Ptolemaic War

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As the Ptolemaic War , those from 32 to 30 BC. Chr. The last armed conflicts between the triumvirs Octavian and Marcus Antonius for sole rule in the Roman Empire . Antony was supported by his lover, the Egyptian Queen Cleopatra VII . Octavian was victorious on September 2nd, 31 BC. At the Battle of Actium ( Greece), but could not finally overthrow his opponents until a year later, after his successful offensive against Egypt itself. With the suicide of Antony and Cleopatra in August 30 BC The sovereignty of Egypt, which was made a Roman province , ended. Octavian now became the first emperor of Rome as Augustus .

Start of the propaganda battle

From 33 BC The inevitable dispute between Octavian and Antonius over the sole control of the Roman Empire emerged. Octavian had already intervened in his competitor's sphere of influence by secretly establishing contacts with the Armenian king Artavasdes and inciting him against Antonius. Antony was able to defeat Artavasdes quickly, but this was kept quiet in Rome and towards the end of 34 BC. Octavian rebuked the (supposed or actual) large donations of land by Antonius to his children with Cleopatra. Soon a full propaganda battle began with mutual accusations for gaining public opinion. It was carried out first in private letters, then in mutual embassies and public statements. Probably when he entered the consulate on January 1, 33 BC. BC Octavian publicly accused his competitor of “squandering” Roman provinces. Antonius replied by letter that after the disempowerment of Lepidus and Sextus Pompeius (36 BC) the heir to Caesar would keep their armies as well as the countries of Africa and Sicily for himself, did not send any legions in return for the naval aid against Sextus Pompey and no land for Antony ' Soldiers in Italy made available. Therefore, Antony believed that he was entitled to half of all acquisitions by Octavian and of all soldiers recruited in Italy. Octavian now denounced, among other things, the execution of Sextus Pompeius by Antonius, the alleged damage to the reputation of the Roman people through the treacherous capture of the Armenian king, the alleged giving away of Roman territory to Antonius 'children of the Ptolemaic woman and, above all, Antonius' confirmation that Caesarion was the natural son of Gaius Iulius Caesars was what hit Octavian as the dictator's merely adopted son.

Due to his practically sole control of Italy, Octavian had completely different options than Antonius to make himself heard with his propaganda. Nonetheless, Antony's supporters ensured that his arguments were also disseminated in Rome. To strengthen his position, Octavian also took care of the inhabitants of Italy, for example, when his friend Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa worked as an aedile to improve the sewerage and drinking water supply as well as the repair of public buildings and roads in Rome .

In Rome, rumors about the luxurious and extravagant life at the court in Alexandria were not entirely confused. Antonius' friend Lucius Munatius Plancus , miming the sea god Glaukos , painted sea green, danced naked and with tied fish tail at a meal in front of Cleopatra and her guests, is said to have behaved extremely unworthy of a Roman senator. The ruling couple celebrated wild drinking bouts and orgies, with particular mentioning of the pleasure places Kanopos and Taposiris outside of Alexandria . The accusation that Cleopatra was a whore was also raised. But only her relations to Caesar and Antonius are known. Her alleged extravagance was dealt with in another story: The "prostitute queen" (according to Pliny ) dismissed the food as poor at a luxurious banquet, bet with the incredulous Antonius that he could serve a much more expensive meal, and this bet through the The award of Munatius Plancus won by dissolving a huge pearl in hot vinegar and drinking it. This episode may have been made up, since vinegar cannot decompose pearls according to scientific knowledge. Confirmation of a certain truthfulness of some of these stories reported by Cleopatra and Antonius is provided by the December 28, 34 BC. Dated statue base inscription of a Parasitos (table companion) Aphrodisios, who praises Antonius as god and benefactor and apparently refers to the "comrades of inimitable life" mentioned by Plutarch , who arranged lavish banquets for Antonius every day.

Mutual attacks by the two Roman rulers on the allegedly unbridled sexual life of the other took place at a particularly low level. In a surviving fragment of a letter addressed to Octavian (which can be dated to around 33 BC), Antony said it made no difference which woman one slept with and asked his rival why his relationship with Cleopatra was suddenly bothering him and whether he is so strict about his marital duties. He also listed a number of Octavian's lovers. In addition, Caesar only made his great-nephew his heir because he had given himself up to the dictator. Antonius, in turn, was accused of drunkenness, which he defended in his own pamphlet ( de sua ebrietate ).

