gaëtan Pégny: "The black books clarify, if it has to be, the general anti-Semitism of Heidegger's 'thinking' and its architectural role."

Biologism

  • JA Barash: “During the years 1933–1934, in Vom Wesen der Truth , Heidegger endeavored to carefully differentiate his own ideas of“ race ”(race, tribe, gender, species) from the ideas that he“ liberal biology ” ' is called. By 'liberal biology' he understands above all Darwin's theory of evolution. He criticizes their biological principles because you can find in them the prejudices of English liberalism and positivism from its age. But he clearly includes in his criticism of Darwin that Darwinism that has been modified by the ideologues of the Aryan race theory. He explicitly attacks the apologists of National Socialism, above all the novelist and essayist Erwin Guido Kolbenheyer (1878–1962), who uses the ideology of the Aryan (or Nordic) race to understand the political reality of the era. (...) It seems to me that if you put Heidegger on the same ideological level as Fischer, Günther or even Bäumler and Rosenberg, then you blur certain essential nuances. "
  • Rüdiger Safranski: Heidegger “projected” his early philosophy onto National Socialism and “prepared his own National Socialism”. Later he fundamentally changed his relationship to National Socialism and no longer discovered a possible resistance to modernism in it, but saw it as its most consistent expression: technical frenzy, rule and organization, total mobilization. Heidegger also wanted to emphasize the threat posed by biologism and understood the real existing National Socialism as a betrayal of the revolution - which should be metaphysical, not political.

Blood and soil ( blubo )

  • Mark Lilla : "Ten years ago a letter from Heidegger appeared in 1929, in which he said that Germany needs more scholars who are rooted in its" soil "", in: Briefwechsel 1920–1963, Frankfurt a. M. 1990, p. 155.
  • Meike Siegfried, 2010: “However, documents from the rector's time reveal that Heidegger sometimes did not shy away from using the language of a primitive 'blood and soil' ideology: In the rector's speech he speaks of the 'earthly and bloody Forces' (GA 16, 112), and in a statement on Hönigswald's philosophy, he opposes the idea of ​​human beings as' free-floating consciousness' with their origins in 'soil and blood' (GA 16, 132). In the speech on the occasion of the anniversary of the Institute for Pathological Anatomy at the University of Freiburg, Heidegger claims that every people has 'the first guarantee of their authenticity and greatness in their blood, soil and physical growth'. "
  • Peter Trawny : “Heidegger does not doubt the biological meaning of the term. 'Race' is not just racial than blood. That there is such a thing as 'blood' is not questioned. (...) Just as Heidegger deals with the term 'race', namely to recognize its positive meaning in order to limit it (...), he also treats the ideologue of 'blood and soil'. 'Blood and soil' are 'powerful and necessary, but not a sufficient condition for the existence of the people'. "

"Judgment"

(in a letter to Victor Schwoerer, Deputy President of the Notgemeinschaft der deutschen Wissenschaft)

  • Julian Young: The “focus of such anti-Semitism” is directed to “preventing the modernization of university life”.
  • Ernst Nolte: the word is a synonym for “internationalism”.
  • Heinrich Wiegand Petzet speaks of the strangeness Heidegger felt towards "that sophisticated spirit of Jewish circles that is at home in the big cities of the West".

Wagner decree, Wacker decree and the law for the restoration of the civil service

  1. Wagner's provision for the removal of Jews from the public service is published in the Karlsruher Zeitung on April 5, 1933 (= public announcement of the decree on “maintaining security and order”, which came into force the next day - see point 2 - as a decree stepped): 34953
  2. Wagner Decree I of April 6, 1933 ("Badische Judengesetze"): A 7642
  3. [Wagner Decree II of April 6, 1933 (invitation to elect a new Senate): A 7723 - listed here to avoid confusion with A 7642]
  4. GWB : April 7, 1933
  5. Inquiry of April 22, 1933 to Wacker on the priority question of the Wagner decree and the GWB: 3839
  6. Wacker decree to Heidegger (inter alia) of April 26, 1933: A. 8833
  7. Heidegger's resolution (“Rundbrief”) of April 28, 1933: No. 4012

Regarding the discretion in decision No. 4012

  • Manfred Geier : “Above all, he was unsure how to deal with the 'cleansing' of the university from its Jewish members, which had been initiated on April 5, 1933 with the 'Badischer Judenerlass' (...). (...) On the one hand, Heidegger wanted to keep internationally recognized academic staff at the university so as not to endanger their reputation. (...) But on the other hand, he also used opportunities to denounce colleagues ... "
  • Holger Zaborowski : “Is Heidegger (...) really about a successful advocacy for 'threatened colleagues' or does he simply want to implement the Baden Decree 7642, on the basis of which u. a. Heidegger's teacher Edmund Husserl was also on leave, accelerate and support? "

Regarding the law for the restoration of the civil service GWB

  • Julia Meier: “After Möllendorffs resigned, the philosopher Martin Heidegger was elected Rector by the Senate on April 21, 1933. Heidegger's attitude towards National Socialism is still very controversial. During the time of his rectorate he certainly acted in the interests of the National Socialists in many ways and represented many aspects of the National Socialist worldview. His actions in relation to the implementation of the GWB are therefore all the more surprising. He 'wanted to involve the community of all teachers and students, regardless of their racial origin or political entanglements, in the revolutionary-idealistic transformation of the national community as an elite and to give the national revolution of the National Socialists [...] a spiritual meaning.' That is why he was largely against the dismissals under the GWB and campaigned for the respective university members. He carried out the GWB little by little, made use of the exemption provisions of § 3, like the other two Baden universities, and tried to enforce exemption regulations at the ministry, especially for respected university members. However, private lecturers and assistants could hardly rely on Heidegger's support and were fired in rows "

futurism

1. Hannah Arendt's quotes on this

  • Hannah Arendt: “Who but Heidegger has had the idea of ​​seeing National Socialism as 'the encounter between planetary technology and modern man' - unless he had read some writings by the Italian futurists instead of Hitler's Mein Kampf which fascism, in contrast to National Socialism, invoked here and there. ” Martin Heidegger is eighty years old , p. 245. Cf. also: Bernd Martin (Ed.): Martin Heidegger and the 'Third Reich' . Darmstadt 1989, p. 142 f.
  • "The contents of this error differed considerably from the 'errors' that were then common. Who else but Heidegger came up with the idea that National Socialism was the 'encounter between planetarily determined technology and modern human beings' - except perhaps those who read, instead of Hitler's Mein Kampf, some of the Italian futurists' writings, which fascism, in contrast to National Socialism, referred to here and there. "
  • Maria Robaszkiewicz: “In the address on the 80th birthday of the philosopher, she goes even further and argues that Heidegger may not have understood much about the essence of National Socialism, because instead of Mein Kampf he was less relevant and only loosely bound to ideology of the Italian Futurists 'read', Exercises in Political Thinking: Hannah Arendt's Writings ...

2. General (on the subject of "Heidegger and Futurism")

  • Don Ihde: Heidegger's Technologies: Postphenomenological Perspectives . New York: Fordham University Press, 2010
  • Michael E. Zimmerman: Heidegger's Confrontation with Modernity: Technology, Politics, Art . Indiana University Press, Bloomington 1990

"The History of Being" (1938–1940)

  • Heidegger (extended quotation): “Conversely, where the conception of races and the arithmetic with racial forces arise, this must be taken as a sign that the pure power of being has been released through this itself into the abandonment of being. But this marks the age of the perfection of metaphysics. Race care is a necessary measure that the end of modern times is pressing. Corresponding to it is the already pre-drawn in the essence of "culture" of this tension in a "cultural policy" which itself remains only a means of empowerment. "GA 69, p

"Combat community" with Jaspers

Bust of Karl Jaspers in Oldenburg
  • On June 27, 1922, Heidegger wrote in a letter to Jaspers about a common philosophizing as "awareness of a rare and independent fighting community" in the sense of a revolt against the professorial philosophy in the name of existence. In the same letter he demanded: The philosopher must "himself with his products in this fighting base of principled argument down to the knife… ”.
  • Jaspers replied under the sign of the rejection of the "university philosophy" that he felt "only the impulse for a large total settlement". However, he invited Heidegger to Heidelberg for a few days to "try out and strengthen the 'combat community'."
  • Heidegger mentioned the term again in November 1922, after a visit to Jaspers: the "unsentimental, bitter step with which a friendship came towards us, the growing certainty of a fighting community that was safe on both sides"; a word that he wrote "from loneliness": "The confrontation with the present was also considered."
  • Richard Wisser: “And the pace that should become the philosophical concretization of their friendship, the public demonstration of their comradeship and probably also the joint document of a renewal of philosophy that has already started separately, has not really got going. [Saner, foreword, 12] And so Heidegger and Jaspers stand as extreme antipodes, be it of 'philosophy', be it of a 'thinking' that focuses on the 'end of philosophy', despite the initial conversation, about its intensity give information in correspondence, and some letters that have been exchanged in the course of time and after the direct conversation has ceased, more or less irreconcilably to. "
  • Dominic Kaegi: Karl Jaspers shared with Heidegger the view of the university as a place of education and training for an “intellectual aristocratic elite”.

