Peruvian War

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The Peruvian War (Latin: bellum Perusinum , War of Perusia ), which took place in the winter of 41/40 BC. Took place, was an important milestone in the rise of Octavian, the later Emperor Augustus . The main reason for the war was the supply of war veterans . It was a political conflict between Octavian on the one hand and Lucius Antonius and Fulvia on the other. The latter represented the interests of Mark Antony in Italy, who was absent from the Orient, as a brother or wife . The military conflict ended with Octavian's victory after the successful siege of Perusia.

prehistory

After the founding of the Second Triumvirate (November 43 BC), which consisted of Mark Antony , Octavian (the later Emperor Augustus ) and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus , it came in the autumn of 42 BC. For the decisive double battle at Philippi , in which the Caesar killers Brutus and Cassius were defeated. Since Lepidus was not involved in the victory, the balance of power within the triumvirate changed. After Antonius, Octavian now had the second strongest power and Lepidus was pushed back. The two most influential triumvirs distributed most of the provinces in the west of the empire and the tasks to be performed among themselves. Thus, Mark Antony had to take care of order in the east of the empire - which practically fell to him - and to collect the large sums of money promised to the soldiers as a reward, while Octavian was given the difficult task of looking after around 50,000 to 60,000 veterans by allocating land in Italy. To achieve this, Octavian was supposed to drive the inhabitants out of 18 Italian cities and have their goods distributed among the veterans. This must have drawn the anger of the dispossessed to the young Caesar heir.

The opponents

When Octavian at the beginning of 41 BC When he returned to Italy from Macedonia in the 3rd century BC, the obligation to take care of the veterans turned out to be extremely difficult. In Italy, for example, there were famines because Sextus Pompeius and the still largely unbeaten fleet of Caesar murderers closed the Italian ports and thus blocked supplies , and large areas of land remained undeveloped due to the chaos of war. Octavian also did not have full freedom of action in Italy, since the country was subordinate to all - rival triumvirs - and there were strong units of Mark Antony's troops. Furthermore, both of the consuls at the time, Lucius Antonius , the younger brother of the triumvir, and Publius Servilius Isauricus , did not belong to Octavian's followers.

The question of the planned veteran settlement sparked a serious political and finally also military conflict between Octavian and the trustees of Marcus Antonius in Italy, his wife Fulvia and his brother Lucius Antonius. They wanted to take advantage of Octavian's difficulties with the veterans settlement in order to politically outmaneuver him as far as possible. The war historian Appian provides the most detailed account of these entanglements in the fifth book of his civil wars , in which he relies heavily on the lost history of Antonius' general Gaius Asinius Pollio ; in addition, the shorter representation of Cassius Dio in the 48th book of his Roman history is another main source.

Octavian sold further confiscated property of the opponents proscribed at the beginning of the triumvirate and borrowed money from temple treasures to partially reward the veterans. Above all, however, he insisted, as agreed with his triumvirate colleagues, that the soldiers who had been discharged from the war should be settled on the land of the cities intended for expropriation. Those affected pushed for a fairer burden-sharing or compensation. Crowds of people, including women with their children, came to Rome , gathered in the forum and in the temples and complained that, although they were Italians , they had to leave their country like a subjugated people. Octavian had already exempted the two southern Italian coastal cities of Vibo and Rhegium from expropriation and tried to reassure the plaintiffs, but he had no money for compensation and could not comfort them with soothing words alone.

So that Octavian did not secure the sympathy of the army through the land instructions alone, Fulvia and Lucius Antonius demanded that this measure be postponed until Marcus Antonius returned from the Orient. When they did not find understanding among the veterans with this request, they asserted that Octavian should only settle his own soldiers, while the officers of Antonius should hand over the land assigned to them to his veterans. Out of anger, Octavian separated from Fulvia's daughter Clodia , but gave way to land distributions. However, Lucius Antonius and Fulvia soon sided with the peasants who had been driven from their farms and branded Octavian's expropriation policy in order to put them in a bad light. In order not to annoy the veterans by this, they claimed that enough goods from the proscriptions were still available for the land grants and that Mark Antony would also bring large financial resources from the Orient; therefore no Italian cities would have to be expropriated.