Supporters on both sides also eagerly participated in the mud fight. Gaius Cassius Parmensis , a Caesar murderer and now part of Antony, claimed, for example, that Octavian was of lower descent. Marcus Valerius Messalla Corvinus wrote pamphlets against Antonius in the spirit of Octavian and declared that the latter used golden chamber pots to relieve himself, a behavior that even Cleopatra would be ashamed of.

Cleopatra VII and Marcus Antonius, denarius, 32 BC Chr.

Octavian worked with patriotic slogans and served xenophobic prejudices. In this sense, Antonius' philhellenism was criticized and assumed that he turned away from Roman customs out of love for Cleopatra and indulged in a decadent "oriental" lifestyle. Since Cleopatra, unpopular in Rome, as a foreign vassal queen, offered Octavian a much better target than the still respected Antonius, the Caesar heir increasingly placed the Egyptian woman in the focus of his propaganda. They presume to rule over Roman territories and to command Roman legions. Antony had betrayed the local gods, paid homage to Cleopatra as Isis, and succumbed to her without will. The fact that he claimed his descent from the mythical ancestor Heracles was used by his opponents to compare that he was just as bewitched by Cleopatra as Heracles of Omphale , who took a lion's skin and a club, while Heracles, in women's clothes, indulged in feminine occupation.

Ultimately, Octavian won the propaganda war he mastered, not least because of his suzerainty in Italy and because he was able to take full advantage of Antonius' relationship with Cleopatra.

War preparations

Despite the tensions with Octavian, Antony moved in the summer of 33 BC. Through Armenia towards Araxes , probably because his ally Artavasdes feared an imminent Parthian offensive from the media . But on the way he received a sharp response from Octavian, directed against his earlier charges, who declared himself ready to share his spoils of war if Antonius shared Armenia with him and expressly excluded its veterans from settling in Italy. Instead, Antonius should settle his soldiers in Media and Parthia , which countries he had subjugated in glorious campaigns, with which Octavian mocked Antonius' catastrophic defeat against the Parthians in 36 BC. Alluded to. This came close to a declaration of war, since for every general the supply of his veterans meant an important support of his position of power in Rome. Therefore, Antony abandoned the Parthian problem and turned to the west. His legate Publius Canidius Crassus brought the main part of the army, 16 legions, from Armenia to Ephesus , where Antony also assembled his ships and spent the winter of 33/32 BC. BC spent together with Cleopatra. With 20,000 talents, the Queen mainly financed the warring enterprise and also contributed a quarter of the total fleet of around 500 warships and 300 transport ships, namely 200 ships, which mainly provided provisions for the troops.

Cleopatra VII. ( Berlin Collection of Antiquities )

Octavian's propaganda played up Cleopatra's participation in the campaign as a scandal. Apparently, rumors of her supposedly arrogant behavior were spread in Italy and recorded by contemporary poets as well as later historians. The Ptolemaic monarch had accompanied Antonius everywhere on horseback, now in her litter, and Roman soldiers had to serve her as bodyguards. Many Roman friends of Antony were treated offensive by the queen and pissed off by her flatterers. Quintus Dellius had incurred Cleopatra's anger over a derogatory remark and was allegedly afraid of the Queen's assassination attempt. Plutarch reports that Gaius Calvisius Sabinus , a partisan of Octavian and consul from 39 BC. BC, Antonius accused that he had massaged Cleopatra's legs in fulfillment of a bet during a banquet, that he had allowed the Ephesians to greet Cleopatra as their ruler, that he had given the queen numerous scrolls from the library of Pergamon - probably to replenish the holdings of the Alexandrian Library - as well as that he had left a court hearing during a speech by Gaius Furnius and followed Cleopatra's sedan chair. However, Plutarch emphasizes that Calvisius met with little faith among his listeners with these claims. Because of his affection for Cleopatra, Antonius is said to have stolen numerous works of art, such as statues by the sculptor Myron , from cities in Asia Minor in order to use them to beautify Alexandria .