National Socialism

before 1933

  • Emmanuel Faye: “In short: Heidegger's public connection to National Socialism in 1933 is not a temporary event owed to the circumstances. It is the completion of an 'imprint' and an inner development that goes far back and expresses itself in his texts. "
  • Gerhard Ritter: The following text is the "transcription on tape recorded statements by Prof. D. Dr. Gerhard Ritter on the occasion of a visit by Dr. Heiber in Freiburg on May 22, 1962 ”.
H. (..) One more question about what has been said. Earlier you mentioned that Heidegger and also Schadewaldt had been known as National Socialists long before 33, quite officially
R. No, I don't think Schadewaldt - -
H. But Heidegger?
R. Heidegger, yes.
  • Kurt Bauch in 1938 in a statement for the SD on Heidegger's loyalty to the line: “H. is front soldier. The first Völkisch observer that I saw was given to me by H. in his hut. Years before the takeover. Even then he was clearly on this side - and not just platonically - as that had to correspond to his philosophical position (apart from all materialism and all spiritualism). "

Heidegger's Philosophy and National Socialism

  • According to Reinhold Aschenberg, because Heidegger's thinking in all its phases is the sharpest rejection of any form of modern naturalism, “on this important question there is not the smallest point of contact between the content of this thinking and the ideology of National Socialism”. All the more disturbing is "Heidegger's willingness to give himself up and, what is worse, his thinking to prostitution."
  • V. Farias: Until his death, Heidegger believed that National Socialism had gone in the right direction. He attributed its failure to a lack of radical thinking on the part of its leaders.
  • Emmanuel Faye interprets Heidegger's philosophy as understandable solely from the Nazi commitment. Heidegger should therefore not be called a philosopher.
  • Günter Figal: The National Socialist Revolution, in its anti-bourgeois gesture, complied with his life reform impetus. Since Heidegger was unable to commit the National Socialist “awakening” to his philosophy, he then revised his own philosophy in his “black books” in order to be able to adhere to a “popularly founded world”. What bothered Heidegger was not National Socialism as a program, but its everyday reality that seemed too petty-bourgeois to him. What would previously have been part of Heidegger's general criticism of modernity will be turned into anti-Semitic concrete. However, Heidegger's philosophy can be distinguished “from the ideology that dominated him at least for a while”.
  • A. Lucker: Thomä comes to the conclusion that there is a connection between Heidegger's philosophy and the political Heidegger of 1933, in connection with the internal contradictions and the failure of Being and Time in 1927.
  • H. Ott understands Heidegger's option for National Socialism more as a break with Catholicism.
  • According to Dieter Thomä, however, the Nazi ideology would be a “syndrome” and not a “system”. Corresponding to the eclectic character of this worldview, "a fixation of National Socialism, against which Heidegger's texts could be checked like a litmus test, would be an almost absurd undertaking." Thomä therefore comes to the conclusion that Heidegger at the time, from the core of his philosophical work coming from, fit into the NS-Syndrome.
  • Slavoj Žižek advocates the thesis that Heidegger's texts from the 1930s “open up possibilities that point in a completely different direction” than Nazi politics, namely that of a “radical emancipatory policy.” In the mid-1930s, Heidegger would be a “future communist “: His participation in the Nazi regime would not simply be a mistake, but rather a“ right step in the wrong direction ”, because Heidegger cannot simply be dismissed as a völkisch reactionary.

Entry into the NSDAP

  • Heidegger's membership number: 3125894
  • The Nazi newspaper Der Alemanne welcomed Heidegger's accession as a result of a longstanding ideological bond: “We know that Martin Heidegger, with his high sense of responsibility and concern for the fate and future of the German people, was right at the heart of our wonderful movement, we also know that he never made a secret of his German convictions and that for years he has most effectively supported Adolf Hitler's party in its difficult struggle for existence and power, that he was always ready to make sacrifices for Germany's holy cause, and that a National Socialist never knocked on him in vain. "
  • H. Flashar: “This was not a spontaneous decision, but a long prepared decision, only hidden from friends, but now spectacularly implemented. Heidegger obviously wanted to get the rector's office wrapped up before he made this decision. "

Responding to criticism

  • Eberhard Griesebach: “Of philosophical interest, however, are Heidegger's actions to take direct action against unpleasant philosophies: The book» Present. A Critical Ethics "by Eberhard Griesebach, who had published his criticism of Heidegger's" Interpretation or Destruction? "In the German quarterly journal for literary studies and intellectual history in 1930 , had Heidegger removed from the Freiburg library.

Rectorate

denunciation

  • Heiko Haumann / Dagmar Rübsam / Thomas Schnabel / Gerd R. Ueberschär: “... the dismissal of Jewish teachers, university teachers and other public figures (...) or the replacement of the newly elected university rector Wilhelm v. Moellendorff by Martin Heidegger on April 21, 1933, who then publicly joined the party on May 1, 1933 and enthusiastically celebrated the National Socialist upheaval, (...) increased the pressure on those who remained in office to adapt and caused some to resign. Denunciations became common, in which - to name just one outstanding example - Heidegger also took part. "

"Synchronization"

Circular from the Rectorate of Freiburg dated May 5th

  • Bernd Martin: “In the concise report, which corresponded to Heidegger's diction, it was said: 'In execution of the conformity ordered by the ministry, the full professor of philosophy, Dr. Martin Heidegger elected rector of the University of Freiburg im Breisgau. '"

redundancies

  • Jonas Cohn wrote in his notes that after his leave of absence was suspended on May 28, 1933 as a result of the Wagner decree, he was able to hold his lectures again “without any disruption”. His son Hans Ludwig Gottschalk remembers that Heidegger and his wife were also visiting their parents' house: “As rector, Heidegger then behaved completely correctly. For example, I urged my father to continue reading when my father offered him to stop the lectures after April 1st, as he would have no difficulty in greeting with the 'Hitler salute'. ”On July 15th, Heidegger left his colleague know with a letter that he has been retired by the Minister of Culture in accordance with the GWB. The contact with Heidegger was also ended.

The case of Paul Theodor Gustav Wolf

  • Wikisource on Gustav Wolf
  • Bernd Grün: Paul Theodor Gustav Wolf, “who was already 67 in 1933, worked after his doctorate in history in archives in Karlsruhe, Dresden, Berlin and Vienna. In 1899 he qualified as a professor for modern history in Freiburg and in July 1916 received the title of extraordinary Professors. The exclusion rule of the Professional Civil Service Act did not apply because he was not a front-line fighter and was not already a civil servant in 1914. An exception could only have been made with excellent probation. Heidegger stated dryly: "[It] is impossible to talk to Dr Wolf that he had done an excellent job as a civil servant." From an academic point of view, Wolf's curriculum vitae was anything but straightforward, and he had never received a call to an ordinariate. In the end, only Councilor of State Paul Schmitthenner broke a lance for Wolf and recommended not to revoke his teaching license due to his “14 years of membership in the DNVP” or to grant him “at least ongoing reasonable remuneration”. The Baden Ministry of Culture finally agreed with Heidegger's opinion and canceled the teaching assignment from Section 3 of the Professional Civil Service Act. "
  • Dargleff Jahnke: “In the list of dismissed university employees at the University of Freiburg there is a member of the Hist. Association notes: Prof. Gustaf Wolf (1865–1940), associate professor for modern history. Because of his Jewish descent, he was retired under the Law Restoring the Professional Civil Service. (on this note 212: cf. GLA, 235/5007, list of the dismissed university lecturers in Freiburg; also printed by Bernd Martin: The dismissal of the Jewish teaching staff at the Freiburg University and the efforts to reintegrate them after 1945, in: Freiburger Universitätsblätter 129 ( 1999), pp. 7–46, here p. 36.) Wolf is noted among the members in the AGM's list of magazines levies from May 1939 and was therefore in the association until his death in 1940. "
  • Julia Meier: “But Heidegger didn't support every affected colleague either. One example is the case of the historian Paul Wolf. He had to leave the university in 1933 because none of the exceptional provisions of the GWB applied to him and Heidegger gave him no backing, but rather emphasized that he had not particularly distinguished himself as a scientist. Heidegger's motives are difficult to reconstruct ... "
  • Klaus Schwabe, Rolf Reichardt (ed.): “We have Michael, Wolf, Berney and Stadelmann among recent historians - already one too many for a medium-sized university.” Fn. 2: “Wolfgang Michael (1862–1945), Paul Wolf (1865 –1940), Arnold Berney (1897–1943), historian at the Univ. Freiburg, forced retirement or dismissed after 1933. "

