Ab urbe condita (Livy)

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Early Rome and its environs. 19th century map

The historical work of the Roman historian Titus Livius is ab urbe condita . The rhetorically trained author lived at the time of Emperor Augustus . In his work he tells in detail the 700-year history of Rome during his lifetime. The representation ranges from Rome's fabulous foundation in 753 BC. Until the death of Drusus in the year 9 BC. Chr.

The full title, certified by hand and also confirmed by other documents, is Titi Livi Ab urbe condita libri . Widespread German titles are “From the foundation of the city (Rome)” or “Roman history”. If the source is given, the work is usually identified with the abbreviation of the author, Liv. , cited as there are no other extant writings from him.

Scope and drafting time

The story begins with the arrival of a small group of fleeing Trojans in Italy. The end of the work can only be determined on the basis of the information in the still existing table of contents ( periocha ) of the last book. She tells the death of Drusus. Originally, perhaps 150 books were planned (up to the death of Augustus ), the completion of which could have prevented the author's death. 142 books have survived, but only a quarter of them survived: books 1–10 (period from 753 BC to 293 BC) and 21–45 (218 BC to 167 BC). ; incomplete from Book 41). The rest of the information is partly known from contents ( periochae ), excerpts ( epitomae ) and fragments (especially a palimpsest fragment from the 91st book about the wars of Sertorius ).

In the surviving parts, a single book contains about 55 pages of Teubner's text , so that the total volume of the work was around 7,000 pages. It took Livius more than 40 years to write down his work, which he wrote and published in sections. How much work was behind the work and at what speed Livius worked is shown by the average of three to four books a year.

This high pace of work is roughly confirmed by chronological evidence. Since in the 1st book the 29 BC First closure of the Temple of Janus took place by Augustus, but the second (25 BC) is not mentioned, and furthermore the princeps is referred to as Augustus, the title he only received in 27 BC. It was awarded between 27 and 24 BC. BC. In the 9th book the Parthian friendliness of a contemporary author is pointed out, but not the 20 BC. Chr. Was made of Crassus return of ensigns by the Parthians mentioned, so that this book should be written earlier. That the 28th book after 19 BC BC was written., Is evident from the fact that a remark made in the this year by Agrippa against the Cantabrians out war requires.

According to the heading of the periocha to the 121st book, the books 121-142 came out only after the death of Augustus (14 AD). Since in this case Livius would have had to write 22 books in the last three years of his life, it can be assumed that at least some of them were finished before the publication date.

Nicolas Poussin , 17th century: Scene from the 2nd book: Women ask Coriolanus to spare Rome

Structure and content

The remaining parts of the historical work are subdivided into groups of five books each (pentad), which in turn merge into superordinate groups of fifteen (pentekaidecades). Livy often opened new sections with separate introductions, for example to books 1, 6, 21, and 31.

Status, period and table of contents of the books
Books status Period v. Chr. Content, famous scenes and names
1 Receive to 510 Founding legend of Rome , Romulus and Remus , the robbery of the Sabine women , Roman royal times , the construction of the Circus Maximus , Tanaquil , Lucretia , expulsion of the last king Lucius Tarquinius Superbus .
2 Receive 509-468 Transition from the monarchy to the Roman Republic , wars against Veji , Aequer , Sabiner and Volsker , consecration of the Temple of Jupiter , Lars Porsenna , Gaius Mucius Scaevola , the battle on Lake Regillus , dispute between plebeians and patricians , Gnaeus Marcius Coriolanus .
3 Receive 467-446 Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus , Decemvirate , Twelve Tables Law , Verginia , wars against Aequer, Sabiner and Volsker.
4th Receive 445-404 Reintroduction of the admission of marriages between patricians and plebeians ( Lex Canuleia ), Titus Quinctius Capitolinus Barbatus , death sentence by Aulus Postumius Tubertus against his own son, the Carthaginians in Sicily, trial of the Vestal Virgin Postumia, wars against Veji , Fidenae , Aequer, Falisker and Volscians.
5 Receive 403-390 Wars against Veji, Aequer, Falisker , Capenaten, Volsinii and Sappinaten, disputes over the agricultural law and war tax, prophecy of the old Haruspex , Marcus Furius Camillus , invasion of the Gauls into Italy, the battle of the Allia , entry of the Gauls into Rome, rescue of the Capitol by the sacred geese of Juno .
6th Receive 390-367 Wars against Aequer, Volsker, Velitran and Praenestiner, collection of treaty and legal texts, determination of the days of bad luck, Marcus Manlius Capitolinus , indebtedness of many plebeians, legislative proposals by Gaius Licinius Stolo and Lucius Sextius Lateranus .
7th Receive 366-342 Wars against Hernics , Tibur , Gauls, Faliskers, Tarquinienser, Volsker and Samniten , 1st Samnite war , flight of the Gauls to Apulia , contract with Carthage, epidemic in Rome, Marcus Curtius , law against unfair methods when applying for an office, laws against the raising of interest and for a career in office, judgments against usurers, the plight of many plebeians.
8th Receive 341-322 Wars against Privernum, Volsker, Latiner , Ausonen , Sidiciner and Samniten, landing of Alexander of Epirus in Italy, reference to Alexander the great , battle of the Lucanians and Samnites against Alexander of Epirus, Titus Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus , the Roman armed forces and their combat tactics, foundation of Alexandria .
9 Receive 321-304 2. Samnite War , Battle of the Kaudin Passes , Lucius Papirius Cursor (Consul 326 BC) , Digression: Alexander the Great and the idea of ​​a war between him and the Romans, investigation in Rome because of agreements in the application for state offices.
10 Receive 303-293 Wars against Aequer, 3rd Samnite War , Battle of Sentinum , law on the safeguarding of the right of appeal, action by the aediles against illegal land ownership, trials against usurers and cattle breeders, the sacrificial death of Publius Decius Mus (consul 340 BC) .
11-15 Fragments 292-267 Rule of Rome over the Italian peninsula, war against Pyrrhus I of Epirus, alliance with Ptolemy I of Egypt, ending of the more than 200-year class struggle between plebeians and patricians with the Lex Hortensia , epidemic in Rome and establishment of the Aesculapian temple the Tiberinsel , incorruptibility of Gaius Fabricius Luscinus , greed of Publius Cornelius Rufinus (consul) , abuse of office by L. Postumius and his condemnation.
16-20 Quotes 264-220 First Punic War and Interwar Period, Sea Battle of Mylae (260 BC) , Xanthippos (Sparta) , Marcus Atilius Regulus (Consul 267 BC) , Publius Claudius Pulcher (Consul 249 BC) , Battle of the Aegatians Islands .
21-30 Receive 219-201 Second Punic War , Hannibal crosses the Alps , First Macedonian-Roman War , Lex Oppia , which restricted women's freedom.
31-45 Receive 201-166 Second Macedonian-Roman War , Third Macedonian-Roman War , repeal of the Lex Oppia , discussion between Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus and Hannibal , triumph of Lucius Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus .
46-70 Quotes 165-91 Third Punic War , destruction of Carthage , wars against the Numantines and Lusitans , Gracchian reform , outbreak of civil war with opponents Gaius Marius and Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix .
71-90 Quotes 91-78 War of the Allies (Rome) , civil war between Gaius Marius the Younger and Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix, death of both, 1st and 2nd Mithridatic War .
91 Fragments 77 War against Quintus Sertorius .
92-109 Quotes 76-49 3. Mithridatic War , War against Quintus Sertorius, Gallic War , Battle of Alesia , First Triumvirate , Gaius Iulius Caesar crosses the Rubicon .
110-119 Quotes 49-43 Civil war between Gaius Iulius Caesar and Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus , Caesar becomes sole ruler, the murder of Caesar by Marcus Iunius Brutus .
120-142 Quotes 43-9 Second triumvirate , murder of Marcus Tullius Cicero , the seizure of power by Augustus after his victorious war against Mark Antony and Cleopatra , the principate of Augustus, the death of Mark Vipsanius Agrippa , the death of Drusus .

Representing the many, often cited and famous scenes, the description of Cicero's last days from the 120th book of Livy ' Ab urbe condita , the wording of which Seneca the Elder received:

“Marcus Cicero had left the city shortly before the arrival of the triumvirs, although he considered it certain, which was also true, that he could no more escape from Antonius than Cassius and Brutus from Caesar . First he fled to his country estate near Tusculum , from where he set off on secondary roads to his country home near Formiae , because he wanted to board a ship in Cajeta . When he had sailed from there several times out into the open sea and sometimes adverse winds had driven him back, sometimes he himself could not bear the lurching of the ship when an unpredictable wave tossed it back and forth, he finally became both the escape and the Tired of life, returned to his country estate, which is a little higher up, a little more than a mile from the sea, and said: "I want to die in my fatherland, which I have saved many times."