After the end of the triumvirate (end of 33 BC) Octavian and Antonius actually retained their associated powers. Nevertheless, this legally unclear status was more delicate for Octavian, who was formally only a private citizen, than for his triumvirate colleague, since the Caesar heir in his home country Italy was constantly confronted with the traditional Roman institutions, such as an opposition to the Senate, and reconciling with the long-established noble families and wanted to act against Antony on a legal legal basis. This precluded a violent legitimation of his future power base. In addition, due to the Treaty of Taranto, which was also recognized by Octavian, the ardent Antonius supporters Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus and Gaius Sosius were born on January 1, 32 BC. Chr. Consuls. The allegedly in the autumn of 34 BC According to the chronology of Cassius Dio, when he gave territories to his children from Cleopatra, Antonius would not have given the consuls until 32 BC in a letter. To have it ratified by the Senate, but Domitius Ahenobarbus and Sosius Antonius' letter are said not to have dared to read aloud due to the feared negative effects. In any case, Sosius sharply attacked the absent Octavian in his inaugural speech in the Senate and probably also made public that Antonius would be ready to resign his extraordinary power if Octavian would also take this step. Octavian's party was only able to prevent a Senate resolution in this regard through the veto of the tribune Nonius Balbus . Octavian himself, who had expected the attacks, was meanwhile far from Rome in order to be able to consider exact replicas of the allegations made against him. At the next meeting of the Senate, he for his part raised serious allegations against Antonius and Sosius, but had appeared with a secretly armed crowd. When no one risked a reply, Octavian stated that he wanted to prove his allegations by submitting certain documents the next time. But his show of force moved about a third of the 1,000 senators and consuls to flee to Antony in Ephesus. Apparently Antony - contrary to the statements of Octavian's propaganda - was still quite popular in Rome.

Although Antonius was able to record a gain in prestige with the arrival of the senators, this also resulted in internal tensions due to the increased inhomogeneity of his supporters. Caesarians, conservative republicans, climbers under Antony and even a few Caesar murderers faced each other. Since Cleopatra was the best point of attack for Octavian's propaganda, perhaps also because the Queen behaved too confidently, Domitius Ahenobarbus in particular, but also other high-ranking Antonians, advocated sending Cleopatra home. In this case the conflict between Octavian and Antonius would have remained an internal Roman matter and so Antonius could have argued for the legitimacy of rule with the help of Roman constitutional law, namely by forming a counter-senate. Indeed, Antony asked the Ptolemaic woman to return to Egypt. But Cleopatra turned to Canidius Crassus. Apparently she even bribed him to help her. He was able to persuade Antonius to keep the queen at the headquarters by pointing out her large financial contribution, her cleverness and government experience.

In April 32 BC BC Antonius moved the headquarters further west to Samos , where allied princes usually came personally with auxiliary troops and supplies. On Samos, musicians, actors and poets specially commissioned there competed in music competitions and theatrical productions; luxurious festivals were celebrated and sacrifices were made. These Dionysian events were in the Hellenistic tradition and were intended to raise the courage of Antony's troops, who were largely recruited from residents of the Greek East.

The client kings of Antonius who appeared in person included Archelaus of Cappadocia, Bocchus II of Mauritania, Mithridates II of Commagene, Deiotaros Philadelphos of Paphlagonia and Tarkondimotos I of Amanos; other princes like Polemon I of Pontus had sent military units. Antony's friend and ally Herod also wanted to bring strong aid contingents, but according to the Jewish historian Flavius ​​Josephus - whom the research largely follows - Cleopatra managed to get Antony to commission the Jewish king instead to fight the Nabatean king Malchos , because he was paying his Cleopatra was in default of lease payments. This was only a pretext, because in reality Cleopatra wanted both realms to weaken each other; Their strategist Athenion even gave military aid to the Nabataeans when Herod appeared quickly victorious. Another reason why Cleopatra did not want to see the Jewish king at Antonius is the queen's fear of Herod's influence on Antonius. On the other hand, the historian Christoph Schäfer believes that some Arab tribes rebelled against their overlord Malchos, who was loyal to Rome, and also attacked Ptolemaic territory, so that Herod would necessarily have had to be sent back to fight them; after Octavian's victory he then turned it into an intrigue of Cleopatra directed against himself in order to appear in a favorable light with the new ruler.

In May 32 BC During his slow advance westward, Antony stopped in Athens . Cleopatra made rich presents to the citizens of the city and evidently tried to win their sympathies. However, the queen demanded the same honors from the Athenians that this Antony's wife Octavia had shown during her stay with her husband in the Greek metropolis (winter 39/38 BC). Cleopatra then received a decree of honor presented by an Athenian delegation headed by Antonius. Statues of the ruling couple made in the form of the gods Dionysus and Isis were placed on the Acropolis . In Athens Cleopatra was finally able to get Antony in May or June 32 BC. Chr. His wife Octavia sent the letter of divorce to Rome. With this he officially confirmed the separation, which had practically long since been carried out, and openly challenged Octavian. Politically, however, he gambled away a lot of sympathy, especially among his Roman followers, because the popular Octavia aroused great pity because of her fate in Rome. In addition, Octavian received further confirmation for his claim that Antony was completely dependent on Cleopatra and, in a sense, was bewitched by her. Only the queen benefited from an even closer bond between the triumvir and her person.