Poster "Against the Un-German Spirit" ("Judenplakat")

In April 1933 the German student body initiated the " Action against the un-German spirit "
  • Emmanuel Faye points out that there is no written evidence of the ban; on the contrary: On the day after he took over the rectorate, Heidegger proposed in a letter to intensify cooperation with the NSDStB.
  • Hans Ludwig Gottschalk: Heidegger had “tried to prevent avoidable anti-Semitic excesses by the students”: When the students came to him and asked for his permission to issue a decree, “Jewish professors should publish in Hebrew” (thesis 7 “against the un-German Geist ”), he rejected the approval with the remark,“ 'Everyone embarrasses himself as best he can'. ”Heidegger also said that neither Gottschalk's father nor him“ forbade or made it difficult to use the university library. ”
  • Hugo Ott doubts the weight of such a ban, which would perhaps also be appropriate for “aesthetic reasons”.
  • Holger Zaborowski: “In 1945 Heidegger mentions that, as rector, he spoke out against the 'Jews' poster' being displayed in the university. (GA 16, 382) It has not yet been possible to check whether this corresponds to historical facts. However, Heidegger will not have deliberately lied in a text whose first readers could still remember many events in 1933. "

Reactions to the rectorate

  • F. Cattaneo: "The debate about Heidegger was already unleashed with his appointment as rector, which was received with enthusiastic accents in Germany, but received in not a few cases with dismay abroad and was accompanied by harsh criticisms" ("Il dibattito intorno a Heidegger si scatenò già con la sua assunzione del rettorato, che in Germania fu accolta con accenti entusiastici, ma che all'estero fu in non pochi casi recepita con sbigottimento e accompagnata da severe critiche. ")
  • The Spanish poet Antonio Machado differentiated Heidegger from Hitlerism and National Socialist Germany in 1936: “It is Martin Heidegger, like the unfortunate Max Scheler , a first-class German, one of those who, let's say by the way, have nothing to do always his political position, which I like to ignore, with that Germany of our day, the hideous and despised Germany of the Führer, this small spirit adored by philistines - free from many doubts - who chewed on shavings everywhere - and only shavings - the philosophical thoughts of Friedrich Nietzsche and, of course, the dry fodder of the Gobineaus, Chamberlains, Spenglers etc. etc. In Heidegger there is - among many other influences - the Nietzsche influence, but that of the good Nietzsche, subtle and profound psychological, who fought so hard to to bring the philosophical thought closer to those waters of life (Teresa of Ávila). ”-“ The heath Eggerian man is the antithesis of Hitler's Germanic. "

Speeches as rector and reactions

Reactions to the inaugural address

  • Rejection of the radio broadcast - letter from Wolfgang Aly to Heidegger, May 26th, 1933: “Your magical license I am pleased to announce that the broadcast of tomorrow's speech on the radio, requested by numerous colleagues and supported by the local NSDAP district leadership, has been rejected by the Reich Commissioner . That is all the more regrettable to me as we see in your takeover of the rectorate tomorrow as the event through which the German university publicly positions itself in the new state. We are proud that this will be the case in Freiburg in particular and hope that your words will also find their appropriate hearing. Hail Hitler."
  • Karl Ballmer : “By virtue of his philosophical leadership, Martin Heidegger revealed, as rector of a German university in the spring of 1933: The task of science is not to spread knowledge. The task of science is not to know, but to ask. The spiritual bread that science has to give to the people is, as the highest and last, a question, a steadfast heroic perseverance in questioning. - Anyone who up until now has been unabashedly of the opinion that science is knowledge, absolutely knowledge - (...) - will have to give up such popular opinion under the discipline of masters of philosophy. ”Hamburg, July 1933.
  • Benedetto Croce (January 1934): “But if he were really based on his moral consciousness (everyone has it, so will he too), he would rather say that the first duty of students and professors is the timor Dei is as it is written on the pediment of the Sapienza of Rome [university].
(...)
An author of indefinite subtleties, imitating an academic Proust, the same one who never gave a sign in his books of advocating history, ethics, politics, poetry, art, or the concrete spiritual life and its many forms interested or to understand something about it - already that a decadence in view of the philosophers, the true philosophers, Germans of bygone times, the Kant, the Schellings, the Hegel! - Today suddenly plunges into the depths of a highly erroneous historicism, into that who denies history, for whom the course of history is conceived flatly and materialistically as an affirmation of ethnicisms and racisms, as a celebration of the deeds of wolves and foxes, the lions and jackals, with the only and true protagonist absent: humanity.
(...)
And so it is suitable or offers itself to render philosophical-political services: which is, of course, a way of prostituting philosophy without thereby gaining any gain for factual politics, and in general, I think, not even for non-factual politics who doesn't know what to do with such hybrid quibbles ... "
  • Oswald Kroh (November 6, 1933) said in an academic speech in Tübingen: that it does not correspond to the idea and the “educational mandate of the universities”.
  • Karl Löwith , 1940: "The 'work' and 'military service' become one with the 'knowledge service', so that at the end of the lecture you don't know whether you should take Diels' pre-Socratics in hand or march with the SA."
  • Adolf Rein , new rector of the University of Hamburg, November 5, 1934, commitment to National Socialism and Heidegger's "triad" (labor service, military service, knowledge service).

Heidelberg Speech (June 30, 1933)

  • Gerd Tellenbach : “For me, one of the most severe psychological stresses during this unfortunate time was a lecture that Martin Heidegger gave on June 30, 1933 on the university in the Third Reich in the packed auditorium of Heidelberg University . (...) Now I saw him for the first time and listened with tension, with growing horror, bitterly disappointed with this man who was so highly placed by me, indignant and sad. But the sweeping abuse of professors who were incapable of the new tasks knew hardly any limits. The supposedly aimless research and the aimless teaching at the universities were unrestrainedly denounced. A passionate National Socialist spoke, without a sense of political responsibility, without a will to just differentiate. And in 1933 it wasn't just talking. (...) If the world-famous philosopher was convinced of the magnitude and magnificence of this awakening, why shouldn't one be able to get enthusiastic about the Third Reich or at least avoid a hundred difficulties by adapting? And many found it, as in all times, too hard to swim against the current. "

Speech from January 30, 1934 - National Socialism and Revolution

  • Victor Farías derived from this position Heidegger's proximity to the SA and the revolutionary wing of the NSDAP (Ernst Röhm), ​​which is why their elimination in the summer of 1934 also coincided with Heidegger's withdrawal from his Nazi involvement.
  • Laurence Hemming emphasizes that Heidegger constantly differentiates between the Nazi party and the "movement" that brought it to power. Therefore, like Marx, he should be viewed as a politically revolutionary thinker.
  • Felix O'Murchadha judges: Heidegger would be a "victim of the downside of Tocqueville's observation": a revolution happens surprisingly. Nevertheless, it could not happen against all expectations. Heidegger misjudged the "modal character of the revolutionary", namely "against the tendency of his own philosophy". A revolution is namely "a possibility that can never be 'realized'", but always remains a possibility. The transformation of the concept of possibility developed by Heidegger in being and time leads to such a result.
  • Hugo Ott criticizes V. Farias' thesis because Heidegger was more in conflict with SA students at the end of his rectorate.
  • Rüdiger Safranski makes some reflections on the similarities between the student revolt of 1967 and the reform efforts of 1933–1934.

Circular letter to Adolf Hitler

  • Circular letter signed by Heidegger to Adolf Hitler: “I sincerely ask that the planned reception of the board of the Association of German Universities be postponed until the management of the university association has been completed in the sense of the harmonization that is particularly important here. Only a board of directors elected due to the co-ordination has the trust of the universities. In addition, the previous board of directors has been expressed the sharpest distrust of the German student body. I therefore ask that the reception be postponed until after the election of the new board on June 1st. "
  • T. Kisiel: Under the guise of “Gleichschaltung”, which was already in full swing, Heidegger intended to supplement the political revolution with a second and deeper revolution under the leadership of the German university.
  • According to Gerhard Ritter, Heidegger said that Hitler “should not listen to the ideas of the Rectors' Conference, they were all antiquated figures from the previous century, liberalists and the like”.
  • H. Zaborowski: Heidegger wanted to signal his willingness to cooperate. What, in his opinion, should be "carried out" was not simply a party-political requirement, but his own idea for university reform.