... It is sufficiently clear that his slaves were ready to fight valiantly and faithfully. But he himself asked her to put the litter down and to endure it calmly, which forced an unfavorable lot. His head was cut off while he leaned out of the litter and offered his neck immobile. But that was not enough for the soldiers' brutal cruelty: they also cut off his hands with the charge that they had written against Antonius. So his head was brought to Antonius and, on his instructions, displayed between the two hands on the speaker's platform, where he is seen as a consul, where he is often called a consular, where just this year he is heard against Antonius with an admiration for his eloquence had never before been given to a human voice. People could only with difficulty raise their eyes from tears and look at the limbs of their murdered fellow citizen. "

State of delivery

Livius, Ab urbe condita in a manuscript of the 10th century with handwritten marginal notes by Rather of Verona . Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana , Plut. 63.19, fol. 7r
The beginning of Ab urbe condita in the manuscript Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana , Vaticanus Palatinus lat. 875, fol. 1r (15th century)

Parts received

When the Codex gradually replaced the older book form of the scroll in the 4th century , the work of Livy was also rewritten in the new medium. Usually ten books were combined into a code. This division into decades is first attested in a letter from Pope Gelasius I Adversus Andromachum contra Lupercalia from the year 496, where the (now lost) second decade of the work is mentioned, then in a palimpsest of the 5th or 6th century, which the Contains files of the martyr Sebastianus allegedly from Ambrose of Milan .

First decade

The tradition of the first decade is based on two families of manuscripts, one from late antiquity and the other from the Middle Ages. Theodor Mommsen was able to prove that both go back to a common source.

From one family there are still fragments of Books 3–6 on leaves of the 4th century Veronese Palimpsest (V). It is therefore the oldest surviving Livian manuscript and is in the Biblioteca capitolare in Verona.

The second family comes from the (improved) new edition of the entire historical work undertaken by members of the Symmachus circle around 400 AD. A new edition (also called subscription or review) is created by comparing and submitting the manuscripts that were available at that point in time. It was customary for the executing person to write down their name, a subscription, in one place in the manuscript. The original manuscript of the first decade of the Livian work created by the Symmachus-Kreis is lost, but copies from the 9th century (especially the Mediceus Laurentianus, plut. 63, 19 from the 10th century) have been preserved and bears the Names of Tascius Victorianus, Virius Nicomachus Flavianus, and Appius Nicomachus Dexter. It provides a much better restored Livy text than the Veronese Palimpsest. The whole family, with all subsequent transcripts, is called the Nicomachian Review, after two of the three men originally involved.

The study by Robert Maxwell Ogilvie shows, by way of example, how the so-called stemma, the graphically displayed reconstructed tradition, is determined from manuscripts. In a complex process based on omissions, significant errors, marginal notes and erroneous double writings (dittographs), he compares manuscripts from the Nicomachian Review and filters the history and dependencies from them.

Manuscripts investigated in The Manuscript Tradition of Livy's First Decade
ID Handwriting Origin (century) Today's location
A. Aginnensis (BMHarl.2493) 14th British Library, London
B. Bambergensis (MS. Class. 34 (M. IV. 8) 10. State Library, Bamberg
D. Dominicanus (Cod. S. Marci 326) 11. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence
E. Einsiedlensis (Bibl. S. Benedicti 348) 10. Abbey library, Einsiedeln
F. Floriacensis (Bibl. Nat. Paris, Lat. 5724) 9. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris
H Harleianus (BMHarl.2672) 10. British Museum, London
L. Leiden (Bibl. Univ. Leyden, (6A)) 12. University Library, Leiden
O Oxoniensis (Bibl. Bodl. 20631) 11. Bodleian Library, Oxford
P Parisiensis (Bibl. Nat., Paris, Lat. 5725) 10. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris
R. Romanus (Bibl. Vaticana 3329) 11. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican
T Thuaneus (Bibl. Nat. Paris, Lat. 5726) 9. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris
U Upsaliensis (Bibl. Accad., Upsala, C 908) 10. University Library, Uppsala
M. Mediceus (Bibl. Laur., Florence, Plut 63,19) 10. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence

The following figure shows the stemma determined by Robert Maxwell Ogilvie for the Nicomachian Review with slight changes, where N is the consensus of all Nicomachian transcripts, the so-called archetype. μ , λ and π stand for transcripts called hyparchetypes (not preserved intermediate stages). The hyparchetypes are each the consensus of all manuscripts derived from them. Both N and all intermediate levels have not been preserved and must be determined using the transcripts derived from them. The capital letters correspond to the ID of the table and stand for the individual manuscripts.

Stemma of the study The Manuscript Tradition of Livy's First Decade

Stemma of the Nicomachian Review after Ogilvie

Third decade

From the third decade three manuscripts came into the Middle Ages. The most important of these is the 5th century Codex Puteaneus (P; now called Parisinus lat. 5730), which is now mutilated at the beginning and end. There are, however, several copies of him containing the complete original text, especially the Vaticanus Reginensis 762 (R), written in the 9th century, and the Parisinus Colbertinus 5731 (C), written around the 11th century.

The other two codices, which were independent of the Puteaneus, only included books 26-30. One was owned by the Bobbio Monastery . It included eight sheets of a Turin palimpsest from the 5th century that were initially preserved, but one of which was lost before Wilhelm Studemund could analyze it in 1869, while the seven other sheets burned in 1904. The other codex, also lost, was a manuscript from Speyer , the Spirensis (S). This codex was used by Sigismund Gelenius and Beatus Rhenanus in the Basel Livius edition of 1535 and was able to be reconstructed by the German classical philologist August Luchs from their testimonies and more recent manuscripts .

Fourth decade

From the fourth decade three (independent) manuscripts reached the Middle Ages.

One of them (F) was created in the 5th century, was around the year 1000 for Emperor Otto III. in Piacenza and finally came to Bamberg through his successor, Emperor Heinrich II , where at the beginning of the 20th century remains of her from books 33, 34, 35 and 39 appeared and were released in other manuscripts. Further fragments from Book 34 were discovered in 2000 in the Bamberg State Library, Msc.Bibl. 18, and left there. From this Livy manuscript, a true copy of the fourth decade to the 46th chapter of the 38th book, which was made in the 11th century and is a main witness of this decade, has survived. Another copy, in which the 33rd and the end of the 40th book were missing, was in turn copied; and so a lost Spirensis (S) and several more recent Italian manuscripts emerged from it.

The second manuscript of the 4th or 5th century (R; Vaticanus Lat. 10 696) that came into the Middle Ages came from the Lateran , fragments of which are available from the 34th book.

Finally, a lost third, late antique manuscript formed the template for the also defunct Mainz manuscript of the 9th century, the text of which, from the 17th chapter of the 33rd book to the end of the 40th book, is known from two printed editions (Mainz 1519 and Basel 1535) and represents the second main witness of the fourth decade.

Fifth decade

From the fifth decade only the first half (books 41-45) is by a single surviving manuscript of the fifth century, the Codex Vindobonensis Lat. 15 (V), known. Due to a loss of pages, this manuscript , which was only found in 1527 by the humanist Simon Grynaeus in Lorsch Abbey , has several, sometimes large, gaps, especially in books 41 and 43. Originally, books 46-50 were also written in the codex.

Peter Paul Rubens and Anthony van Dyck , 17th century: Scene from the 2nd book: Mucius Scaevola in front of Porsenna

Fragments and epitomes

In 1772 Paul Jakob Bruns tracked down a piece of text in a palimpsest double sheet of the Vaticanus Palatinus Latinus 24, which the 76 BC. The battles of the Roman politician and general Quintus Sertorius in Spain and comes from the 91st book of Livy’s history. Another, albeit very small, fragment was found on an Oxyrhynchus papyrus (P. Oxy. XI 1379) of the 3rd / 4th centuries. Century found, which reproduces part of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth chapter of the first book and is not critical of the text. There are still more fragments that are found in various libraries v. a. can be found in Europe.

From the lost parts of the Livian work there are a few literal quotations from other ancient authors, in particular the account of the death of Cicero written out by the elder Seneca from Book 120 of Livy and the characteristics of this famous Roman orator.

Systematic excerpts, called epitoms, also provide information about the content of what has been lost, especially the periochae written in the 4th century , which exist for all 142 books except for the 136th and 137th and have a length of a few lines (e.g. periocha 138) to on several sides ( periochae 48 and 49). The epitomator creates the text literarily in full sentences, arranges the material according to factual principles, reports the facts that seem most important to him and also gives, usually at the end, a table of contents of the respective book. At the beginning of the 20th century, an Oxyrhynchus papyrus of the 3rd / 4th Century (P. Oxy. IV 668) discovered another version of table of contents. Excerpts from books 37–40, 48–55 and 87–88, which are in the form of the previously known periochae version and others, have been incompletely preserved as a result of this find . a. differ in that they present the material chronologically.