Octavian offered another opportunity to win public opinion when Lucius Munatius Plancus and his nephew Marcus Titius in June or July 32 BC. They changed parties, fled to Italy and revealed the location and content of Antonius' will to Octavian. In violation of any law, Octavian seized the document deposited with the Vestals in Rome. It bequeathed rich legacies to Cleopatra's children of Antony and also contained the declaration that Caesar was in fact the father of Caesarion and, in particular, the stipulation that, should Antony's death occur in Rome, his body should be transferred to Cleopatra in Alexandria for burial because he wishes to be buried with her. The announcement of these clauses in the Senate and the People's Assembly cost Antonius a great deal of prestige. Octavian's propaganda interpreted the wills as if, in the event of his victory, Antony wanted to place Italy under Ptolemaic rule and move the capital of the empire to Alexandria. Since Octavian, contrary to his other respect for ancient Roman religious customs, did not shy away from committing a sacrilege to obtain the last will of his opponent, it can at least be assumed that Antony actually kept his will with the Vestals. However, Octavian could have forged the contents, since he took the will first.

The publication of the will and Antony's divorce from Octavia caused the public mood in Rome to turn increasingly against Antony. Geminius , who was specially sent from Rome to Athens, was supposed to warn against this threatening change of opinion and again suggest to Antonius to send Cleopatra to Egypt. However, his mission was unsuccessful.

declaration of war

Octavian had worked on popular opinion long enough to be able to see it in the second half of 32 BC. Chr. Antonius by resolution of the Senate all offices, also the designation as consul for 31 BC. And to have the war resolution against Cleopatra proclaimed. Octavian himself carried out the declaration of war as a fetiale by hurling a spear dipped in fresh blood at an area symbolically declared as enemy territory near the temple of the goddess of war Bellona . Only the Egyptian queen, who was proclaimed an enemy of the state ( hostis ), was consciously declared war, but not Antony, who was officially only linked to Octavian by a private feud ( inimicitia ). In this way, the latter was able to give the impression that it was a matter of defending the fatherland against an external enemy and not of a new civil war. Antony had become insane through Cleopatra's magic potions. Propagandistically exaggerated, an alleged vow of the Ptolemaic queen was quoted: "As true as I will speak right on the Capitol " in order to be able to hypnotize her as a danger to Italy itself. The fear that she would make claims to power in Rome seemed justified by the name of her son Caesarion and the emphasis on his descent from Caesar. Octavian spread that it was a matter of deciding whether an Egyptian-Hellenistic empire would also rule over Rome from Alexandria in the future. The echo of this alleged danger threatened by Cleopatra can be found in Augustan poets such as Horace (who describes the queen as an "ominous monster") or Properz . Many Western Romans seem to have believed Octavian's clever propaganda that the war was against the Ptolemaic Empire.

Since Octavian did not hold a political office, his position as commander-in-chief in the fight against Antonius was reduced in the late autumn of 32 BC. In the Western Roman Empire strengthened by the allegedly voluntary soldier oath of every man capable of arms in the Western Roman Empire. For every oath-taker there was an obligation to follow Octavian into the war against the east. According to his account, the Caesar heir was now the leader of the unified Roman people who would fight the threat posed by the “oriental” Cleopatra. His decreed war tax, which amounted to a quarter of an annual income for every citizen and an eighth of the property for every freedman, met with great resistance. The inhabitants of that part of the empire also swore the oath of allegiance to Antonius. However, his announcement that he would return all powers to the Senate and the people of Rome six months after his victory did not get through to Octavian's propaganda. In addition, he tried to gain followers in Italy by distributing rich bribes.