Möllendorff's resignation, Heidegger's candidacy

  • H. Flashar on Schadewaldt's role: "The fact that Schadewaldt visited Sauer again on Easter Sunday with the same concern can only be explained on the assumption that he was under heavy pressure (probably also from Heidegger himself)." Sauer trusted Heidegger not to. Note 14: Sauer's diary entry on April 16, 1933.
  • Helmut Heiber sees the NS-Kampfblatt as the reason for von Möllendorff's resignation: “The first rector fell the day before, Möllendorff in Freiburg, whose departure became head over heels due to the attack in the 'Alemannen'. His successor will be elected on the 21st - in accordance with the Möllendorff proposal, albeit in a somewhat depressed mood. "
  • Pöggeler zu Sauer's initial refusal to appoint Heidegger as a candidate: “From Sauer's diary, Ott can prove that the incumbent rector and prelate received a visit from the young Graecist Wolfgang Schadewaldt on Good Friday (April 14), the Heidegger - in place of the elected von Möllendorff - proposed as the rector. Although Schadewaldt made the same proposal on Easter Sunday (!), Sauer stuck to the rejection - he held on to von Möllendorff. Things then developed in such a rush that von Möllendorff himself suggested Heidegger as rector, but at the same time Sauer as prorector, that Heidegger should be included in a moderate senate at all. "
  • On the other hand: “As a young professor, Wolfgang Schadewaldt had proposed Heidegger as rector of Freiburg University in 1933 (so that, as was believed at the time, a moment that was often at risk would not be missed entirely). (…) It is certain that Heidegger worked in a “cultural-political working group of German university teachers” in favor of “national political education of a leading elite class” even before his election as rector. It was then the Graezist Wolfgang Schadewaldt who brought Heidegger into play as rector. Neither can this group be committed to National Socialism, nor can Heidegger be separated from the National Socialist faction. Heidegger felt encouraged by Jaspers, to whom he had apparently reported in March 1933 about the activities of Baeumler and Krieck, who himself was working on university reform plans and was disappointed that the rector Heidegger gave him insufficient consideration. "
  • Josef Sauer, who was rector of Freiburg University until April 15, 1933, on April 14 (diary entry): “Then Schwadewaldt came and stayed until 1/22 o'clock. He discussed the question of conformity at our university and whether Heidegger should not be made rector. I objected that the one for the real administrative and business issues, which would be much more difficult today than it used to be, hardly come into question ... I emphasized that Möllendorff was still there and probably best suited. "
  • H. Zaborowski: "Gerhard Ritter refers from the later memory that Schadewaldt pushed Möllendorff to resign (Gerhard Ritter," Selbstzeugnis 3 ", 779 f.)."

Telegrams

  • Telegram dated May 8, 1933 to Ernst Krieck, Nazi racial theorist and new rector of the University of Frankfurt: After the “warmest congratulations”, Heidegger telegraphed: “I trust in a good combat association. Sieg Heil!"
  • Telegram of May 9, 1933 to the Nazi Gauleiter Robert Wagner, “Delighted about the appointment as Reich Governor greets the leader of the local Grenzmark with a battle-related victory Heil the Rector of the University of Freiburg i. Br. Gez. Heidegger. "

Nazi racial policy

  • Bernd Martin: “Only one month after the leave of absence of the Jewish colleagues, which was initially ordered, did the faculty deal with the forced resignation of around 20% of the teaching staff and refrain from making any submissions in the hope of a regulated, final implementation of the law. In the end, in response to Schadewaldt's individual application, in the case of Fraenkel she managed to send an accompanying letter to the ministry, which Heidegger immediately joined, as in other cases. In terms of race policy, Heidegger did not conform to the regime, but does not seem to have resisted the reorganization of the faculty according to racial considerations. "
  • On the other hand: Heidegger "wanted to involve the community of all teachers and learners, regardless of their racial origin or political entanglements, in the revolutionary-idealistic transformation of the national community as an elite and to give the national revolution of the National Socialists [...] a spiritual meaning."
  • Hugo Ott: Private lecturers and assistants could hardly rely on his support.

After the rectorate

lectures

The quote of the "inner truth and greatness of National Socialism " (1935/1953)

Regarding the change or manipulation of the quote when it went to press in 1953:

  • Rainer Marten, who helped with the revision of the lecture as a student: “When the three of us advised him to use the phrase 'with the inner truth and greatness of National Socialism' [...] in anticipation of its public impact in 1953, when the lecture was going to print delete, he instead changes the second "National Socialism" to "Movement" and then inserts the bracket ", which was not yet given in the proofs either. But around 1935, according to Marten, Heidegger did not yet see the view of "a National Socialism perverted for the technical exploitation of beings". The phrase thus speaks “clearly” in favor of a “philosophically for real and well recognized fascism”.
  • Hugo Ott: “We owe Otto Pöggeler (...), who really walked through the complex again, for the final clarification. We can now clearly see that Heidegger spoke the following sentences towards the end of the lecture in the 1935 summer semester (...): [follows the quote that mentions 'National Socialism' twice and leaves out the brackets] (...) "
  • Otto Pöggeler : “Walter Bröcker wants to remember with certainty (after his oral and letter communication) that Heidegger did not say 'the NS' and not 'this movement' but 'the movement' in the oral lecture. 'And with “the movement” the Nazis themselves and only they referred to the NS. That is why Heidegger's "the" was unforgettable. '"

Comments on the quote:

  • Hannah Arendt wrote in 1967 that Heidegger had "probably left the sentence in there to explain underhand how he assessed National Socialism, namely as a clash of global technology and modern man".
  • Babette E. Babich: The brackets correspond to Heidegger's assertion that the techno-rationalist worldview of National Socialism was essentially no different from American or Russian alternatives.
  • Jürgen Habermas : The sentence shows “that Heidegger by no means broke away from his initial political option until the end of the war”: “While the national revolution with its leaders at the top has represented a counter-movement to nihilism, Heidegger now thinks that it a particularly characteristic expression, i.e. a mere symptom of that fateful fate of technology, which it was supposed to counteract. "
  • Holger Zaborowski : "We would like to leave the question of how this quote should be interpreted in the end."
  • According to Stefan Zenklusen , “the history of being 'positive' function” is recorded which the “movement” receives through the statement. Heidegger certainly distances himself "cautiously from the factual reality" of National Socialism, whose "inner truth and greatness" he offers "nonetheless as a potential through which the bland decay of the average would be lifted again".

To the list of names of the Committee for Legal Philosophy, BArch R 61/30, sheet 171

  • The document is an undated list of 12 names, with titles and addresses, without further text. The names are: Hans Frank , Carl August Emge , Viktor Bruns , Hans Freyer , Martin Heidegger, Ernst Heymann , Erich Jung , Max Mikorey , Wilhelm Kisch , Alfred Rosenberg , Erich Rothacker , Carl Schmitt
  • Kaveh Nassirin : Regarding some of the names listed in the document, it is stated with regard to other researcher opinions that the persons “partly for reasons of a documented and incompatible stay in that period, partly for ideological reasons, not involved in the preparation of the Nuremberg Laws and could not have participated in the Holocaust. It is also pointed out that F. Rastier is bringing this corporate and serious charge without any evidence or evidence. "
  • Ders .: In the Academy for German Law , since 1939, for the conversion of the BGB into a “People's Code”, “'to prepare the working sessions on the individual areas, requests for expert opinions and presentations have been sent to around 85 scientists and practitioners'. It is therefore proven that the ADR wrote to scientists for the purpose of providing expert opinions for the 'People's Code', and so the list of former members of the committee is very likely a directory of the names of experts who were already active for the ADR and who are now considered potential were available to comment on individual questions, be it on family law or other areas of law, possibly also on the definition of 'national comrade'. Whether the persons named on sheet 171 were actually contacted is not clear from the sheet and cannot be proven or refuted from any other documents for the time being. It is therefore uncertain whether the people on the list knew of the existence of the list. "

Exemption from the "Volkssturm"

  • Heidegger in an interview with Spiegel in 1966: “The rector Wilhelm Süss had invited the entire teaching staff to lecture hall 5. (...) He would now divide the whole teaching body into three groups: firstly, those that are completely dispensable; second, semi-expendable; and thirdly, indispensable items. In the first place the completely dispensable was named: Heidegger, then G. Ritter. In the winter semester of 1944/45, after the fortification work on the Rhine was finished, I gave a lecture entitled: 'Poetry and Thinking' (...). After the second lesson I was drafted into the Volkssturm, the oldest man among the appointed members of the faculty. "
  • Rudolf Augstein , 1989: “Didn't 55-year-old Heidegger boast about his rural health? Didn't the Volkssturm include men up to 60 years of age? Wasn't it better to defend Holderlin's homeland against the allies incapable of philosophizing, possibly the French, with a shovel or a gun in hand than to give ambiguous lectures on Nietzsche? "
  • Bernd Martin : “When the Allied armed forces were already standing on the Rhine, the rectorate, after doing appropriate research, reported the remaining at the Philosophical Faculty, i.e. H. non-appointed teachers. The list comprised a total of 22 people, half of whom were professors. They were all either retired, dismissed, conditionally fit for use in the war or indispensable. Only the oldest member of the party, the classical philologist Aly, served in the last contingent, the Volkssturm, presumably with the spade during excavation work on the Tuniberg. "