Now Octavian, who was in a difficult position because of the actions of Lucius Antonius and Fulvia, came to meet the landowners who were to be expropriated, for example by renouncing the confiscation of the goods of senators and the dowries of women and also refrained from expropriating land, smaller than the area of ​​a single veteran's land lot. But it was not possible for him to please both sides; and the soldiers grieved him for his concessions to the landowners, as they feared they would get less land. In order to reconcile the veterans, Octavian restituted, among other things, all land or waived its distribution, provided that it was in the possession of soldiers killed in the war. Due to the many exceptional provisions, the confiscated land that was still available for distribution was no longer sufficient for all veterans to be settled. For this reason, Octavian now included goods not previously intended for distribution that were not far from expropriated cities in the land allocations to the soldiers. The Virgil estate near Mantua was affected by this regulation .

Lucius Antonius was meanwhile friendly to the Republic; he defended the rights of the consulate and the de facto defunct old constitution against the overriding power of the triumvirs. Although he primarily wanted to meet Octavian, his attitude was ultimately directed against his brother Marcus, who also had triumviral power. However, it is not clear from the sources how seriously he meant the political intentions he had proclaimed. As a result, Octavian was withheld the two legions that were to be handed over to him according to the agreement of the triumvirs. Quintus Salvidienus Rufus Salvius was also supposed to lead six legions of Octavians to the Iberian Peninsula , which Octavian had been subordinated to as an area of ​​power. Salvidienus, however, was unable to carry out his mission, as he was refused passage through Gaul . A new civil war loomed.

Unsuccessful mediation efforts

A possible new armed conflict, this time between Antonians and Octavians, would have primarily affected the legionnaires deployed. However, they were not ready for this without further ado. In the meantime they had become a political force in their own right and had an expanded scope of action that restricted the generals' ability to make decisions. The soldiers of the individual Roman armies felt a sense of camaraderie for one another, even if they were subordinate to different generals. It was not easy for them to be induced to fight for their general against comrades serving in other Roman troops. In the conflict over land distributions, they feared that their supplies would be jeopardized if the farmers and dignitaries affected in the cities were made greater concessions. When the soldiers were reprimanded, Octavian sometimes felt their anger. There was often insubordination that would have led to the execution of the undisciplined soldiers only a few years earlier. For example, when the rumor arose that Octavian had had a common soldier executed because he had sat on a knight's seat during a play in the theater. some soldiers threatened the triumvir. But then the alleged murdered man reappeared.

The soldiers and officers of the different camps felt compelled to attempt an arbitration because of the disputes between Octavian and Lucius Antonius. In order to settle the disputes over the blocking of the Alpine passes for Octavian's troops on their way to Spain, the soldiers forced the rival generals to a meeting in Teanum in Campania . At this meeting other points of conflict were also discussed, such as the relationship between the triumvirs and the consuls. Among other things, it was decided that the consuls should not be hindered in the exercise of their office by the triumvirs and that neither Octavian nor Antonius should carry out evictions in Italy; also that only those soldiers should be entitled to land grants who had participated in the Battle of Philippi, but the other warriors should be compensated by money. Of the agreements made, only the lifting of the blockade on the Alpine passes was actually carried out.

Since Lepidus sided with Octavian in Rome, Fulvia claimed to be endangered there. She went to Praeneste (today Palestrina ), which is safe thanks to its geographical location . Lucius Antonius followed her to Praeneste, where some of the senators and knights also joined them.

Soon afterwards, two legions settled in the Ancona area made a further attempt to settle the conflict when they heard of the progressing war preparations of both parties. They had previously been under the orders of Caesar and then of Mark Antony and now demanded that Octavian and Lucius Antony submit to arbitration. In the Capitoline Temple in Rome, the soldiers had the agreements made by the triumvirs read out to them after the Battle of Philippi and confirmed them. They also wrote down their own resolutions on disputed points, deposited a sealed document about them with the Vestals and set Gabii in Latium as the place of negotiation. Tribunes were set up in a hall in this city where the speakers of the opposing parties were supposed to give their speeches. The officers presumed that their award was to be regarded as a judicial judgment. But in contrast to Octavian, Lucius Antonius did not face the court of arbitration in Gabii, which he mockingly referred to as the “Senate in soldiers' boots”, because he was afraid of persecution. In fact, he probably felt superior to the soldiers. The two legions, feeling offended in their honor, therefore condemned Lucius Antonius and joined Octavian.