War in Greece

Ancient scholars diverge widely about the strategic concept of Antony for the impending war. Günther Hölbl believes that Cleopatra prevented Antonius from attacking Octavian in Italy first, because she pleaded for a comprehensive defensive strategy with a view to her home country and wanted to seek the decision in a sea battle. Plutarch already claimed that Antony had been counted as a serious mistake, not as early as 32 BC. To have landed in Italy because he had given Octavian time to finish his armaments and to survive the unrest caused by the high war tax. Manfred Clauss is of the opinion that Antonius wanted to carry the war to the Apennine peninsula, but that his troops were deployed in Greece in 32 BC. It took too long to cross to Italy in the same year. Due to the autumn storms and the strong fortification of the ports of Brundisium and Taranto, this did not seem advisable. Beginning of 31 BC BC Octavian's admiral Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa had anticipated Antonius' planned offensive with his early attack on Greece. Michael Grant , however, is of the opinion that Antony wanted to wait for Octavian's attack from the start and fight the fight in Greece. In addition, Antonius believed that he could effectively weaken Octavian with the bribes he had sent to Rome. Christoph Schäfer also assumes a defensive strategy intended from the start by Antonius.

In any case, Antony closed the deployment of his main army from Asia Minor to Greece in the autumn of 32 BC. And then let it go to winter quarters. He set up his armed forces a lot further south than in 49 BC. BC Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus in his fight against Caesar and 42 BC. The Caesar murderers Gaius Cassius Longinus and Marcus Junius Brutus , when they were awaiting the attack by Antonius and Octavian. Antony probably chose this more southerly deployment of his army because of the shorter and therefore safer supply routes from Egypt and to force Octavian on a longer journey to the sea.

Including the contingents of Asian vassal lords, Antony's armed forces comprised around 100,000 foot soldiers and 12,000 horsemen. In addition, Antonius was able to muster around 500 warships. That of Octavian at the beginning of 31 BC. In contrast, the invasion army transferred to Greece consisted of 80,000 infantrymen and 12,000 cavalrymen. Octavian's navy may have consisted of around 400 ships, but they were smaller than Antonius' ships.

Antony positioned his troops in a long line from Methone in the south to Kerkyra in the north along the west coast of Greece. The main base of the fleet was the well-suited Gulf of Ambrakia at Actium . On the island of Leukas opposite Actium , Antonius also stationed units. In addition, there was a naval base on the island of Zakynthos that had been set up a long time ago. South of Greece, Antony also had bases on Crete . In Cyrene, Egypt and Syria , stronger troops remained for defense. Antony and Cleopatra spent the winter of 32/31 BC in Patrai , which was in the middle of his order of battle in Greece . Now coins with the portrait of Cleopatra and attributes of Isis were issued there.

Octavian had assembled his forces in Brundisium and Taranto. On January 1st, 31 BC He became consul for the third time. At the beginning of spring his excellent admiral Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa sailed over the Ionian Sea with a squadron probably consisting of small, fast warships ( Liburnians ) and surprisingly conquered the strong fortress Methone, located in the southwest of the Peloponnese , with its commander, the expelled Mauritanian king Bocchus , fell. During the subsequent journey northwards along the Greek west coast, Agrippa landed in several places, threatened the shipping routes of Cleopatra's supply ships and finally drove away the troops stationed by Antonius on Kerkyra. Accompanied by many senators and knights, Octavian set sail with the main army from Brundisium. Taking along the high-ranking Roman troops served, among other things, to prevent a possible uprising during his absence from Italy. Octavian was able to land undisturbed about 200 km north of Actium near Panormos in Northern Epirus. He occupied Kerkyra and advanced rapidly to the vicinity of the Gulf of Ambrakia. On the march there, his army was allegedly first sighted by Antony's scouts near Toryne . At that time Antonius was still in Patrai with Cleopatra and was dismayed by the news of Octavian's rapid advance. In research it is controversial why Antonius Octavian allowed an unhindered landing. Joachim Brambach says that Agrippa's military actions distracted Antonius' forces so much that they did not even notice Octavian's landing maneuvers. Christoph Schäfer, on the other hand, believes that Antonius' intelligence service worked very well and that he deliberately let Octavian land in order to be able to defeat his entire main army afterwards on Greek soil.

In any case, Antony's main fleet in the Gulf of Ambrakia was well protected. A waterway, only 700 meters wide at its narrowest point, leads from the open sea between two peninsulas protruding from the north and south to the inner gulf. This strait was protected by guard ships and towers with throwing machines erected on both banks so that Octavian's fleet could not penetrate. When Antony and Cleopatra arrived at Actium, they found their ships undamaged. Antony took up his main camp on the flat peninsula south of the strait. The port of Actium to the west of this peninsula, where a strong squadron anchored, Antonius connected to his camp to protect against attacks by thigh walls. Octavian established his base on a hill about 150 meters high near Mikalitzi on the Preveza peninsula north of the Gulf of Ambrakia and had his fleet anchored next to it in the bay of Gomaros, which he also connected to his camp by long walls. Because of his position, he was able to block the enemy fleet's way out of the gulf with his ships.