Looking back after 1945

Disappointments

  • Gerhard Ritter reported in 1962: “In reality, the disappointment was enormous, because Heidegger was now proceeding with full sails in the National Socialist waters, rather dictatorially, giving speeches to the student body in which he profoundly blasphemed about academic tradition and about military service, teaching and Labor service, juxtaposed in a distinctly National Socialist way, called. "
  • The then private lecturer Gerd Tellenbach expressed his disappointment in 1949: “One of the most severe psychological stresses in this unfortunate time was a lecture given by Martin Heidegger on June 30, 1933 in the crowded auditorium of the university Heidelberg stopped. I was there as a private lecturer in the first semester. In my Roman years I had read 'Being and Time' several times, was very impressed by it and believed that I would find much in it that had shaped our time and could continue to shape it. Now I saw him for the first time and listened full of tension, with growing horror, bitterly disappointed with this man who was so highly placed by me, indignant and sad. But the sweeping abuse of professors who were incapable of the new tasks knew hardly any limits. The supposedly aimless research and the aimless teaching at the universities were unrestrainedly denounced. A passionate National Socialist spoke, without a sense of political responsibility, without a will to just differentiate. And in 1933 it wasn't just talking. You have to know how many tried to adapt to National Socialism that summer, […] Thousands of those I had relied on collapsed under Heidegger's influence. I never got over this experience. If the world-famous philosopher was convinced of the magnitude and magnificence of this awakening, why shouldn't one be able to get enthusiastic about the Third Reich or at least avoid a hundred difficulties by adapting? And many found it, as in all times, too hard to swim against the current. "

On the question of morality

  • Emmanuel Lévinas saw Heidegger's political engagement as a fatal continuation of his ontological thinking in the sense of a philosophical tradition that does not recognize the recognition of morality as the “first philosophy”.

literature

swell

  • Alfred Denker, Holger Zaborowski (ed.): Heidegger and National Socialism: I. Documents. Karl Alber, Freiburg / Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-495-45704-7 .
  • Bernd Martin: Heidegger and the “Third Reich”: A compendium. Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1989, ISBN 3-534-10929-5 .
  • Guido Schneeberger: Gleanings on Heidegger. Documents on his life and thinking. With two picture panels. Bern 1962

For correspondence see: Martin Heidegger # Correspondence Handbooks

biography

  • Ernst Nolte : Martin Heidegger: Politics and history in life and thinking. Propylaea, Berlin / Frankfurt am Main 1992, ISBN 3-549-07241-4 .
  • Hugo Ott: Martin Heidegger. On the way to his biography. Campus, Frankfurt am Main 1992, ISBN 3-593-34633-8 .
  • Rüdiger Safranski: A master from Germany: Heidegger and his time. (1994) 8th edition. S. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-596-15157-0 ( Dieter Thomä review October 1, 1994).

Black notebooks

  • Michèle Cohen-Halimi, Francis Cohen: The Trawny Case. To Heidegger's black books . Translated from the French and with an afterword by Oliver Precht. Turia & Kant, Neue Subjectile series , Vienna 2016, ISBN 978-3-85132-850-9 (Michèle Cohen-Halimi et Francis Cohen: Le Cas Trawny. À propos des cahiers noirs de heidegger . Sens & Tonka, Paris 2015, ISBN 978-2-84534-250-7 ).
  • Marion Heinz and Sidonie Kellerer (eds.): "Black Hefts". A philosophical-political debate. With contributions by Rainer Marten , Günther Mensching , Hassan Givsan , Emmanuel Feye, Marion Heinz, Jaehoon Lee, Livia Profeti; Goran Gretić, Johannes Fritsche, Dieter Thomä , Susanne Lettow, Theodore Kisiel, Thomas Rohkrämer, Christian Geulen ; Reinhard Mehring , Daniela Helbig, Gaëtan Pégny; Anna Pia Ruoppo, Gregory Fried, Maurizio Fernaris, Richard Wolin, Anton M. Fischer. Suhrkamp (stw 2178), Berlin 2016, ISBN 978-3-518-29778-0 .
  • Alfred J. Noll : The right foreman. Martin Heidegger based on the "Black Books". PapyRossa, Cologne 2016, ISBN 978-3-89438-600-9 .
  • Peter Trawny: Heidegger and the myth of the Jewish world conspiracy. 3rd, revised and expanded edition, Klostermann, Frankfurt am Main 2015, ISBN 978-3-465-04238-9

Political thinking

  • Miguel de Beistegui: Heidegger and the Political. Routledge, 2002, ISBN 0-415-13063-8
  • Florian Grosser: Thinking Revolution: Heidegger and the Political 1919 to 1969. Beck, Munich 2011, ISBN 978-3-406-62155-0
  • Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe: The Fiction of the Political. Heidegger, art and politics . (Paris 1987) Stuttgart 1990
  • Domenico Losurdo: The community, death, the west: Heidegger and the ideology of war. Translated from the Italian by Erdmuthe Brielmayer. Metzler, Stuttgart 1995, ISBN 3-476-01299-9
  • Otto Pöggeler: Philosophy and Politics at Heidegger. 2nd Edition. Alber, Freiburg / Munich 1974, ISBN 3-495-47261-4
  • Alexander Schwan : Political Philosophy in Heidegger's Thought. 1989, ISBN 3-531-12036-0
  • Hans Sluga: Heidegger's Crisis: Philosophy and Politics in Nazi Germany. Harvard University Press, 1993, ISBN 0-674-38711-2 .
  • Paul Sörensen, Nikolai Münch (ed.): Political theory and the thinking of Heidegger . transcript, Bielefeld 2013, ISBN 978-3-8376-2389-5
  • Richard Wolin: Politics of Being. Martin Heidegger's political thinking. Passages, 1991, ISBN 3-900767-85-8

National Socialism

  • Alfred Denker, Holger Zaborowski (ed.): Heidegger and National Socialism: II. Interpretations. Karl Alber, Freiburg / Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-495-45705-4 .
  • Holger Zaborowski: “A question of error and guilt?” Martin Heidegger and National Socialism. S. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 2009, ISBN 978-3-596-18017-2 (Dieter Thomä, FAZ, July 7, 2010: review ).
  • Emmanuel Faye: Heidegger. The Introduction of National Socialism into Philosophy. (2005) Matthes & Seitz, Berlin 2009, ISBN 978-3-88221-025-5 .
Reviews: Thomas Meyer (Die Zeit)
Sidonie Kellerer. (PDF)
Emmanuel Faye: Answer to Thomas Meyer (Die Zeit)
Alfred Schmidt (Germany radio)
  • Bernhard Radloff: Heidegger and the Question of National Socialism. Disclosure and Gestalt. University of Toronto Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-8020-9315-8 .
  • Charles R. Bambach: Heidegger's Roots. Nietzsche, National Socialism, and the Greeks. Cornell University Press, 2005, ISBN 0-8014-7266-0 .
  • Johannes Fritsche: Historical Destiny and National Socialism in Heidegger's Being and Time. University of California Press, Berkeley 1999 ( text online ).
  • Tom Rockmore : On Heidegger's Nazism and Philosophy. 2nd edition, University of California Press / Harvester Wheatsheaf, Berkeley 1997 ( text online ).
  • Ernst Topitsch : The saved ruler prevented. Heidegger and National Socialism. In: Alfred Bohnen, Alan Musgrave (Ed.): Ways of reason. Festschrift for the seventieth birthday of Hans Albert. Mohr, Tübingen 1991, ISBN 3-16-145712-9 , pp. 245-260.
  • Philipp Rippel: Martin Heidegger and National Socialism. In: Politische Vierteljahresschrift 32, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1991, pp. 123–129.
  • Victor Farias: Heidegger and National Socialism. (1987) S. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1989, ISBN 3-10-020402-6 ( review by Alex Steiner ).
  • Silvio Vietta: Heidegger's Critique of National Socialism and Technology. Max Niemeyer, Tübingen 1989, ISBN 3-484-70150-1 .
  • Symposium on Heidegger and Nazism. In: Critical Inquiry. Issue 15, No. 2, The University of Chicago Press 1989.

anti-Semitism

  • Walter Homolka , Arnulf Heidegger (ed.): Heidegger and anti-Semitism. Positions in conflict. With letters from Martin and Fritz Heidegger. Herder, Freiburg 2016, ISBN 978-3-451-37529-3 .
  • Helmuth Vetter: Wilhelm Dilthey, Martin Heidegger and Heidegger's anti-Semitism. Reflections and materials. In: DIVINATIO • studia culturologica series 38 (2013–2014) 7–64. ISSN  1310-9456 .

language

Heidegger debate

Heidegger in dialogue

  • Emil Kettering, Günther Neske (ed.): Answer. Martin Heidegger in conversation. Klett-Cotta, 1988, ISBN 3-608-91097-2 .
  • Heinrich Wiegand Petzet: Approaching a star. Encounters and conversations with Martin Heidegger 1929–1976. Societäts-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1983, ISBN 3-7973-0414-5 .