Military balance of power; Recruiting

Since Octavian now represented the concerns of the soldiers more strongly towards the cities threatened by expropriation, he was able to win over numerous other veteran associations. A major factor in this was that the cities, with the support of Lucius Antonius, had violently resisted the distribution of their territories, which often led to bloody clashes. The gunmen of the threatened cities, however, went to Lucius Antonius, but were mostly inexperienced recruits and thus not on a par with the veterans of Octavian in terms of fighting strength.

For Octavian it was important that his soldier-friendly attitude tied his own warriors closer to himself and was able to draw many veterans into his service, as he had significantly fewer armed forces than his opponent before the end of the recruiting. These troops, at his command from the beginning, included his Praetorian cohorts , four legions standing at Capua and six legions under the command of Salvidienus on the way to Spain, which were still in northern Italy as a result of the resistance of the Antonians and have now been recalled . Lucius Antonius commanded six legions raised by him as consul; and eleven other legions stationed in Italy were commanded by a general of his brother, Quintus Fufius Calenus . He also built on the support of his brother's generals in Gaul , including Gaius Asinius Pollio , Publius Ventidius Bassus and Lucius Munatius Plancus . This meant that the Antonians lacked a uniform military leadership. Lucius Antonius also received considerable financial resources from the Gaulish provinces, whereas Octavian had to borrow from the temple treasures to cover his military expenses.

Meanwhile, a general led by Mark Antony from North Africa was threatening Octavian's Spanish provinces. In addition, Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus and his squadron devastated the coastal areas under the triumvirs, destroyed Octavian's fleet lying in the port of Brundisium and besieged this city. Since the conditions for a war were relatively unfavorable for Octavian, he tried again through an embassy to reach a peaceful understanding with his adversary. This attempt was also unsuccessful.

Course of the war to Perusia

In the now outbreak of the Peruvian War, which took place mainly in central Italy, up to 40 legions fought against each other at times, even if not at full strength. The total number of warriors involved reached up to about 200,000 men.

Octavian took the first military step. First he sent a legion to the threatened Brundisium and then proceeded against Alba Fucentia and then against the Sabine city ​​of Nursia , which he was just as unable to capture as the subsequent city ​​of Sentinum in Umbria . Lucius Antonius, on the other hand, moved against Rome at the same time and took possession of the city with a coup d'etat. Lepidus , who was supposed to defend Rome with two legions, fled. Now Lucius Antonius gave a speech in Rome against the institution of the triumvirate and claimed that his brother Marcus would give up this title and be content with the consulate. Octavian and Lepidus would have to be deprived of the triumvir title. At Lucius' instigation, they were declared enemies of the fatherland by the Senate that belonged to him and were to be warred by him. The people, delighted by these events, could believe in the restart of the republic . However, Lucius Antonius angered the soldiers with his approach, since their material supply depended on the implementation of the agreements of the triumvirs; and the other generals of Antony evidently thought little of Lucius' fight against the triumvirate.

Both parties to the conflict had in the summer of 41 BC Delegates sent to Marcus Antonius when he was in Phenicia to induce him to intervene in Italy. So Lucius Cocceius Nerva and Caecina traveled on Octavian's behalf to the triumviras staying in the Orient to explain Octavian's position in this dispute. In the meantime, Mark Antony was indispensable in the east of the Roman Empire and he did not wish to intervene for tactical political reasons: for it was not in his interest to upgrade Octavian's position towards his family members if he sided with him; Conversely, however, he was also not allowed to openly snub Octavian because he had contractually agreed to settle the veterans with him and thus entered into this obligation towards the soldiers who had retired from military service. So Antony did not give a clear answer to the parties to the dispute, stayed out of the conflict and waited. But his seemingly indecisive attitude resulted in a hesitant and uncoordinated approach of his generals in Italy and Gaul, who therefore did not come to the aid of Lucius Antonius energetically. This also contributed to the fact that Mark Antony's quaestor, Marcus Barbatius, who had fallen out with his master, returned to Italy and claimed that Antony displeased his brother Lucius' behavior.

Lucius Antonius, who was staying in Rome, was proclaimed emperor by the people and was now officially authorized by the Senate to lead the war against Octavian. The following military operations of the civil war were not fought through to the last consequence, despite much bitterness. Octavian, after learning of the capture of Rome by Lucius Antonius, marched from Sentinum against the capital. Gaius Furnius , who had defended Sentinum against Octavian, pursued him with an army. In the meantime, however, Octavian's general Salvidienus had returned to central Italy with his legions and was able to conquer Sentinum. Nursia was also forced to lay down her arms. The inhabitants of the city - like those other municipal cities - clung to the republican order that had vanished but was now again propagated by Lucius Antonius. They wrote on the grave steles of their fellow citizens who died in the fight against Octavian that they had died for freedom. For this, Octavian imposed an enormous contribution on them and thus filled his war chest.