Since the bay of Gomaros did not provide adequate protection from south-westerly storms, Octavian wanted to quickly fight a decisive battle, but Antonius did not accept it several times at first, as he had only waited for the arrival of his widely dispersed troops. Then he led his forces across the strait and set up another base about three kilometers south of Octavian's camp. Now he challenged his opponent to fight on land, but this time Octavian refused. Antony sent mounted troops around the Gulf of Ambrakia to threaten Octavian's camp in the rear, but apparently no great success was achieved. Agrippa decisively improved the situation for Octavian by conquering the island of Leukas. So Octavian now had a usable port where his ships were safe from strong winds. Antony, on the other hand, was cut off from the provision of provisions at sea. Therefore he could only have his supplies brought in far more laboriously from deep in the barren interior of the country. According to the report of his great-grandfather Nikarchus, Plutarch tells that the inhabitants of his hometown Chaironeia were whipped and forced to carry grain about 25 km to Antikyra on the Corinthian Gulf . Soon, however, Agrippa won a victory over a squadron of Antonius' Admiral Quintus Nasidius at the entrance to the Gulf of Corinth and then conquered Patrai and Corinth . This was already a preliminary decision for Octavian's overall victory in Greece.

Antony's army suffered severely from Agrippa's blockade that had lasted for months. Actium's swampy climate caused particular problems in the hot summer and numerous soldiers died of epidemics or starvation. On the other hand, Octavian's troops were positioned at a healthy height, and he also received safe provisions from Italy. But Antonius was forced to stay with the army at its unfavorable location if he did not want to give up his fleet, which was trapped in the Gulf of Ambrakia, without a fight. When Marcus Titius and Titus Statilius Taurus defeated the cavalry of Antony in a battle, Deiotaros Philadelphos went from Paphlagonia with his cavalry to Octavian. The increasingly difficult supply options, illnesses and the hopeless situation worsened the mood in Antonius' camp more and more. Other client rulers deserted, but so did many Romans, even long-time followers. Even Antonius' important confidante Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus deserted. However, he was already very ill and died before the battle of Actium. Due to the increased desertions, Antony's distrust increased. He had many people who he suspected of intentional defection executed, such as the Senator Quintus Postumius and the Arab dynast Iamblichus . Quintus Dellius and Amyntas of Galatia, meanwhile, recruited reinforcements in Thrace and Macedonia. When Antonius personally led an attack by his cavalry, he too suffered a defeat. Gaius Sosius attempted to break out of the Gulf of Ambrakia, attacked a squadron led by Lucius Tarius Rufus with a superior naval detachment under cover of dense morning fog, and routed it. But then Sosius suffered heavy losses against Agrippa and had to turn back. In this battle, the client prince Tarkondimotos of Amanos lost his life. Soon Amyntas of Galatia with 2000 riders also switched to Octavian's side.

Battle of Actium

Battle of Actium 31 BC Chr.

Due to his threatening situation, Antony decided at the end of August 31 BC. A concentrated liberation strike with the entire army in order to break through Agrippa's blockade. Contrary to the advice of Canidius Crassus to risk a battle on land and withdraw via Macedonia , Cleopatra prevailed in the council of war with the plan to try to blow up Agrippa's blockade with the fleet and, if successful, to sail to Egypt, which she did with one Execution of Canidius' plan deemed vulnerable. 20,000 elite soldiers and the war chest were loaded onto 170 combat ships and 60 ships of Cleopatra, and the remaining ships, which could no longer be manned because of the high losses, were burned. Because of the superiority of Octavian's fleet, Antony did not seek a victory from the outset, but only tried to escape the blockade of Agrippa in order to be able to renew the war later under better conditions. Therefore, he also took the main sails with him, which was a hindrance for a battle, in order to be able to get to Egypt quickly after a successful breakthrough. Canidius Crassus was to march east with the still quite strong army. But Quintus Dellius , who always changed fronts if necessary , went over to Octavian after the council of war and revealed Antonius' plan to him.