Philosophy and university

  • George Leaman: The university philosophers of the "Ostmark". In: FORVM 481-484, April 1994, pp. 25-31.
  • George Leaman: Heidegger in context. Complete overview of the Nazi involvement of university philosophers. Argument, Hamburg / Berlin 1993, ISBN 3-88619-205-9 .
  • Reinhard Brandt : University between self-determination and external determination. Kant's “Dispute between the Faculties”. With an appendix to Heidegger's "Rector's speech". Academy, Berlin 2003, ISBN 3-05-003859-4 .

Ethics, practical philosophy, ontology

  • Bernhard HF Taureck (Ed.): Political Innocence? In terms of Martin Heidegger. Wilhelm Fink, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-7705-4537-7 .
  • Herman Philipse: Heidegger's Philosophy of Being: A Critical Interpretation. Princeton University Press, Princeton 1998, ISBN 1-4008-2295-5 (§ 14: Heidegger and Hitler. Pp. 246-274).
  • Hassan Givsan: Heidegger - The thinking of inhumanity. An ontological examination of Heidegger's thinking. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 1998, ISBN 3-8260-1388-3 .
  • Hassan Givsan: To Heidegger. An addendum to "Heidegger - The Thinking of Inhumanity". Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2011, ISBN 978-3-8260-4541-7 .
  • Pierre Bourdieu: The political ontology of Martin Heidegger. Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 1988, ISBN 3-518-11514-6 .
  • Annemarie Gethmann-Siefert, Otto Pöggeler (Ed.): Heidegger and the practical philosophy. Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 1988

resistance

Rest

  • Jacques Derrida : Of the Spirit. Heidegger and the question. Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 1992, ISBN 3-518-28595-5
  • Andreas Großmann: Overplaying the political? Inquiries to Heidegger and Postmodernism. In: Heiner Bielefeldt, Winfried Brugger, Klaus Dicke (Hrsg.): Dignity and right of people. Festschrift for Johannes Schwardtländer on his 70th birthday. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 1992, ISBN 3-88479-683-6
  • Karl Jaspers: Notes on Martin Heidegger . Edited by Hans Saner. Piper, Munich 1978, p. 2013, ISBN 978-3-492-30342-2
  • Theodore Kisiel: Heidegger's Philosophical Geopolitics in the Third Reich. In: Gregory Fried, Richard Polt (Eds.): A Companion to Heidegger's 'Introduction to Metaphysics'. Yale University Press, 2000, ISBN 0-300-08328-9 , pp. 226-249
  • Reinhard Mehring: Heidegger's “great politics”. The semantic revolution of the complete edition . Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2016, ISBN 978-3-16-154374-6
  • Gerhard Oberschlick (Ed.): Günther Anders : About Heidegger. Beck, Munich 2001, ISBN 3-406-48259-7
  • Hermann Schäfer (Ed.): Approaches to Martin Heidegger. Festschrift for Hugo Ott on his 65th birthday . Campus, Frankfurt 1996, ISBN 3-593-35604-X
  • Gottfried Schramm, Bernd Martin (Ed.): Martin Heidegger. A philosopher and politics . 2nd ext. Edition. Rombach, Freiburg 2001, ISBN 3-7930-9232-1