Furthermore, according to his own testimony , Cassiodorus compiled the consular list of his chronicle for the period up to AD 31 from the historical works of Livy and Aufidius Bassus . Julius Obsequens only systematically excerpted the Prodigies from Livy , and those for the years 190–11 BC. Chr. Were preserved. Some of the breviaries of later authors, such as Florus , who were based on Livy, contribute to the reconstruction of the parts of the Livian work that no longer exist.

Sources and Criticism

Livy took the material for his comprehensive presentation of Roman history mainly from older historical writings and had to evaluate a number of templates. In modern research, the determination of his sources and his methods for their use are an essential focus, especially for the surviving parts of his work. However, most of his source writers have been lost, except for small fragments. Only in the case of the Greek historian Polybius , of whose universal history considerable parts have survived, is it possible to make a direct comparison with Livy over longer parts in places. Livy 's 21st and 22nd books and the third book of Polybius' Historíai contain parallel texts on the initial phase of the Second Punic War . Because of this poor tradition, research was able to achieve more general, reliable findings about Livius' use of sources than in detail. Although Livius was not like the Roman annalists of the late republic who wrote shortly before him, which often led to gross falsifications of the tradition (e.g. the Scipion trials by Valerius Antias ), he was not particularly interested in the critical examination of his templates. So he used hardly any documentary material, but mainly secondary sources. He kept to the same main source for certain longer sections, for example for events in the east at Polybius, but checked and supplemented his main template with the help of other sources. Occasionally he mentions his sources, especially in cases of inconsistent records. On such occasions he first names his main source, then the control template for the deviating representation. Even if he often noted where his templates differed from one another, it should not be concluded from this that he had undertaken a critical source study. Its reliability therefore depends heavily on the credibility of the person used in each case.

Little can be said about the use of sources for the first decade. For the earliest times, Livy probably consulted the oldest Roman historian, Quintus Fabius Pictor , at least indirectly. Mostly, however, he relied on Roman annalists of the 1st century BC. BC, so in particular Valerius Antias and Gaius Licinius Macer , besides also on Quintus Aelius Tubero , whose use probably often caused a bending of the representation of Macer in the optimatic sense. From the 6th book onwards, Quintus Claudius Quadrigarius appears as the source author. For the Second Punic War depicted in the third decade , Livy used the monograph by Lucius Coelius Antipater, which reports on it . He saw Valerius Antias and Claudius Quadrigarius as further main authors, some of whom turned out to be unreliable, as Livius had already established himself earlier. On the other hand, Polybios, who is considered very reliable, is likely to have only supplied material indirectly at first. It was only in the fourth and fifth decades that Livy consulted Polybius directly, as the main source, for the description of events that took place in the east of the Roman Empire, and he proved to be an excellent informant. For urban Roman events as well as for those in Italy and in the west of the Roman Empire ( Gaul , Iberian Peninsula ), Livy still chose Valerius Antias and Claudius Quadrigarius as models - despite the deficiencies he recognized with these historians - probably because he was with them found richer material. Naturally, little can be ascertained about the source situation in the lost parts of his historical work. Consider u. a. the Greek historian and philosopher Poseidonios , who wrote a continuation of the Histories of Polybius, as well as writings by Roman historians and statesmen such as Sulla's autobiography , the (surviving) Commentarii Caesar , the histories of Sallust and the work of Asinius Pollio, which deals with the civil war between Caesar and Pompey . For books dealing with contemporary history, Livy was also able to contribute his own knowledge. Since the lost books include the whole of the time that Livy experienced himself, only a very one-sided picture can be drawn about him.

Livy connoisseurs, such as W. Weissenborn , criticize the inadequate review of the sources available to him, for which, however, given the scope of the work, they show a certain understanding. In addition, they point to superficialities when it comes to describing details in the structure of the state or in warfare. They cite the lack of public position of Livy in Roman society (in contrast to several other Roman historians, such as Quintus Fabius Pictor ) as the cause , which prevented him from having direct access to sources from the state and the war system or even the priesthood had. In part, for this reason, he did not understand more precise sources correctly. Furthermore, the work shows geographical errors that indicate a lack of travel activity. Furthermore, double versions of the same event, incorrect translations of the Greek text of Polybius and chronological inconsistencies can be found from time to time as a result of a change of source.

Concerning the way in which the sources are used, Livy’s primary interest was not truth in the sense of historicity, although he used the annals as sources, with its much information from the state, religious occasions and the war system. First and foremost, he was interested in bringing back to the minds of contemporary society the manners and people that made Rome its greatness. "To write Roman history means to show the bona exempla that were given by real men, could be given on the basis of an old-fashioned way of life." This corresponds to a concept of historiography that Plato already propagated in his Politeia .

In the preface to the first five books, Livy himself provides the key to his intentions and to understanding his work:

“But however you look at this and the like, I don't want to attach great importance to it. Rather, everyone should direct their attention to me, how life, what customs were like, what kind of men and what qualities at home and in war created and increased rule. "

Robert Maxwell Ogilvie says:

"The difference between Livy and the others is that his philosophical detachment enabled him to see history in terms of human characters and representative individuals rather than of partisan politics. Livy accepted a tradition going back to Aristotle (especially in the Rhetoric) and to Thucydides which explained historical events by the characters of the persons involved. As Aristotle said "actions are signs of character". [...] Because people are the sort of people that they are, they do the sort of things that they do, and the job of the historian is to relate what happens to the appropriate character. Equally, however, it follows that if similar characters occur in 500 BC and 20 BC their possessors will tend to act in a similar way, so that one can infer from what a man of a certain character did in 20 BC what a similar character must have done in 500 BC. "

Narrative technique

In the structure of his work, Livy followed the annalistic scheme of dealing with events year after year; this results from the time of writing as well as from the example of the sources. He achieves the feeling of great variety through frequent changes of subject, for example through the transition from foreign to domestic policy and vice versa. E.g. diplomatic missions or the relocation of armies comfortably from one scene to the next without losing the overview. Each year begins with the report on the inauguration of the magistrates, the distribution of the provinces , the prodigies and the legations. Then the description of wars, triumphs , election campaigns, religious ceremonies and the like continues. a. a.

How Livius uses various techniques to make what is happening on a large scale, he tries to illustrate it on a small scale through individual narratives. More extensive complexes of events are divided into a sequence of scenes that merge into one another by means of fine transitions and head towards a climax. The author, who measuredly striving for dramatic representation, oriented himself to a certain extent on the “tragic” historiography, which was used by Duris of Samos , for example , and which wanted to shake the reader emotionally. Livy also often lets peripetia occur quite abruptly. He avoids gruesome painting of various effects of events in the sense of crass naturalism; but prefers to discuss the emotional consequences of incidents very emphatically and often empathizes with the losers, sometimes even if they are not Romans. His techniques also include allowing groups of people to observe and assess an event in order to shed light on it from several angles.

Another important goal of the writer is clarity, which is why he often puts conversations and individual achievements in the foreground. So the allegedly around 361 BC. BC on the bank of the Anio the duel between Titus Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus and a Gallic warrior observed very graphically from the viewpoint of the opposing armies watching; and here a comparison with the corresponding older account by the annalist Quintus Claudius Quadrigarius is possible, since the wording of the text has been preserved by Aulus Gellius . Livy also tries not only to discuss the events themselves, but also to reveal the ripening of decisions and plans that lead to the deeds. In general, the author strives for clarity of representation. When describing larger battles, for example, he pays attention to the explanation of the topography , war strategies and motives, a correct chronological sequence and the division of the military events into individual phases and local areas such as the two wings of the armies and the center of the battlefield. Although he is not expected to have a warlike understanding, he sometimes describes the maneuvers carried out during battles even more understandably than Polybius , without losing any of his salary. Furthermore, the brevity, alternating with the breadth, serves the author to emphasize important moments. The devastating defeat of the Romans in the battle of Cannae against Hannibal in 216 BC. BC he describes much more briefly than the Roman reactions to it and achieves here that the impression of inflexibility dominates in critical situations.

Livius' tendency towards clarity and the artistic nature of his portrayal sometimes leads to distortions of the truth. In order to work out individual narratives sharply, he often removes seemingly unnecessary professional accessories from his template, brings different processes together in time or brings them together. For example, Polybius ( Historíai 27, 4) reports on a delegation sent to Rhodes by the Macedonian king Perseus , and in the next chapter ( Historíai 27, 5) on another embassy sent to Boiotien ; in Livy ( Ab urbe condita 42, 46) this becomes a single delegation, visiting first Rhodes, then Boiotia. 184 BC In BC negotiations between Philip V and Roman representatives, Livy condensed them into a single discussion. Furthermore, in speeches , which are found in abundance in Livy's history, information often appears that does not match the reports taken from the sources. In a speech, all Decemviri are presented as patricians , although according to tradition, plebeians also belonged to the second college.