The naval battle of September 2, 31 BC, which went down in history as the Battle of Actium . BC began with an advance by Antony's fleet. The opposing light Liburnians retreated and swarmed around Antonius' more immobile and larger ships on the high seas, made some of them incapable of maneuvering by breaking the rudder and steering gear as they passed quickly, but had to retreat quickly so as not to be prevented from falling stones and arrows to be sunk. When the battle for Antonius worsened, Cleopatra's 60 speed sailors behind the combat zone pushed through a gap in the battle order in a favorable wind in the afternoon and sailed away from the fighting ships. Antony followed and was taken aboard Cleopatra's flagship. Most of his combat ships could not come loose and were sunk after heavy resistance or had to surrender. Since Kromayer's research from the end of the 19th century, science no longer sees Cleopatra's maneuver as a treacherous escape with subsequent cowardly succession of an Antonius in love, as depicted in the melodramatic reports of ancient authors, but as the implementation of the war council plan to blow up Agrippa's blockade. After the end of the battle, Antony's land army, which was not involved in the battle, withdrew to Macedonia, but surrendered seven days later after Canidius Crassus had fled. Greece and Macedonia were now part of Octavian's conquests, but Antony and Cleopatra had at least saved the war chest and a quarter of the fleet and had not yet completely lost the war.

The last year of Antony and Cleopatra

In the meantime, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus , the son of the triumvir of the same name, had instigated a soon-to-be-uncovered plot to murder Octavian, was captured by Gaius Maecenas and sent to Octavian, who was still at Actium, who had him executed immediately. Another problem was the financial compensation of the soldiers, because Octavian did not have enough funds for it. He initially sent the older soldiers, who were particularly difficult to please, back to Italy without pay. He also instructed Agrippa to return home to support Maecenas there in the event of unrest among disgruntled veterans. At the place of his victory Octavian ordered a city called Nikopolis ("City of Victory") to be built. In Athens he was initiated into the Eleusinian Mysteries , decreed a tax exemption for Italy, which was happily received there, and intended to spend the winter on Samos. On this island he tried the prisoners of Antony's partisans and was occasionally very ruthless. He also rewarded or punished Greek and Asian rulers and cities, depending on which side they were on.

According to his biographer Plutarch, Antonius was desperate after the lost battle and allegedly only spoke to the queen three days later, through the mediation of Cleopatra's maids, when they reached Cape Tainaron on the southern tip of the Peloponnese. They sailed on to North Africa. The former triumvir separated from his lover at Paraitonion , the border fortress between Cyrene and Egypt, in order to take over four legions in Cyrenaica, but was turned away by the governor Lucius Pinarius Scarpus, who had passed to Octavian . For the first time Antony thought of suicide, but his friends, including a Roman Lucilius, stopped him. Cleopatra, meanwhile, sailed quickly to Alexandria, fearing rebellions as soon as her defeat at Actium became known. Fearing for her safety, she docked with wreathed ships in the port of Alexandria amid victory hymns, as if she had won. But the truth soon emerged and the queen had many noble Egyptians executed, whom she suspected of rebellion. They are said to have confiscated their property in order to replenish the state treasury to finance new armaments, as well as numerous temple treasures. Since 34 BC King Artavasdes of Armenia , who had been captured in BC, had her beheaded and sent his head to the Medes prince of the same name to persuade him to provide further support. Without legions from Cyrene, the deeply depressed Antony came to Alexandria when Cleopatra had her richly laden ships pulled from the Nile through a sand-covered canal to the Gulf of Suez to flee across the Red Sea to Arabia or even India. But the hostile Nabataeans living in the rock city of Petra burned their fleet at the instigation of the new Syrian governor Quintus Didius .

Cleopatra is said to have considered many unrealistic plans. In contrast, the depressive former Triumvir now lived in a lonely house, which he after the famous misanthrope at the island of Pharos near Alexandria Timon of Athens as Timoneion called. In addition, he learned from Canidius Crassus, who had arrived in Alexandria at the time, that his land army had surrendered. All of the client princes, including Herod, had also defected to Octavian. Herod and Didius had also stopped a strong band of gladiators who wanted to move to Alexandria in support of Antony. So the victor of Actium had the opportunity to advance unhindered by land from the east and west to the borders of Egypt. From Timoneion, however, Antonius moved back to the palace to lighten his mood and feasted on lavish feasts. The "Club of the Inimitably Living", whose members had always prepared lavish banquets for Antonius, was now sarcastically renamed the "Club of those who die together". Cleopatra is said to have administered various poisons to those condemned to death in order to find out the most painless one for a suicide that might have been planned at the time, and fell for the cobra bite in the process . A papyrus allegedly found in Herculaneum (P. Hercul. 817), which is said to have been preserved in the mud during the Vesuvius eruption in AD 79, describes in detail the agony of the delinquents, but was proven in 1998 to be a clever modern forgery. The medicine of Alexandria had advanced long enough to be able to recommend a suitable poison to Cleopatra. In a festive act, the eldest son of Antonius, Antyllus , and the eldest son of Cleopatra, Caesarion, were declared of legal age. From now on Antyllus wore the male toga ( toga virilis ); Caesarion was accepted under the Ephebe . Probably both Cleopatra and Antony wanted to secure their succession with this step. This gave Octavian an additional motive to get rid of Caesarion.