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ The first relevant sources relate to quotes from letters from 1916 to his future wife Elfride.
  2. ^ Heidegger and politics . In: Otto Pöggeler (Ed.): Heidegger: Perspectives on the interpretation of his work . Beltz Athenaeum, Königstein / Taunus 1994, p. 247
  3. ↑ Ernst Cassirer. Stations of a philosophical biography , p. 251
  4. ↑ Theories of the Stranger. An introduction , p. 101, m note 3.
  5. ^ Continental Divide . Harvard University Press, 2011, p. 264.
  6. ↑ Martin Heidegger and his ambivalent relationship to Judaism , Trumah 8, 1999, 29–41, p. 29.
  7. ↑ Exercises in political thinking, women in philosophy and science . Women Philosophers and Scientists, "Plurality inherent in every human being": Arendt's concept of political thought. Springer Fachmedien, Wiesbaden 2017, p. 91, note 21.
  8. ↑ Martin Heidegger, The Politics and the Political . In: Göttingische Gelehre Anzeige 242 (1990), p. 225.
  9. ↑ Karl Jaspers: Philosophical Autobiography . Munich 1977, p. 101.
  10. ↑ Walter Biemel, Hans Saner (ed.): Martin Heidegger, Karl Jaspers: Briefwechsel 1920–1963 . Frankfurt am Main 1992, p. 270.
  11. ^ Hugo Ott: Martin Heidegger. On the way to his biography . Frankfurt am Main 1988, p. 180.
  12. ↑ Bernd Martin: University in Transition: The Rectorate Heidegger 1933/34 . In: Eckhard John, Bernd Martin, Marc Mück, Hugo Ott (eds.): The Freiburg University in the time of National Socialism . Freiburg 1991, 9-24, 16; see. Hellmut Flashar: Biographical moments in difficult times . In: Spectra Narr Francke Attempto , 2004, pp. 307–328, here: p. 315.
  13. ^ Rüdiger Safranski: A master from Germany. Heidegger and his time , Munich, Vienna 1994, p. 297.
  14. ^ Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe: The fiction of the political. Heidegger, art and politics . Edition Patricia Schwarz, Stuttgart 1990, pp. 42-43.
  15. ↑ Christian Geulen: Willingly without will. Heidegger's Black Booklets as a historical document . In: Marion Heinz, Sidonie Kellerer (Ed.): Black Hefts. A philosophical-political debate . Berlin 2016, pp. 275–287, here: p. 285 m. Used on Eric Voegelin: Race and State . Berlin 1933.
  16. ↑ L. Hachmeister, Deutschlandradio , "I wouldn't call him a tough anti-Semite".
  17. ↑ Jaehoon Lee: The unity of Heidegger's thinking and metaphysics in the black books . In: Marion Heinz, Sidonie Kellerer (Ed.): Black Hefts. A philosophical-political debate . Berlin 2016, pp. 144–155, here: p. 154.
  18. ↑ Dieter Thomä: How anti-Semitic is Heidegger? In: Marion Heinz, Sidonie Kellerer (Ed.): Black Hefts. A philosophical-political debate . Berlin 2016, pp. 211–233, here: p. 214.
  19. ↑ Gaëtan Pégny: Heidegger's self-interpretation in the black books . In: Marion Heinz, Sidonie Kellerer (Ed.): Black Hefts. A philosophical-political debate . Berlin 2016, pp. 326–346, here: p. 433
  20. ↑ JA Barash: Heidegger et la question de la race, Les Temps Modernes , 2008/4 (No. 650), pp. 290–305, here: p. 299 f. : “Dans le cours de 1933–1934 'Of the essence of truth', Heidegger prend soin de distinguer son propre concept de race (race, strain, gender, species) des idées de ce qu'il nomme la 'biologie libérale', périmées à son sens. Sous cette expression de 'biologie libérale', il désigne notamment la théorie de l'évolution de Darwin dont il critique les principes biologiques en ce qu'ils expriment les préjugés du libéralisme et du positivisme anglais de son époque. Mais il inclut de façon significative dans sa critique de Darwin le darwinisme tel qu'il a été modifié par les idéologues de la race aryenne. Il s'en prend explicitement à des apologistes du nazisme, notamment au romancier et essayiste Erwin Guido Kolbenheyer (1878–1962) qui l'idéologie de la race aryenne (ou nordique) à la compréhension de la réalité politique de l'époque. (...) Il me semble qu'à placer Heidegger sur le même plan idéologique que Fischer, Günther, voire Bäumler ou Rosenberg, on efface certaines nuances cruciales ".
  21. ^ Rüdiger Safranski: A master from Germany. Frankfurt am Main 2001, p. 325.
  22. ↑ Mark Lilla: The Unrestrained Spirit: The Tyrannophilia of the Intellectuals. Munich 2015, p. 136.
  23. ↑ Turning away from the subject: On linguistic thinking in Heidegger and Buber , Freiburg, Munich, 2010, p. 413, note 26.
  24. ↑ Heidegger and the Myth of the Jewish World Conspiracy , Frankfurt, 2014, p. 61.
  25. ^ Heidegger, Philosophy, Nazism , p. 41
  26. ↑ Politics and History , p. 145
  27. Jump up to a star. Encounters and conversations with Martin Heidegger 1929–1976 . Societäts-Verlag 1983, p. 40.
  28. ↑ "Notice"
  29. ↑ Heidegger, GA 16, 84 f. .
  30. ↑ Wittgenstein and Heidegger , p. 262.
  31. ↑ A question of error and guilt?
  32. ^ The personal alignment of the Baden universities 1933-1935 Conformity and resistance in Heidelberg, Karlsruhe and Freiburg in comparison , Heidelberg, 2015, p. 21 (PDF) quotation m. Verw .: Martin, 1995, p. 17.
  33. ↑ p. 105
  34. ↑ p. 9
  35. ↑ p. 103
  36. ↑ Walter Biemel, Hans Saner (ed.): Martin Heidegger, Karl Jaspers: Briefwechsel 1920–1963. Frankfurt am Main 1990, p. 29.
  37. ^ Rüdiger Safranski: A master from Germany. Frankfurt am Main 2001, p. 174 , p. 189 f. u. 557.
  38. ↑ Walter Biemel, Hans Saner (ed.): Martin Heidegger, Karl Jaspers: Briefwechsel 1920–1963. Frankfurt am Main 1990, p. 29.
  39. ↑ Walter Biemel, Hans Saner (ed.): Martin Heidegger, Karl Jaspers: Briefwechsel 1920–1963. Frankfurt am Main 1990, p. 31.
  40. ↑ Walter Biemel, Hans Saner (ed.): Martin Heidegger, Karl Jaspers: Briefwechsel 1920–1963. Frankfurt am Main 1990, p. 32.
  41. ↑ Walter Biemel, Hans Saner (ed.): Martin Heidegger, Karl Jaspers: Briefwechsel 1920–1963. Frankfurt am Main 1990, p. 33.
  42. ↑ On the correspondence between Martin Heidegger and Karl Jaspers, p. 51, m. Note 13 (PDF)
  43. ^ Dominic Kaegi: Philosophy. In: The University of Heidelberg under National Socialism. Edited by WU Eckart, V. Sellin, E. Wolgast. Heidelberg 2006, p. 337.
  44. ↑ Heidegger: The introduction of National Socialism into philosophy , Introduction, I, About Heidegger's political orientation before 1933
  45. ↑ The Freiburg Philosophical Faculty 1920–1960. Members - Structures - Networks, Freiburg and Munich, 2006, p. 769; 789 .
  46. ↑ Kurt Bauch / Martin Heidegger. Correspondence between 1932 and 1975. Ed .: by Almuth Heidegger, Alber, Freiburg 2010, 164
  47. ↑ Reinhold Aschenberg: Ent-Subjectivierung des Menschen: Camp and Shoah in philosophical reflection . Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2003
  48. ↑ Victor Farías: Heidegger and National Socialism . Frankfurt 1989, p. 40.
  49. ↑ Emmanuel Faye: Heidegger: The Introduction of Nazism Into Philosophy in Light of the Unpublished Seminars of 1933-1935 . Yale University Press, 2009.
  50. ^ Günter Figal: Martin Heidegger for an introduction . 7th completely revised edition, Junius Verlag, Hamburg 2016; Review by Michael Stallknecht (SZ, July 3, 2016): After the black books
  51. ↑ Andreas Luckner: Heidegger and the thinking of technology . Bielefeld 2008, p. 66
  52. ^ Hugo Ott: Martin Heidegger. On the way to his biography . Frankfurt am Main 1988, 106.
  53. ↑ Dieter Thomä: Heidegger and National Socialism . In: Dieter Thomä (Ed.): Heidegger Handbook . Stuttgart 2003, pp. 141-147.
  54. ↑ Slavoj Žižek: Less than nothing: Hegel and the shadow of dialectical materialism (2012). Suhrkamp 2014, p. 1231 f.
  55. ↑ Holger Zaborowski: “A question of error and guilt?” Martin Heidegger and National Socialism . Frankfurt am Main 2010, p. 761.
  56. ↑ The Alemanne. Battle sheet of the National Socialists Oberbadens . 3rd year, series 121, May 3, 1933, quoted in after: Guido Schneeberger: Gleanings on Heidegger. Documents on his life and thinking. Bern 1962, p. 23 f.
  57. ↑ Spectra , p. 313 f.
  58. ↑ See Klaus-Michael Kodalle: Shocking Freedom. Post-metaphysical ethics in the Weimar period of transition . Vienna 1996, chap. 9, Griesebach contra Heidegger, pp. 45–47, here p. 47. from Stefan Günzel: Lines: Nietzsche - Jünger - Heidegger (PDF) FN 22; see also: Helmuth Vetter: Heidegger in the context of dialogical philosophy with a view to Eberhard Grisebach. (PDF)
  59. ^ History of the city of Freiburg im Breisgau . Volume 3: From the rule of Baden to the present - swastika over the town hall. Stuttgart, Theiss 1992, pp. 298–370, From the dissolution of the Weimar Republic to the end of the Second World War (1930–1945) . P. 305.
  60. ^ Heidegger and the reform of the German university in 1933 in: Martin Heidegger: a philosopher and politics . Freiburg: Rombach, 1986. (Freiburger Universitätsblätter; 92), pp. 49-69 here: p. 56 m. Note: UAM 305a, acc. 1975/79 No. 168: Circular letter from the Freiburg Rectorate, Diary No. 4260, dated May 5, 1933.
  61. ^ Hans Dieter Zimmermann: Philosophy and Fastnacht. Martin and Fritz Heidegger. Munich 2005, p. 84 f.
  62. ↑ The rector as leader? The University of Freiburg i. Br. From 1933 to 1945 . Karl Alber, Freiburg / Munich 2010, p. 211.
  63. ^ A national community on a small scale. The Breisgau history association "Schau-ins-Land" in the time of National Socialism , in: "Schau-ins-Land", magazine of the Breisgau history association. 133. Jahrbuch 2014, Freiburg (2015), pp. 109–158, “Dealing with the persecuted or disadvantaged of the National Socialist regime” among the members of the history association; on Gustav Wolf (1865–1940), p. 143.