Lucius Antonius set out with his forces from Rome to the north and pulled against the advancing Salvidienus so that he could not advance further south. At the same time, Mark Antony's generals Gaius Asinius Pollio and Publius Ventidius Bassus marched slowly after Salvidienus from northern Italy, and Lucius Antonius planned to use them to attack Salvidienus from the north and south at the same time. Octavian's main army, which comprised six legions, could have been destroyed or forced to surrender. But without clear orders from their commander-in-chief, Mark Antony, Pollio and Ventidius acted hesitantly. They did not want to be to blame for the elimination of another triumvir without Antony's express instruction; besides, there were also disagreements between the various generals of Antony. Octavian's close friend and general Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa had meanwhile advanced from the south against Lucius Antonius and occupied the city of Sutrium in southern Etruria behind him . Thus Lucius Antonius had to fear to be squeezed between Salvidienus and Agrippa. He sidestepped into the fortified city of Perusia , a few hundred meters from the Tiber . Octavian and his two generals Agrippa and Salvidienus advanced with their entire armies against the city and began its siege, while Lucius Antonius waited for relief from Pollio and Ventidius.

Siege of Perusia

While Octavian's troops besieged Perusia, they were threatened from the outside by the armies of Asinius Pollio, Ventidius and Lucius Munatius Plancus , who had received a freshly recruited army from Fulvia. In some cases, both sides fought with great bitterness and the leaders of the enemy were reviled, as demonstrated by graffiti on the slingshots discovered before Perusia , which mocked the baldness of Lucius Antonius. The Roman poet Martial also narrates a crude and obscene humiliating poem allegedly written by Octavian during the battles at the time, which took up Antonius' love affair with Glaphyra and demeaned Fulvia through sexual insinuations.

Octavian had an approximately 10 km long fortification built around Perusia to enclose this city. This included a moat, a wall and a row of palisades. This complex was later reinforced by a wall in which 1500 wooden towers were set. Furthermore, Octavian had a leg built up to the Tiber to further secure the fortifications. Lucius Antonius in turn built an inner wall to protect against attacks. For months there was intense fighting along these defenses.

The three generals of Mark Antony, who were supposed to bring relief to his brother, who was encircled in Perusia , continued to behave extremely hesitantly and waiting. Apparently they lacked the right will to fight because they did not know Mark Antony's attitude to the Peruvian war and did not approve of this military confrontation. In addition, they could not agree on the supreme command; the literarily gifted Pollio did not like Plancus, and Plancus hated Ventidius as a former mule driver. Even when Marcus Antonius' close confidante Manius asked the three military leaders in the name of Lucius Antonius to bring more energetic help to the trapped, this was of no avail. Therefore, Lucius Antonius had to spend the winter in Perusia and try to hold out there.

Thereupon Fulvia tried hard to get relief for Lucius Antonius and asked especially Ventidius and Pollio to take more determined action against the siege troops in front of Perusia. Although they advanced towards the city, they were unable to beat a military unit sent against them. Since Ventidius and Pollio had significantly greater combat power, they should have made a breakthrough with a targeted, energetic attack. So they must have continued to shy away from the full commitment of their soldiers. Agrippa and Octavian took the initiative and were able to easily push back the two opposing generals, who they blocked separately in Ravenna and Ariminium . Plancus was also held in Spoletium by a contingent of Octavian's troops.

Lucius Antonius in turn failed in his attempts to break through the ring of siege around Perusia. On New Year's Eve 40 BC He carried out a great failure , which also failed. At the beginning of the year 40 BC An ever greater famine set in in Perusia, and later the Peruvian famine (Latin Perusina fames ) became proverbial. Accordingly, the mood of the soldiers in Lucius Antonius' camp deteriorated. When news of these events reached Ventidius and the other commanders of Mark Antony, they made another attempt at relief, which was again presented very loosely. Agrippa and Salvidienus advanced against them with a detachment of troops and pushed the relief army back to Fulginiae . From here the Antonians gave signals to the besieged by fire signals, but were unable to provide them with military support and finally withdrew entirely. The more and more desperate attacks of the besieged were also repulsed. Many of the trapped soldiers, but also noble people, defected to Octavian, so that Lucius Antonius finally settled around the end of February 40 BC. Chr. Revealed.