To characterize personalities, Livy uses both the direct and the indirect method. He often pays tribute to his protagonists on the occasion of their death. B. the speaker Cicero or characterizes them briefly at their introduction, so Hannibal. Indirect characterization can be done through speeches and dialogues , but also through the comparison of two people. These often represent opposing types; Thus, for example, the dictator Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, who only offered tentative resistance to Hannibal, contrasts with his cavalry leader Marcus Minucius Rufus, who is much more aggressive in terms of warfare . Occasionally, Livius typifies whole peoples collectively in a highly simplistic way, if he u. a. speaks of broken Carthaginians . In the case of Roman noble families, he ties in with the annals when he ascribes certain characteristics to them; so Valerier had displayed a people-friendly attitude, while Claudians were bossy and haughty. He portrays Scipio very positively in the sense of the embodiment of Roman virtus . However, he also points out some of its downsides, while at the beginning he characterizes Hannibal as an unbelieving and faithless Carthaginian, but later, in contradiction to this, lets him act piously and dutifully and shows a certain admiration for him. So he doesn't sketch his heroic figures too one-sidedly. He also pays attention to the soul of the female sex; not only ancient Roman heroines of virtue like Lucretia but also ambitious women like Tanaquil should be noted.

In general, the indirect mode of presentation predominates in Livius, in which the author takes a back seat to the narration of the events. Thucydides already chose this method , while Polybius wants to teach practical life on the basis of his historiography and thereby appears subjectively self-judging. The indirect form of representation used by Livius emphasizes more the artistic, the direct form, which Polybius uses, is aimed more at scientific analysis. Livy also wants to teach, but he binds his judgment into the action and makes it part of the narrative. Polybios reports, for example, that Scipio refused the title of king offered to him by the Iberians and goes on to say that such a noble state of mind is to be admired in view of Scipio's young age and his great military successes. Livy also reports similarly about this event, but he does not judge it himself, but lets the Iberians surrounding Scipio appreciate his attitude. He leaves the indirect mode of representation especially when he has doubts about facts. Furthermore, he emerges with his personality, for example, when he comes to speak of Alexander the great and explains verbatim why the great conqueror could never have conquered the Romans. Apparently Livy was reacting here to the statement of a contemporary Greek historian, perhaps the Timagenes of Alexandria , which caused great excitement in Rome , that Rome could not have withstood an attack by Alexander.

Language and style

In Livy, Tanaquil urges her husband to act "if he is a man (...)". Shakespeare's Lady Macbeth goads: "Are you a man?"

As in general in ancient historiography, speech plays a major role. However, the modern idea, trained in source criticism, would be wrong that it is a matter of literal speeches. On the other hand, for Livy, as for the ancient historian in general, a certain linguistic re-stylization and, above all, the concentration on the elements of the facts recognized by the historian as essential were obligatory.

Arnold Reichenberger writes to compare a speech between Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Titus Livius :

“Livius, on the other hand, deletes what he considers insignificant, uses arguments from speeches where it suits him, puts narrative elements that are towards the end at the beginning, so that the result is a newer form. It is characterized by simplicity and clarity in the structure, and purposeful management of the plot. "

Livius' language is characterized by expressiveness and diversity. He expands the word stock of the written language by converting verbal nouns into attributes or the usual use of nouns or adverbs into attributes or he creates adverbial expressions instead of the usual adjective. He uses word forms and word combinations more freely than other prose writers and partly borrows them from poetic representation or reproduces them from Greek. He also takes his liberty in other areas of language, such as the cases, the participle or the infinitive, so that a “variety of Livian sentences arises”.

Quintilian passed on an ancient criticism of Livius' style in two places in his Institutio oratoria : Gaius Asinius Pollio "rebukes Livius for the patavinitas" and "is of the opinion that there is a certain patavinitas in Titus Livius, an admirably linguistically powerful man". It must have been a language criticism based on Patavium, Livy’s hometown. But it is neither clear what these patavinisms consisted of, nor whether Quintilian himself knew what Pollio meant by them.

Historiographical tendency

Without a doubt, Livius takes a pro-Roman stance in Ab urbe condita , as he himself wrote in the preface to the first five books:

“But either my love for the task I have taken on is deceiving me, or no state has ever been larger, more venerable and richer in good examples, and no citizenship was greedy and extravagance so late, and nowhere was poverty and thrift so high or so long To honor."

Robert Maxwell Ogilvie notes in his comments: "Rome was to be, as L. is at pains to repeat, caput rerum".

Like ancient historiography in general, Livius' work occupies an ambivalent position between literature and the study of history. This ambivalence is also reflected in the discussions and perspectives of recent research. Dennis Pausch , a representative of the newer generation of Livius researchers, differentiates between a “historical-critical” approach and a “literary-postmodern” approach. Since the "historical-critical" research direction had the upper hand for a longer period of time, it contributed significantly to a rather negative image of the author. Since the mid-nineties of the last century there has been a more intensive examination of literary aspects, which Dennis Pausch summarizes as follows:

"Rather, the historian's intention is shifting from conveying the facts to a more 'historical didactic' impulse, which is intended to encourage the reader to reflect more generally on historical developments and the possibility of their reconstruction."

reception

Antiquity and the Middle Ages

The historical presentation of Livius, prepared in a high quality literary manner, almost completely displaced the works of his annalistic predecessors in the early imperial period . Gaius Asinius Pollio's criticism of Livius' style and the attempt by Emperor Caligula to ban him from the libraries did nothing to change this. Livy was the last annalist and his description of the history of the republic soon became authoritative. Quintilian compared him to Herodotus and said that of the other Roman historians only Sallust could compete with him. Seneca the Elder praised Livy for having great artistry in characterizing personalities. Tacitus emphasized that Livy wrote credibly and eloquently. Mettius Pompusianus excerpted the Livian speeches of kings and generals in Domitian's time . Livius' work also provided material for Roman rhetoric lessons, the Exempla of Valerius Maximus and the riot rulers of Frontinus . Lucan chose Livy as the chief guarantor for the representation of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey in his unfinished epic De bello civili . Furthermore, Livy was the most important source for the Punica of Silius Italicus . The historian Cassius Dio and the biographer Plutarch may also have drawn from Livius.

The large extent of Livius' work endangered its transmission. Excerpts and summaries were probably made as early as the 1st century. At the time of the Emperor Hadrian , for example, Florus put together a brief sketch of the history of Rome based mainly on Livy. Eutropius , Orosius and others followed later . a. in drawing up their breviary according to this tradition. In the late Roman Empire and Late Antiquity , it was customary anyway to replace extensive works with greatly abbreviated summaries (so-called epitomes ), which also affected the historical work of Livy. In late antiquity, the work that had previously been written down in the form of scrolls was transferred to the new medium of the codex . Around AD 400 the pagan senator Quintus Aurelius Symmachus planned a new, corrected edition of the full text of Livy. Whether he got beyond the first decade in realizing his project is questionable, as he died in 402/403. In any case, Symmachus' undertaking was also an expression of the constant opposition to the pagan senatorial circles practicing the Christian empire turning to Livian work, which they understood as a praise of the moral and political integrity of the senate rule. In a phase of unmistakable disintegration of the Western Roman Empire, the pagan senators like Livy saw the early republic as an ideal. This is why the historical work also received the stamp of pagan stigmatization, which will have contributed to the fact that it was not passed on in its entirety (the greatest loss of text was likely to have occurred in the transition period from late antiquity to the early Middle Ages ) and was rather sparsely represented in medieval libraries.

There is still a need for clarification regarding Livy’s importance for the Carolingian Renaissance . In any case, a manuscript covering the third decade of his history, the Puteaneus Parisinus Latinus 5730, was kept in the court library of Charlemagne . Perhaps his biographer Einhard was stylistically based on Livius. When Emperor Otto I came to Verona in 967 , Bishop Ratherius gave him a splendid codex, the Codex Mediceus Laurentianus 63, 19, which encompasses the first decade of Ab urbe condita. Livy was, however, only read by a few medieval historians and intellectuals and exerted little influence Literature and art, as he was not recognized as a school author until the 12th century. Lambert von Hersfeld in particular made ample use of it; and after all, library registers from the 12th century often also list Livius manuscripts.

Renaissance

The Italian scholar, poet and judge Lovato Lovati (1240 / 41–1309) founded the rediscovery of Livy on the Apennine peninsula in the 13th century. Like the ancient Roman historian, he came from Padua . As a result, the early humanist Albertino Mussato imitated Livius in his De Gestis Italicorum Post Henricum VII Caesarem, which depicts Italian history immediately after the death of Emperor Henry VII (1313) . Dante Alighieri praised Livy as a historian who never goes astray. Jean de Meung used the fictional story of Verginia , a plebeian allegedly living in the early Roman Republic, in his rose novel, handed down by Livy . The Anglo-Norman chronicler Nicholas Trivet wrote around 1318 at the instigation of Pope John XXII. a review of the books 1-10 and to the confrontation with Hannibal descriptive books 21-30 of Ab urbe condita . Larger circles, however, apparently only knew individual contents - especially dramatic figures like Lucretia and Coriolan - from the first four books of Livius' historical work, and this too mostly through indirect communication. Only Francesco Petrarca was able to handwrite an edition of the first, third and fourth decades of the work in the early 14th century; it is now in the British Library as Codex Harleianus 2493 . Petrarch was also otherwise fascinated by Livy; in his Latin epic Africa (1339–42) he made Scipio a hero.