  64. ^ The personal alignment of the Baden universities 1933–1935, Conformity and Resistance in Heidelberg, Karlsruhe and Freiburg in Comparison , Heidelberg, 2015, p. 22.
  65. ↑ Gerhard Ritter, a political historian in his letters . With the participation of Reinhard Hauf. Harald Boldt-Verlag, Boppard am Rhein 1984 (publications of the Federal Archives 33) p. 244.
  66. ↑ Emmanuel Faye: Heidegger: The Introduction of Nazism Into Philosophy in Light of the Unpublished Seminars of 1933-1935. Yale University Press, 2009, p. 53.
  67. ↑ Hans L. Gottschalk: Heidegger's rectorate time. Letter of January 8, 1978 to Günther Neske, in: Günther Neske, Emil Kettering (Ed.): Answer. Martin Heidegger in conversation. Pfüllingen 1988, p. 187 f.
  68. ^ Hugo Ott: Martin Heidegger. Frankfurt am Main 1992, p. 181.
  69. ↑ Holger Zaborowski: “A question of error and guilt?” Martin Heidegger and National Socialism. Frankfurt am Main 2010, note 777, p. 394, fn. 149.
  70. ↑ Forme del conflitto. La filosofia di Heidegger degli anni Trenta tra politica e arte, Bologna, 2007, p. 74
  71. ↑ Antologia Comentada. II. Prose , Madrid, 1999, LXII, Miscellaneous Apocryphal. Notes on Juan de Mairena, p. 321 - “Es Martin Heidegger, como el malogrado Max Scheler, un alemán de primera clase, de los que, digámoslo de pasada, nada tienen que ver, cualquiera que sea su posición política, que yo me complazco en ignorar, con la Alemania de nuestros días, la aborrecible y aborrecida Alemania del Führer, de ese pedantón endiosado por la turba de filisteos - sin duda numerosa - que todavía rumia las virutas - y sólo las virutas - filosóficas de Federico Nietzsche y, por descontado, el ya seco forraje de los Gobineau, Chamberlain, Spengler, etc., etc. Hay en Heidegger - entre otras muchas influencias - la influencia nietzschiana, pero del buen Nietzsche, sutil y profundamente psicólogo, que tanto pugnó por acercar de nuevo el pensar filosófico a las mesmas vivas aguas de la vida. "-" El hombre heideggeriano es el antipolo del germano de Hitler. "
  72. ↑ Bernd Martin: The University of Freiburg im Breisgau in 1933 . In: Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins , 136, 1988, pp. 445–477, here 454.
  73. ↑ But Mr. Heidegger! Martin Heidegger's speech from the Freiburg Rectorate. With a foreword by Prof. theol. F. Eymann, Bern, Basel 1933
  74. ↑ La Critica. Rivista di Letteratura, Storia e Filosofia , 32, 1934, p. 69 f .: "Ma se egli si ripiegasse davvero sulla sua coscienza morale (l'ha ogni uomo e l'avrà anche lui), direbbe piuttosto che il primo obbligo, di studenti e di professori, è il timor Dei, come sta scritto sul frontone della Sapienza di Roma. … Scrittore di generiche sottigliezze, arieggante a un Proust cattedratico, egli che nei suoi libri non ha dato mai segno di prendere alcun interest o di avere alcuna conoscenza della storia, dell'etica, della politica, della poesia, dell'eta, della concreta vita spirituale nelle sue varie forme - quale decadenza a fronte dei filosofi, veri filosofi, tedeschi di un tempo, dei Kant, degli Schelling, degli Hegel! -, oggi si sprofonda di colpo nel gorgo del più falso storicismo, in quello, che la storia nega, per il quale il moto della storia viene rozzamente e materialisticamente concepito come asserzione di etnicismi e di razzismi, come celebrazione delle gesta di lupi , leoni e sciacalli, assente l'unico e vero attore, I'umanità. ... E so si appresta o si offre a rendere servigi filosofico-politici: che è certamente un modo di prostituire la filosofia, senza con ciò recare nessun sussidio alla soda politica, e, anzi, credo, neppure a quella non soda, che di cotesto ibrido scolasticume non sa che cosa farsi… “, pdf cover with date : January 20, 1934
  75. ↑ cit. n. Bernd Martin: Heidegger and the reform of the German university in 1933 . In: Martin Heidegger: a philosopher and politics . Rombach, Freiburg 1986, pp. 49-69, here: p. 53 (Freiburger Universitätsblätter; 92).
  76. ^ Karl Löwith: The European Nihilism. Reflections on the intellectual prehistory of the European war . 1940, cit. n .: ders .: My life in Germany before and after 1933 . Frankfurt a. M., 1989, p. 33.
  77. ↑ From remembered contemporary history. Verlag der Wagnerschen Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1981, p. 40. Quoted by Ortwin Reich-Dultz: The Nuremberg indictment against German cultural history: a study of the history of philosophy . Flensburg 2008, p. 148 (PDF)
  78. ↑ Victor Farías: Heidegger and National Socialism . Frankfurt am Main 1989, pp. 250-255.
  79. ^ Laurence Paul Hemming: Heidegger and Marx: A Productive Dialogue over the Language of Humanism . Northwestern University Press, Evanston, 2013, p. 155
  80. ↑ Felix O'Murchadha: Time of Action and Possibility of Transformation: Heidegger's Cairology and Chronology in the Decade of Being and Time . Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann 1999, p. 14
  81. ^ Hugo Ott: Paths and astray: To Victor Farias' critical Heidegger study. In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung. November 28, 1987.
  82. ^ Rüdiger Safranski: A master from Germany. Frankfurt am Main 1994, pp. 302-304, quoted in Grün, 2010, 167.
  83. ↑ Bernd Martin: Martin Heidegger and the Third Reich. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1989, p. 166
  84. ^ Theodore Kisiel: Political Interventions in the Lecture Courses of 1933-1936. In: Zaborowski / Denker (Ed.): Heidegger and National Socialism: II. Interpretations. Freiburg / Munich 2009, p. 110
  85. ^ Gerhard Ritter: Self-testimony 3. The University of Freiburg in the Hitler Empire. Personal impressions and experiences . In: Eckhard Wirbelauer (ed.): The Freiburg Philosophical Faculty 1920–1960. Members - structures - networks . Freiburg / Munich 2006, p. 789 .
  86. ↑ Holger Zaborowski: “A question of error and guilt?” Martin Heidegger and National Socialism . Frankfurt am Main 2010, p. 378 f.
  87. ↑ Spectra , p. 313
  88. ^ University under the swastika , p. 268
  89. ↑ New ways with Heidegger . P. 223
  90. ↑ Heidegger in his time , p. 63 u. 211
  91. ↑ cit. n. H. Ott: Martin Heidegger. On the way to his biography . Frankfurt / M. 1992, p. 140
  92. ↑ GA 16, p. 98, no. 42
  93. ↑ GA 16, p. 99, no. 43
  94. ^ H. Flashar: Spectra , p. 313
  95. ↑ The political and ideological environment , in: Eckhard Wirbelauer (Ed.): The Freiburg Philosophical Faculty 1920–1960. Members - Structures - Networks , Freiburg and Munich, 2006, p. 45
  96. ↑ Bernd Martin: The dismissal of the Jewish teachers at the Freiburg University and the efforts to reintegrate them after 1945, in: Freiburger Universitätsblätter 129 (1995), pp. 7–46, here 17.
  97. ^ Hugo Ott: Martin Heidegger as rector of the University of Freiburg i.Br. 1933/34. Part II, in: Zeitschrift des Breisgau-Geschichtsverein 103 (1984), pp. 107–130, here 123.
  98. ^ Babette E. Babich: The contributions as Heidegger's will to power. Nietzsche - Technology - Machenschaft . In: this: "One god's happiness, full of power and love". Contributions to Nietzsche Hölderlin Heidegger . Bauhaus-Universitätsverlag, Weimar 2009, pp. 178–208, here 194 f.
  99. ↑ cit. n. H. Ott: Martin Heidegger. On the way to his biography . Frankfurt am Main, 1988, 1992, p. 277 m. Note 207: Pöggeler, 1983, p. 340 ff.
  100. ^ Otto Pöggeler: Heidegger's political self-image. In: A. Gethmann-Siefert, O. Pöggeler (Ed.): Heidegger and the practical philosophy . Frankfurt / M. 1988, p. 59, note 11.
  101. ^ Babette E. Babich: The contributions as Heidegger's will to power. Nietzsche - Technology - Machenschaft . In: this: "One god's happiness, full of power and love". Contributions to Nietzsche Hölderlin Heidegger . Bauhaus-Universitätsverlag, Weimar 2009, pp. 178–208, here 194 f.
  102. ↑ Jürgen Habermas: Heidegger - work and world view . In: Victor Farías: Heidegger and the National Socialism . Frankfurt am Main 1989, pp. 22 and 26.
  103. ↑ Holger Zaborowski: “A question of error and guilt?” Martin Heidegger and National Socialism , Frankfurt am Main, 2010, p. 488
  104. ↑ Stefan Zenklusen: History of Being and Technology with Martin Heidegger: Terminology and Problematization , Marburg, 2002, p. 20
  105. ↑ Kaveh Nassirin: shipwreck of a semiotician: To François Rastiers thesis of a participation of Martin Heidegger in the Holocaust . FORVM
  106. ↑ Kaveh Nassirin: Worked against the genocides? In: FAZ.net . Retrieved July 17, 2018 . . ders .: Martin Heidegger and the legal philosophy of the Nazi era: detailed analysis of an unknown document (BArch R 61/30, sheet 171) , FORVM u. PhilPapers (PDF)
  107. ↑ GA 16, p. 666 f.
  108. ↑ cit. n. Lutz Hachmeister: Heidegger's will . Berlin 2014, p. 15
  109. ↑ Bernd Martin in: Eckhard Wirbelauer (Ed.): The Freiburg Philosophical Faculty 1920–1960 , p. 50 f.
  110. ^ Gerhard Ritter: Self-testimony 3. The Universitåt Freiburg in the Hitler Reich. Personal impressions and experiences. In: Eckhard Wirbelauer (ed.), The Freiburg Faculty of Philosophy 1920–1960. Members - structures - networks. , Alber, Freiburg / Munich 2006, 780.
  111. ↑ Gerd Tellenbach: From remembered contemporary history. Verlag der Wagnerschen Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1981, p. 40. Quoted by Ortwin Reich-Dultz: The Nuremberg indictment against German cultural history: a study of the history of philosophy. Flensburg 2008, p. 148. (PDF)
  112. ↑ Emmanuel Lévinas: Totality and Infinity. Attempt on exteriority . Munich / Freiburg 1993, p. 442.