punishment

Octavian showed mercy towards Lucius Antonius and his forces; he even appointed his high-ranking opponent as governor of one of the Spanish provinces. Fulvia, too, remained undisturbed and was allowed to travel east with her children to her husband Mark Antony. On the other hand, the civilians who had sided with Lucius Antonius were brutally executed. Octavian also had all the decurions (councilors) of Perusia executed. Only one of them, Lucius Aemilius, was spared because he had previously decidedly condemned the Caesar murderers in Rome in his position as judge. More than 300 senators and knights who had assisted Lucius Antonius are also said to have been ordered by Octavian on March 15, 40 BC. BC (the fourth anniversary of the murder of Caesar) was slaughtered at an altar that had been built for Caesar, who had meanwhile been raised to god. They were offered to the deified Caesar ( Divus Julius ) as a kind of sacrifice. Famous is the saying of Octavian handed down in Suetonius ( Augustus , 15), when representatives of the city pleaded for mercy: " Moriendum esse " ("It must be died").

Octavian left the city of Perusia to his soldiers. Fearing looting, a distinguished Peruvian named Cestius Macedonicus set fire to his house, pierced himself with his sword, and jumped into the flames. It could not be determined whether this led to the entire city being burned down with the exception of the Temple of Vulcanus or whether this city fire was deliberately started.

reception

The brutality of Octavian used in Perusia was particularly well received. For example, the philosopher Seneca points out to his protégé Nero in his work De clementia (dt. Of goodness / mildness) that Octavian (later Augustus ) was mild, but only after the events of Perusia.

The poet Properz , who himself comes from Assisi in Umbria, addresses the deaths of the Peruvian war in two poems (I, 21-22). Poem I, 21 is in the form of a cenotaph for a deceased relative; I, 22 describes his origins and childhood more generally.

swell

  • Suetonius : Augustus. In: ders .: All surviving works. Based on the transfer by Adolf Stahr , revised by Franz Schön and Gerhard Waldherr . With an introduction by Franz Schön. Magnus, Essen 2004, ISBN 3-88400-071-3 , (Chapters 13-15).
  • Properz : All the poems. Transl. And ed. by Burkhard Mojsisch . Reclam, Stuttgart 1993, ISBN 3-15-001728-9 , ( Reclams Universal-Bibliothek. 1728), (Book 1, Poems 21 and 22). Propertius sextus. Elegies. Explained by Max Rothstein, Vol. 1, First and Second Book ³ 1966, Dublin / Zurich.
  • Seneca : De clementia / About the goodness. Transl. And ed. by Karl Büchner . Reclam, Stuttgart 2002, ISBN 3-15-008385-0 , ( Reclams Universal-Bibliothek. 8385), (Book I, Chapter 11, Paragraph 1).
  • Appian : The Civil Wars. Transl. with an introd. by John Carter. Penguin Books, London 1996, ISBN 0-14-044509-9 , ( Penguin classics ), (Book V, Chapters 30-49).
  • Cassius Dio : Roman History. Books 44–50. Translated by Otto Veh . Artemis, Zurich 1986, ISBN 3-7608-3672-0 , ( The Library of the Old World: Greek Series : Cassius Dio: Roman History. 3), (Book XXXXVIII, Chapters 1–15).