From 1356 to 1364, Giovanni Boccaccio wrote his collection of biographies De mulieribus claris of famous mythological and historical women, some of whom such as Lucretia, Cloelia , Verginia, the matron Claudia Quinta and the Carthaginian noble Sophonisbe represent counterparts to Livian female figures. So while Boccaccio in the case of Lucretia stuck to Livy as a model, with the same figure z. B. Geoffrey Chaucer in the Legenda Lucrecie ( Legend of Good Women , 1373-87) and William Shakespeare in his poem The Rape of Lucrece published in 1594 rather the description that Ovid gave in his Fasti (2, 721-852) to own .

The Italian Renaissance was the starting point for Livy's popularity as a school writer. His work was consulted because of its examples of war tactics, statesmanlike reason and virtues - which were dealt with in prince mirrors , for example . The humanists saw in Livius the most important Roman historian. Boccaccio translated it into Italian, and the Benedictine and author Pierre Bersuire created a French translation in 1352–59 on the instructions of King John II of France based on the handwriting of his friend Petrarch. Bersuire's version in turn served the Castilian politician and historian Pero López de Ayala in 1407 for Livy’s translation into Spanish and John Bellenden for one into Scottish. The humanist Lorenzo Valla added notes to the Livius manuscript prepared by Petrarch. In 1469 the Editio princeps of the Latin text was published in Rome by the two incunabula printers Arnold Pannartz and Konrad Sweynheym ; however, this edition did not contain Book 33 and Books 41–45, which had not yet been discovered. As early as the middle of the 15th century, Pope Nicholas V commissioned Enoch of Ascoli to search for manuscripts of the lost parts of the Livian work in Northern Europe, but this mission was unsuccessful. In 1527 Simon Grynaeus found the only incompletely preserved manuscript of books 41–45 in Lorsch Abbey . He then published the surviving text of Livy for the first time in a fairly complete form in Basel in 1531 (except for the beginning of the 33rd book, which the Jesuit Horrio first tracked down in a Bamberg codex in 1615). Beatus Rhenanus and Sigismund Gelenius (Geneva 1535) presented a critically important edition . A German translation of Livius was published in 1505, and in 1544 the ancient author was partially translated into English.

With his portrayals of Rome's great past in the European Renaissance, Livy also suggested artistic reproductions, for example scenes from the early Roman period in halls of public buildings in Italian cities. There were u. a. Fresco cycles with images of the Roman censor and consular tribune Marcus Furius Camillus or the consul and dictator Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus created, for example, in Padua, in the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence and around 1538 in the Palazzo Massimo in Rome by the Italian painter and sculptor Daniele da Volterra . The illustrations of the Livy editions of this epoch also belong to the artistic reception of Ab urbe condita at the time . Niccolò Machiavelli wrote the first modern political-philosophical analysis of the state based on the stories of Livy in his main work Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio (1513–1517).

Modern times

Cabiria by Giovanni Pastrone is based on the historical depiction of the Punic War

From the 19th century until well after the Second World War , reading selected Livy passages was an integral part of Latin lessons in Germany. It was read in secondary school (10th and 11th grades) primarily under the aspect of the "Roman virtues" presented as exemplary. In the curricula for the middle school since the 1970s, Livy has only played a subordinate role.

The foundations for modern understanding were laid in the 19th century. Barthold Georg Niebuhr was the pioneer for the philological-critical history, which found its way into Livius research. The classical scholars followed suit, and science could rely on the following editions up to the present day. In the 20th century the trend towards critical source research continued and achievements from other scientific branches such as coinage and archeology were integrated into the research results. Interest in specialist circles remains unbroken. This is shown in recurring studies and dissertations.

Titus Livius' writings are still present in fields of knowledge such as archeology, geography, history, medicine, art, literature, coinage, politics and the animal world and he is often quoted. Everyday life at the time knows idioms like "It's not evening every day". Our legal conception is influenced by “Where there is no will, there is no guilt” and when we “set heaven and earth in motion”, we try to get our will through by all means.

Thanks to modern translations, it is possible to succumb to the complexity and attraction of Roman history without knowing Latin. As Livy would say: "Better late than never."

expenditure

The first printed edition was published in Rome by Arnold Pannartz and Konrad Sweynheym in the 15th century (probably 1469). The edition was a great success and quickly spread to Italy, Germany and France.

More recent editions are not based on the first printed one, as this, like the following, was too controversial among classical scholars. Due to the critical attitude that has been preserved up to the present, editions have emerged that have always looked at the oldest surviving manuscripts and compared them with the existing editions. In the course of time, together with new knowledge from other scientific branches, the preserved books could be reconstructed in an impressive quality.

  • Martinus Hertz: Titi Livi Ab urbe condita libri , 4 volumes, Leipzig 1857–1863.
  • Wilhelm Weissenborn: Titi Livi Ab urbe condita libri . Complete edition, Leipzig 1860–1885.
  • Robert Seymour Conway et al. Carl Flamstead Walters: T. Livi: ab urbe condita , Vol. 1 (Books 1-5), Oxford 1914.
  • Robert Seymour Conway et al. Carl Flamstead Walters: T. Livi: ab urbe condita , Vol. 2 (Books 6-10), Oxford 1919.
  • Robert Seymour Conway et al. Carl Flamstead Walters: T. Livi: ab urbe condita , Vol. 3 (Books 21-25), Oxford 1929.
  • Robert Seymour Conway et al. Carl Flamstead Walters: T. Livi: ab urbe condita , Vol. 4 (Books 26-30), Oxford 1935.
  • Patrick G. Walsh: T. Livi Ab urbe condita liber XXI , London 1973.
  • Patrick G. Walsh: Titi Livi: ab urbe condita , books 26–27, Leipzig 1982.
  • Patrick G. Walsh: Titi Livi: ab urbe condita , books 28–30, Leipzig 1986.
  • Patrick G. Walsh: Livy: Book XXXVIII = Liber XXXVIII , Warminster 1993.
  • Patrick G. Walsh: Livy: Book XXXIX = Liber XXXIX , Warminster 1994.
  • Patrick G. Walsh: Livy: Book XL = Liber XL , Warminster 1996.
  • Patrick G. Walsh: Livy Ab urbe condita Books XXXVI – XL , Oxford 1999, ISBN 0-19-814664-7 .
  • John Briscoe: Titi Livi: ab urbe condita , books 21-25, Oxford 2016, ISBN 978-0-19-968616-2 .
  • John Briscoe: Titi Livi: ab urbe condita , books 31–40, 2 volumes, Stuttgart 1991.
  • John Briscoe: Titi Livi: ab urbe condita , books 41–45, Stuttgart 1986.
  • Robert Maxwell Ogilvie: Titi Livi Ab urbe condita , Libri I – V, Oxford 1974, ISBN 0-19-814661-2 .
  • Hans Jürgen Hillen: T. Livius Roman History , Complete Edition, Düsseldorf / Zurich 1987–2007.

Comments

From Urbe condita , 1714

Translations

  • Konrad Heusinger (translator): Titus Livius Roman history . 5 vols., Vieweg, Braunschweig 1821 (full text online in the Gutenberg project )
  • Ernst Bednara (translator): Roman history (Ab urbe condita libri) (= Greek-Roman series in German ). 1st and 2nd book. Verlag Gebr. Steffen, Limburg-Lahn 1951.
  • Ernst Bednara (translator): Roman history (Ab urbe condita) (= Greek-Roman series in German ). 3. u. 4th book. Verlag Gebr. Steffen, Limburg-Lahn 1952.
  • Roman history. Latin – German (= Tusculum Collection ). Edited by Hans Jürgen Hillen and Josef Feix. Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1974–2000.
  • Roman History - From the founding of the city . Translated by Konrad Heusinger , ed. by Lenelotte Möller . Marix Verlag, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-86539-194-0 (new edition of Heusinger's translation from 1821).

literature

Overview representations

Investigations

  • Andreas Alföldi : The early Rome and the Latins , Darmstadt 1977, ISBN 3-534-07538-2 .
  • Karl Friedrich Siegmund Alschefski: On the critical treatment of the history books of Titus Livius , Berlin 1839.
  • Erich Burck : The historical work of Titus Livius . Winter, Heidelberg 1992, ISBN 3-533-04558-7 .
  • Erich Burck (Ed.): Ways to Livius (= Ways of Research 132). 3. Edition. Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1987, ISBN 3-534-03875-4 .
  • Erich Burck: The narrative art of T. Livius . Berlin 1964, ISBN 3-296-10910-2 .
  • A. Otto: The proverbs and proverbial sayings of the Romans . Leipzig 1890.
  • Ines Paschkowski: The art of speaking in the 4th and 5th decade of Livy , dissertation, Kiel 1966.
  • Dennis Pausch : Livius and the reader: narrative structures in ab urbe condita , dissertation University of Gießen, 2010, Munich 2011, ISBN 978-3-406-62188-8 , ISBN 3-406-62188-0 .
  • Arnold Reichenberger: Studies on the narrative style of Titus Livius , dissertation, Karlsruhe 1931.
  • Hermann Tränkle : Livius and Polybios . Basel 1977.

reception

  • Christian Raschle: Livius (Titus Livius). From urbe condita. In: Christine Walde (Ed.): The reception of ancient literature. Kulturhistorisches Werklexikon (= Der Neue Pauly . Supplements. Volume 7). Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2010, ISBN 978-3-476-02034-5 , Sp. 421-440.

Web links

Wikisource: Titus Livius  - Sources and full texts
Wikisource: Titus Livius  - Sources and full texts (Latin)

Remarks

  1. “(...) and a note in the summary of Book 121 states that book (and presumably the remaining books which dealt with Augustus's principate) where not published until after the emperor's death in AD 14, for fear, we may assume that they might give open. " Introduction by Robert Maxwell Ogilvie in The Early History of Rome , Books I – V of The History of Rome from Its Foundations, Translated by Aubrey de Sélincourt, Penguin Books, London 2002
  2. After Robert Maxwell Ogilive is the central theme of this book to show the reader the size of Rome. A Commentary on Livy . Books 1–5. Oxford Scholarly Editions Online, January 2016. p. 31.
  3. The theme of Book 2 is the problem and nature of freedom. Robert Maxwell Ogilive: A Commentary on Livy . Books 1–5. Oxford Scholarly Editions Online, January 2016. p. 31.
  4. Book 3 is about greed and how it harms society. Robert Maxwell Ogilive: A Commentary on Livy . Books 1–5. Oxford Scholarly Editions Online, January 2016. p. 31.
  5. The 4th book deals with the virtues modestia and moderatio . Robert Maxwell Ogilive: A Commentary on Livy . Books 1–5. Oxford Scholarly Editions Online, January 2016. p. 31.
  6. The 5th book deals with the pietas . Robert Maxwell Ogilive: A Commentary on Livy . Books 1–5. Oxford Scholarly Editions Online, January 2016. p. 31.
  7. Books 109–116 are also cited with their own numbering as books 1–8 ( Civilis belli libri I – VIII) depicting the civil war between Caesar and the Pompeians , which requires a later special edition (Manfred Fuhrmann and Peter Lebrecht Schmidt: Livius III 2. In: Der Neue Pauly (DNP). Volume 7, Metzler, Stuttgart 1999, ISBN 3-476-01477-0 , Sp. 377-382 (here: Sp. 378).).
  8. The first printed edition of Livius in Germany comes from Johann Schöffer in Mainz under the guidance of Nikolaus Karbach and Wolfgang Angst. German Humanism 1480-1520: Author's Lexicon . Edited by Franz Josef Worstbock, Berlin 2008, p. 1261.
  9. The extracts are not about extracts in today's sense, where the source is transferred unchanged, but rather they are summaries of authors from whom other authors may have obtained their source. Which historian has taken what from whom is one of the most demanding tasks of source research, which leads to great discussions about a. led among classical scholars in the 19th century. Handbook of the Latin Literature of Antiquity , edited by Reinhart Herzog and Peter Lebrecht Schmidt, HLL 5 (1989), §533.1 .; "The handwritten transmission of the Periochae des Livius" by Otto Rossbach (article in 'Rheinisches Museum für Philologie', Neue Reihe, 44th vol. (1889), pp. 65-103).
  10. Robert Maxwell Ogilvie groups the available sources at the time of Livy as follows: First, the sources from the Greek colonies in the neighborhood of Rome and the Greek historians, second, the contemporary documents and, third, the conservatism of the Romans with regard to institutions such as religious festivals, Laws and the constitution, the traces of which can be traced back over centuries. The last point he mentions is the “memory” within families, the family annals, which can also go back over a long period of time. Introduction by Robert Maxwell Ogilvie in The Early History of Rome , Books I – V of The History of Rome from Its Foundations, Translated by Aubrey de Sélincourt, Penguin Books, London 2002.
    For a compilation of the available source material also in the time of Livy and the im Sources mentioned in the work. T.Livius, Roman History , Book I – III, Hans Jürgen Hillen , Munich and Zurich 1987, p. 627.
    W. Weissenborn lists extensively passages in the work that mention the sources by name: Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W Weissenborn, first volume, books I and II, Leipzig, 1853, p. 23.
  11. W. Weissenborn summarizes the criticism of the historical correctness of the work as follows: “(...) the requirements of the historians for the explanation of the causes and effects, a thorough study of the sources before the writing of the historical works, exact knowledge of the geographical conditions, a lively view the state constitution and civil life, Livy could not comply in part, only wanted to comply in part. " Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, first volume, book I and II, Leipzig, 1853, p. 20 .
  12. For a critical examination of the veracity of early Roman history by the Roman historians, Andreas Alföldi "Das early Rom und die Latiner" , Darmstadt 1977. In contrast to Andreas Alföldi, who names Quintus Fabius Pictor as the author of the founding saga, Robert Maxwell Ogilvie writes the merging of two independent legends - Romulus from the Etruscan and Aeneas from the Greek tradition - to Cato the Elder . Robert Maxwell Ogilvie: A Commentary on Livy . Books 1–5. Oxford Scholarly Editions Online, January 2016. p. 34. In principle, however, both agree that Roman annalists in the 3rd century BC BC. Designed the founding saga of Rome so that the Roman people could subsequently join the great traditions of other peoples on an equal, if not superior, basis.
  13. On the assessment of the speeches W. Weissenborn says: “The ancients regarded (...) the speeches as highlights of the history of Livy, which he, like earlier historians, and even more often, sometimes only in terms of content, sometimes in direct form Narrative has interwoven. They offer him the opportunity to sharpen the subjective mood of the acting persons, the views and the spirit of the parties; “ Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, first volume, book I and II, Leipzig, 1853, p. 39 .
  14. The Süddeutsche Zeitung mentions Titus Livius in an article about eye problems: “Reports by the Roman writer Titus Livius show that it is not a question of a physical ailment of individuals, but rather a symptom that is sometimes decisive for the war or even world-shaking. The conquest of Carthago nova, today's Cartagena in Spain, came to a standstill because soldiers, impaired by "dizziness", fell from the ladders. "Süddeutsche Zeitung, Patrick Illinger Here it goes down . May 8, 2015.
    The Neue Zürcher Zeitung writes in an article about gray geese: “Geese, for example, are so“ stupid ”that they are monogamous. But even more “stupid”, one can be of this opinion: Greylag geese have saved our culture. Anyone who reads the Roman historian Titus Livius can discover that. ”Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Daniele Muscionico, Die Federführung , July 16, 2016.
  15. A senator in the New York Times uses it in his speech: “Titus Livius, one of the greatest of Roman historians, said all things will be clear and distinct to the man who does not hurry. Haste is blind and improvident. Blind and improvident, Mr. President, blind and improvident. ”New York Times, Oct. 4, 2002, THREATS AND RESPONSES; Excerpts of Speeches Made on Senate Floor Regarding Resolution on Iraq.
    A criminal psychologist refers to him with the words: "Ex factis non ex dictis amici pensandi - Titus Livius knew it: You should judge your friends not by words, but by deeds." Tages Anzeiger: Interview with criminal psychologist Thomas Müller: Die The most aggressive form of communication is silence , February 19, 2013.