literature

Remarks

  1. ^ Appian , Civil Wars 4: 2-5; Cassius Dio , Römische Geschichte 46, 54 ff .; on this Jochen Bleicken : Augustus , Alexander Fest Verlag, Berlin 1998, ISBN 3-8286-0027-1 , pp. 137-140; Helmut Halfmann : Marcus Antonius . Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 2011, ISBN 978-3-534-21727-4 , p. 94 ff.
  2. ↑ Appian, Civil Wars 4, 109-114 and 4, 121-129; Cassius Dio, Roman History 47, 42–49; Plutarch , Brutus 40-52 and Antonius 22; on this Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , pp. 160–167; Helmut Halfmann, Marcus Antonius , pp. 100-103.
  3. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 3; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 1 f .; on this Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 174 ff .; Helmut Halfmann, Marcus Antonius , p. 104 f.
  4. ↑ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 15, and 5, 18; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 7, 4.
  5. ↑ Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 180 f.
  6. ↑ Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 182; Helmut Halfmann, Marcus Antonius , p. 127.
  7. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 12 f .; u. a; on this Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 182; Joachim Brambach: Cleopatra . 2nd edition, Diederichs, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-424-01239-4 , p. 200 f.
  8. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:14 ; 5, 19; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 5, 2; 48, 6, 1 f ..
  9. ^ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 48, 5, 2 f .; Suetonius , Augustus 62, 1.
  10. ^ Appian, civil wars 5, 14 and ö.
  11. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:19 ; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 6, 4.
  12. ^ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 48, 7, 1 ff.
  13. ^ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 48, 8 f .; on this Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 184.
  14. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:19 ; on this Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 183.
  15. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:20 ; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 5, 2 and 48, 10, 1.
  16. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 15-18; on this Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 185 f.
  17. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:20 ; on this Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 186 f.
  18. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:21 and 5:23; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48,10, 3; Velleius Paterculus , Historia Romana 2, 74, 3.
  19. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:23 ; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 12, 1-3; on this Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 187.
  20. ↑ Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 6, 5 and 48, 9, 4.
  21. ↑ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 27 f.;. 5, 32; 5, 39 f.
  22. ↑ Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 188.
  23. ↑ Appian, Civil Wars 5:24 and 5:27; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48,12, 4 f.
  24. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 25 f. and 5, 61; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 7, 4 f .; among others
  25. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 28 f.
  26. ↑ a b Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 189.
  27. ↑ Appian, Civil Wars 5:30 ; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48:13, 2.
  28. ↑ Appian, Civil Wars 5:30 ; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48,13, 3 f .; Titus Livius , Ab urbe condita , Periocha 125.
  29. ↑ Appian, Civil Wars 5:30 ; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48:13, 5.
  30. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:60 .
  31. ^ Helmut Halfmann, Marcus Antonius , p. 127 f .; Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 182 f.
  32. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 31.
  33. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:31 ; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 13, 5.
  34. ↑ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 48, 13, 4 and 48, 13, 6; see. Appian, Civil Wars 5, 30.
  35. ^ So Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 48, 13, 6; Suetonius ( Augustus 12), however, uses this episode for the Mutinensian War . Jochen Bleicken ( Augustus , p. 710) considers Cassius Dio's version to be more likely; differently Kurt Fitzler and Otto Seeck : Iulius 132. In: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen antiquity science (RE). Volume X, 1, Stuttgart 1918, Col. 275-381 (here: Col. 301).
  36. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 31 f .; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 14, 1; Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2, 74, 3; Suetonius, August 14; on this Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 190.
  37. ↑ Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 190 f.
  38. ↑ Martial, Epigrams 11, 20, 3-8; on this Manfred Clauss : Cleopatra . CH Beck, Munich 1995, 3-406-39009-9, p. 50.
  39. ↑ Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 192.
  40. ↑ Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , p. 192; Hans Georg Gundel : Ventidius 5. In: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Antiquity Science (RE). Volume VIII A, 1, Stuttgart 1955, Col. 795-816 (here: Col. 804).
  41. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 32.
  42. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:33 ; on this Hans Georg Gundel: Ventidius 5. In: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen antiquity science (RE). Volume VIII A, 1, Stuttgart 1955, Col. 795-816 (here: Col. 805).
  43. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 34 f. and 5, 39; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 14, 3; Suetonius, August 14; among others
  44. ↑ Lukan , De bello civili 1, 41, Ausonius , Epistulae 22, 2, 42.
  45. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 35-38.
  46. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 38-48, Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 14, 3; Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2, 74, 4; among others
  47. ↑ Appian, Civil Wars 5:48 and 5:54; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 14, 3; Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2, 74, 4; Livy, Ab urbe condita , periocha 126.
  48. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:50 ; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 15, 1; Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2, 76, 2.
  49. ^ Suetonius, August 15.
  50. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5, 48.
  51. ^ Suetonius, August 15; Appian, Civil Wars 5, 48 f .; Cassius Dio, Roman History 48, 14, 4; Seneca . De clementia 1, 11, 1. Jochen Bleicken ( Augustus , p. 193) assesses this traditional episode as a slander of Octavian.
  52. ^ Appian, Civil Wars 5:49 ; Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2, 74, 4 ..
  53. ^ Propertius, Elegien IV, 1, 125
  54. ↑ See Rothstein 1966, 201-204.
  55. ↑ See Rothstein 1966, 204-206.