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Carl Hosius: History of Roman Literature , 4th Edition, Vol. 2, 1935, p. 300.
  2. Manfred Fuhrmann and Peter Lebrecht Schmidt: Livius III 2. In: Der Neue Pauly (DNP). Volume 7, Metzler, Stuttgart 1999, ISBN 3-476-01477-0 , Sp. 377-382 (here: Sp. 377) ..
  3. Liv. 1, 19, 3. Translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen , Munich and Zurich, 1987.
  4. Liv. 1, 19, 3. Translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen , Munich and Zurich, 1987.
  5. ^ A b c Introduction by Robert Maxwell Ogilvie in The Early History of Rome , Books I – V of The History of Rome from Its Foundations, Translated by Aubrey de Sélincourt, Penguin Books, London 2002
  6. Liv. 9, 18, 9.
  7. Liv. 28, 12, 12, Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, first volume, books I and II, Leipzig, 1853, introduction on p. 9. with indication of the text passage in the original.
  8. Michael von Albrecht: History of Roman Literature , Saur, 1994, Vol. 1, p. 661; Carl Hosius : History of Roman Literature , 4th Edition, Vol. 2, 1935, p. 300; Alfred Klotz: Livius 9. In: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Antiquity Science (RE). Volume XIII, 1, Stuttgart 1926, Col. 816-852 (here: 818).
  9. Liv. 2, 40, 5. Translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf and Zurich, 2007.
  10. ^ The reception of ancient literature , Kulturhistorisches Werklexikon, Der neue Pauly, Supplemente 7, Stuttgart Weimar 2010, p. 422.
  11. Book 1: Titus Livius Roman History I – III , translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf / Zurich 2007, pp. 6–10; Book 6: Titus Livius Roman History IV – VI , translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf / Zurich 2007, p. 287; Book 21: Titus Livius Roman History XXI – XXIII , translated by Josef Feix, Düsseldorf / Zurich 2000, p. 6; Book 31: Titus Livius Roman History XXXI – XXXIV , translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf / Zurich 2007, p. 6.
  12. ^ A b c Titus Livius Roman History , Book I – III, translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf and Zurich, 1987.
  13. ^ A b c Titus Livius Roman History , Book IV – VI, translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf and Zurich, 1991.
  14. a b c d e f g h Titus Livius Roman History , Book VII – X with table of contents and fragments XI – XX, translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf 2000.
  15. a b c d e f Titi Livi Ab urbe condita libri . Iterum recognovit Wilhelm Weissenborn. 6 parts, Leipzig 1860–1885, Pars VI (1877), Fragmenta et indices.
  16. Seneca the Elder, Suasoriae 6:17 .
  17. T. Livius Roman history , translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Book 45, Düsseldorf and Zurich 2000, pp. 313 and 315.
  18. Michael von Albrecht: History of Roman literature: from Andronicus to Boethius and their continued work , Volume 1, Berlin 2012, p. 724.
  19. a b c The Codex Veronensis des Livius , IF Fischer, Hermes, 3rd vol. H. 3 (1869), pp. 479-483.
  20. ^ Biblioteca capitolare in Verona. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  21. ^ Titi Livi Ab urbe condita , Libri I – V, Robert Maxwell Ogilvie, Oxford University Press, New York 1974, p. 75, 153, 243, 319, 391.
  22. ^ Titi Livi Ab urbe condita , Libri I – V, Robert Maxwell Ogilvie, Oxford University Press, New York 1974, p. 243, 319, 391.
  23. ^ A b c Robert Maxwell Ogilvie: The Manuscript Tradition of Livy's First Decade , The Classical Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 7, No. 1/2 (Jan. - Apr., 1957), pp. 68-81.
  24. Manuscripts of British Library. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  25. ^ State library, Bamberg. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  26. ↑ Abbey Library, Einsiedeln. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  27. a b c Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  28. ^ Titi Livi Ab urbe condita , Libri I – V, Robert Maxwell Ogilvie, Oxford University Press, New York 1974, p. ix
  29. ^ University library , Leiden. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  30. ^ Bodleian Library, Oxford. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  31. ^ Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  32. ^ University Library, Uppsala. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  33. ^ Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  34. ^ Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  35. Reg.lat.762 on https://digi.vatlib.it
  36. ^ Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris. Retrieved January 21, 2019 .
  37. On the critical treatment of the history books of Titus Livius , CF Alschefski, Berlin 1839, p. 7
  38. ^ Titii Livi from urbe condita libri a 26 ad 30 , August Luchs, Berlin 1879
  39. Titus Livius: Ab urbe condita. Fragments a) XXXIII, 34.9-36.5; XXXIII, 36.5-37.6. b) XXXV, 5.10-6.1; XXXV, 8.4-8.9. c) XXXIX, 36.4-36.16; XXXIX, 37.1-37.15. d) XXXIV, 29.11-29.14; XXXIV, 31.19-32.2. Bamberg State Library, Msc.Class.35a, Italy 4th quarter 5th century AD ( digitized version http: //vorlage_digitalisat.test/1%3Dhttps%3A%2F%2Fzendsbb.digitale-sammlungen.de%2Fdb%2F0000%2Fsbb00000099%2Fimages%2F~GB%3D~IA%3D~MDZ%3D%0A~SZ% 3D ~ double-sided% 3D ~ LT% 3D ~ PUR% 3D).
  40. Titus Livius: Livii historiarum libri XXXI - XXXVIII (decas quarta) et XXIV - XXX (decas tertia). Bamberg State Library Msc.Class. 35, middle or 3rd quarter of the 11th century AD ( digitized version http: //vorlage_digitalisat.test/1%3Dhttps%3A%2F%2Fzendsbb.digitale-sammlungen.de%2Fdb%2F0000%2Fsbb00000098%2Fimages%2F~GB%3D~IA%3D~MDZ%3D%0A~SZ% 3D ~ double-sided% 3D ~ LT% 3D ~ PUR% 3D).
  41. German Humanism 1480-1520: Author's Lexicon . Edited by Franz Josef Worstbock, Berlin 2008, p. 1261.
  42. Michael von Albrecht: History of Roman Literature , Saur, 1994, Vol. 1, p. 681; Carl Hosius: History of Roman Literature , 4th Edition, Vol. 2, 1935, pp. 301 ff .; Alfred Klotz: Livius 9. In: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Antiquity Science (RE). Volume XIII, 1, Stuttgart 1926, Col. 816-852 (here: 820-823).
  43. Liv. 2, 12, 9. Translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf and Zurich, 2007.
  44. ^ Bibliotheca laureshamensis. Retrieved January 21, 2019 . Please note “Manuscript Description”, p. 6, which gives the exact page names and translations of the fragment.
  45. Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Lat. class. f. 5 (P), Bk. I (v, 7-vi, 1).
  46. ^ Titi Livi Ab urbe condita , Libri I – V, Robert Maxwell Ogilvie, Oxford University Press, New York 1974, p. x, with an indication of another fragment he used.
  47. Seneca the Elder, Suasoriae 6:17 and 6:22 .
  48. For an overview http://www.livius.org/. Retrieved January 21, 2019 . For the scientific discussion Handbook of the Latin Literature of Antiquity , edited by Reinhart Herzog and Peter Lebrecht Schmidt, HLL 5 (1989), §533.2.
  49. Periochae omnium librorum; fragmenta Oxyrhynchi reperta; Iulii Obsequentis prodigiorum liber , ed.Otto Rossbach, Leipzig, 1910
  50. ^ Carl Hosius: History of Roman Literature , 4th Edition, Vol. 2, 1935, p. 303 ff .; Alfred Klotz: Livius 9. In: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Antiquity Science (RE). Volume XIII, 1, Stuttgart 1926, Sp. 816-852 (here: 824).
  51. Manfred Fuhrmann and Peter Lebrecht Schmidt: Livius III 2. In: Der Neue Pauly (DNP). Volume 7, Metzler, Stuttgart 1999, ISBN 3-476-01477-0 , Sp. 377-382 (here: Sp. 378).
  52. ^ Alfred Klotz: Livius 9. In: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswwissenschaft (RE). Volume XIII, 1, Stuttgart 1926, Col. 816-852 (here: 845).
  53. a b Michael von Albrecht: History of Roman Literature , Saur, 1994, Vol. 1, p. 662.
  54. Liv. 1.7.3; 1.11.8-9; u. a .; Translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf and Zurich, 2007.
  55. a b Manfred Fuhrmann and Peter Lebrecht Schmidt: Livius III 2. In: Der Neue Pauly (DNP). Volume 7, Metzler, Stuttgart 1999, ISBN 3-476-01477-0 , Sp. 377-382 (here: Sp. 379).
  56. Liv. 1.44, 1.55. Translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen , Munich and Zurich, 1987.
  57. Liv. 3.5; Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, Volume Two, Book III – V, Leipzig, 1854, p. 9.
  58. Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, first volume, books I and II, Leipzig, 1853, p. 28 with passages in the text that mention Polybios : 30.45; 33.10; 42.11; 45.44. Regarding the meaning of Polybius as a source, he says: "(...) but above all Polybios.", Ibid ..
  59. Michael von Albrecht: History of Roman Literature , Saur, 1994, Vol. 1, p. 662 f.
  60. ^ Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, first volume, book I and II, Leipzig, 1853, p. 43.
  61. ^ Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, first volume, book I and II, Leipzig, 1853, p. 20. W. Weissenborn cites a list of passages in the work as evidence: 1.43; 2.8; 33; 3.34; 5.1 u. s. w. re. State. On inaccuracy in military matters, p. 21: 8,8; 26.4 3.4; 30.33, 3; (...) 24; 34; 27.14; 48; 30.33 u. a ..
  62. ^ Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, first volume, book I and II, Leipzig, 1853, p. 1 and p. 2
  63. Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, first volume, book I and II, Leipzig, 1853, p. 21, in which Livy uses Polybius as a source , who “would have given the correct representation”.
  64. Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, first volume, book I and II, Leipzig, 1853, p. 22. W. Weissenborn cites the following evidence from the original text: 34.10; 25.30; 21.61; u. a ..
  65. ^ Afterword by Robert Fege to "ab urbe condita", Vol. 1, Reclam-Verlag, Stuttgart 2003
  66. Liv. praef. 8. Translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Munich and Zurich, 1987.
  67. ^ Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, first volume, book I and II, Leipzig, 1853, pp. 33–35. For a detailed study on the subject, Dennis Pausch: Livius and the reader: narrative structures in ab urbe condita , Diss. Univ. Gießen, 2010, Munich 2011, Chapter III. The structure of the story: time and narration in the annalistic scheme .
  68. Michael von Albrecht: History of Roman Literature , Saur, 1994, Vol. 1, p. 664 f.
  69. Michael von Albrecht: History of Roman Literature , Saur, 1994, Vol. 1, p. 665 f.
  70. Livy, Ab urbe condita 7, 9, 6-7, 10, 14.
  71. ^ Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae 9, 13, 7-19.
  72. ↑ For example, Polybios, Historíai 18, 19, 2-5 and 18, 20, 2f. against Livy, Ab urbe condita 38, 6, 4-9.
  73. Michael von Albrecht: History of Roman Literature , Saur, 1994, Vol. 1, p. 666 f.
  74. ^ A b Alfred Klotz: Livius 9. In: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswwissenschaft (RE). Volume XIII, 1, Stuttgart 1926, Sp. 816-852 (here: 834).
  75. Michael von Albrecht: History of Roman Literature , Saur, 1994, Vol. 1, p. 666.
  76. ^ Livy, Ab urbe condita 4, 3, 17.
  77. ^ Livius, Ab urbe condita , fragment from Book 120 in Seneca , Suaroriae 6, 22.
  78. ^ Livy, Ab urbe condita 21, 4, 3-9.
  79. Livy, Ab urbe condita 22, 27-29.
  80. Michael von Albrecht: History of Roman Literature , Saur, 1994, Vol. 1, p. 667 f.
  81. Polybios, Historíai 10, 40, 6 ff.
  82. ^ Livy, Ab urbe condita 27, 19, 6.
  83. ^ Livius, Ab urbe condita 9, 17 ff.
  84. ^ Alfred Klotz: Livius 9. In: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswwissenschaft (RE). Volume XIII, 1, Stuttgart 1926, Sp. 816-852 (here: 831 ff.).
  85. Article in The Guardian, Revealed: The ruthless power seekers of ancient Rome who inspired Lady Macbeth , December 13, 2015. The story of Tanaquil is in Liv. 1, 34 to be found. Translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf and Zurich 2007.
  86. ^ Studies on the narrative style of Titus Livius , Arnold Reichenberger, Karlsruhe 1931, pp. 8–9.
  87. ^ Studies on the narrative style of Titus Livius , Arnold Reichenberger, Karlsruhe 1931, pp. 19-20.
  88. ^ Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, First Volume, Book I and II, Leipzig, 1853, pp. 41–43.
  89. Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 1,5,56: “reprendit in Livio patavinitatem”. The Orator's Education , Volume I: Books 1–2, Quintilian, Edited and translated by Donald A. Russell, Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2002.
  90. Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 8,1,3: “in Tito Livio, mirae facundiae viro, putat Pollio Asinius inesse quandam patavinitatem.” The Orator's Education , Volume III: Books 6-8, Quintilian, Edited and translated by Donald A. Russell , Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2002.
  91. Kurt Latte : Livy's Patavinitas. In: Classical Philology. Vol. 35, 1940, No. 1, pp. 56-60.
  92. Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita Libri , explained by W. Weissenborn, first volume, book I and II, Leipzig, 1853, pp. 44–45.
  93. Liv. praef. 11. Translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf and Zurich, 2007.
  94. ^ Robert Maxwell Ogilvie: A Commentary on Livy . Books 1–5. Oxford Scholarly Editions Online, January 2016, p. 31.
  95. ^ Dennis Pausch: Livius and the reader. Narrative structures in ab urbe condita , Diss. Gießen 2010, introduction, p. 3.
  96. ^ Dennis Pausch: Livius and the reader. Narrative structures in ab urbe condita , Diss. Gießen 2010, introduction, p. 7.
  97. ^ Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 1, 5, 56 and 8, 1, 3.
  98. ^ Suetonius, Caligula 34, 4.
  99. Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 10, 1, 101 f.
  100. Seneca the Elder, Suasoriae 6:21 .
  101. Tacitus, Annals 4, 34, 4 and Agricola 10, 3.
  102. ^ Suetonius, Domitian 10, 3.
  103. Juvenal , Saturae 10, 147; Pliny the Younger , Epistulae 6, 20, 5.
  104. ^ Frontinus, Strategemata 2, 5, 31 and 2, 5, 34.
  105. ^ Christian Raschle: Livius (Titus Livius). From urbe condita. In: Christine Walde (Ed.): The reception of ancient literature. Kulturhistorisches Werklexikon (= Der Neue Pauly . Supplements. Volume 7). Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2010, ISBN 978-3-476-02034-5 , Sp. 421-440 (here: 423).
  106. ^ Carl Hosius: History of Roman Literature , 4th Edition, Vol. 2, 1935, p. 315.
  107. ^ Symmachus, Epistulae 9, 13.
  108. ^ Christian Raschle: Livius (Titus Livius). From urbe condita. In: Christine Walde (Ed.): The reception of ancient literature. Kulturhistorisches Werklexikon (= Der Neue Pauly . Supplements. Volume 7). Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2010, ISBN 978-3-476-02034-5 , Sp. 421-440 (here: 423 f.).
  109. ^ Franz Brunhölzl : Livius, Titus . In: Lexicon of the Middle Ages (LexMA). Volume 5, Artemis & Winkler, Munich / Zurich 1991, ISBN 3-7608-8905-0 , Sp. 2044.
  110. Raban von Hähling: Titus Livius , in: Volker Reinhardt (Hrsg.): Hauptwerke der Geschistorschreibung , Kröner, Stuttgart 1997, ISBN 3520-43501-2 , pp. 385-388, here: p. 387.
  111. ^ Christian Raschle: Livius (Titus Livius). From urbe condita. In: Christine Walde (Ed.): The reception of ancient literature. Kulturhistorisches Werklexikon (= Der Neue Pauly . Supplements. Volume 7). Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2010, ISBN 978-3-476-02034-5 , Sp. 421-440 (here: 424 f.).
  112. Dante, Inferno 28, 7-12 to Livy, Ab urbe condita 23, 12, 1.
  113. ^ Christian Raschle: Livius (Titus Livius). From urbe condita. In: Christine Walde (Ed.): The reception of ancient literature. Kulturhistorisches Werklexikon (= Der Neue Pauly . Supplements. Volume 7). Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2010, ISBN 978-3-476-02034-5 , Sp. 421-440 (here: 425).
  114. a b Christian Raschle: Livius (Titus Livius). From urbe condita. In: Christine Walde (Ed.): The reception of ancient literature. Kulturhistorisches Werklexikon (= Der Neue Pauly . Supplements. Volume 7). Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2010, ISBN 978-3-476-02034-5 , Sp. 421-440 (here: 426).
  115. ^ Carl Hosius: History of Roman Literature , 4th Edition, Vol. 2, 1935, p. 316.
  116. ^ Alfred Klotz: Livius 9. In: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswwissenschaft (RE). Volume XIII, 1, Stuttgart 1926, Sp. 816-852 (here: 852).
  117. Michael von Albrecht: History of Roman Literature , Saur, 1994, Vol. 1, p. 683.
  118. ^ Christian Raschle: Livius (Titus Livius). From urbe condita. In: Christine Walde (Ed.): The reception of ancient literature. Kulturhistorisches Werklexikon (= Der Neue Pauly . Supplements. Volume 7). Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2010, ISBN 978-3-476-02034-5 , Sp. 421-440 (here: 426 f.).
  119. Christoph Wurm : Don't admire the Romans, but imitate them - Machiavelli as a reader of Titus Livius . In: Forum Classicum 4/2011, pp. 278–284 ( online; PDF ).
  120. Liv. 21-30. Translated by Hans Jürgen Hillen, complete edition, Düsseldorf / Zurich 1987–2007; Tableaus in Film - Film as Tableau , The Italian Silent Film and Image Traditions of the 19th Century, Bruno Grimm, Paderborn 2016, pp. 182–190.
  121. ^ Stefan Kipf : Classical Classes in the Federal Republic of Germany. Buchner, Bamberg 2006, pp. 148-169.
  122. ^ Kipf, Altsprachlicher Studium , pp. 372–373.
  123. Search in various university libraries in the German-speaking area. For example Jörg Reimann: Roman Law with Titus Livius , Legal History Studies, Volume 76, Hamburg 2017 and various dissertations in the field of ancient philology.
  124. idioms see
  125. a b On the critical treatment of the history books of Titus Livius , CF Alschefski, Berlin 1839, p. 5 ff.
  126. For example: Titi Livi Ab urbe condita . Libri IV, Robert Maxwell Ogilvie, Oxford 1974; Titi Livi Ab urbe condita libri , Wilhelm Weissenborn, Band Leipzig 1860–1885; T. Livius Roman history , Hans Jürgen Hillen, Düsseldorf / Zurich 1987–2007.