Because there had been riots among the discontented veterans who had returned to Italy, Octavian had to go to the middle of the winter of 31/30 BC. In spite of storms to hurry back from Samos to Brundisium . He was able to intervene reassuringly through certain financial contributions from the previous loot and land instructions to the soldiers, but otherwise had to put off for the future. Only after the capture of Egypt was Octavian, by appropriating Cleopatra's great fortune, in a position to meet all the costs of the war. After a month he was able to leave Brundisium for Corinth.

On Rhodes , Octavian met Herod, who paid homage to him as the new master. Allegedly, Herod boldly justified his previous allegiance to Antony, justifying his apostasy on the grounds that the loser of Actium had not followed his advice and killed Cleopatra, which could have saved himself. Now the Jewish king supported Octavian's advance through the Syrian desert against Egypt.

Octavian meanwhile received envoys with requests for mercy from Cleopatra and perhaps also from Antony. The related reports are distorted by Octavian's propaganda to the detriment of his opponents. According to Plutarch, Cleopatra offered to renounce the throne if her children (probably Caesarion) were allowed to continue to rule Egypt. Antonius allegedly humbly asked to be allowed to live as a private citizen in Alexandria or Athens. The couple's head of delegation was Euphronios , their children's teacher. Octavian did not answer Antonius, but assured Cleopatra fair treatment if she had Antonius killed or driven out. According to Cassius Dios, there were even three embassies to Octavian. Cleopatra's first messenger brought the crown insignia, which Octavian liked to accept, without the knowledge of Antony, and Octavian - similar to Plutarch - left Antony without an answer, but officially threatened the queen, but secretly promised her continued rule if she removed Antony . The second time, Antony had Turullius, the murderer of Caesar, extradited, whom Octavian had executed; In addition, the former triumvir is said to have offered to commit suicide if this act could save Cleopatra. As the third envoy, Antonius' son Antyllus had come with a lot of money; Octavian accepted this, but allowed the young person to return home without a notice for his father and again made threats and promises to Cleopatra. Cassius Dio and Plutarch also state that Octavian sent his freedman Thyrsus to Cleopatra, who should work on them in the interests of his master. Octavian feared that the Ptolemaic woman, if she became too desperate, would burn the treasures she had deposited with fuel in her mausoleum ; but she believed Thyrsus that Octavian would love her and therefore leave her in the rule of her kingdom. For this reason, she is said to have betrayed Antony and refrained from destroying her property. Plutarch adds that Antony noticed the queen's confidential contact with Thyrsus and therefore had the freedman flogged and sent back to his master.

The historian Christoph Schäfer considers the alleged pleadings of Antonius for Octavian propaganda to degrade the loser, but Cleopatra's diplomatic efforts are likely. The queen had sounded out the chances for the continuation of the rule of her dynasty and Octavian had encouraged her in these hopes for a succession plan (but not, of course, with regard to an erotic relationship) so that she would not prematurely, as indicated by Cassius Dio and Plutarch, her Burnt treasures that the future princeps so desperately needed to pay his soldiers.

Octavian's general Gaius Cornelius Gallus took over the troops of Pinarius Scarpus in Cyrene and seized Paraitonions, the western border fortress of Egypt. The rushed Antonius could do nothing. Gallus drowned out his speeches to the opposing legionnaires, perhaps to win them over to his side without a fight, with the sound of trumpets, and Antonius also suffered a military defeat. At about the same time, Octavian marched against the eastern defensive post of Egypt, Pelusion , which fell quickly, perhaps due to the betrayal of the commander Seleucus (allegedly ordered by Cleopatra) . Cleopatra's family then left Antony to be executed. Now Octavian's troops advanced as far as Alexandria without any problems, but his cavalry at the hippodrome east of the capital was defeated by Antonius. Octavian countered his opponent's challenge to a duel with the scornful remark that Antonius had many opportunities to die. Antony took another plentiful supper and presented himself for the last battle the next day (August 1st, 30 BC according to the Julian calendar). But the Egyptian fleet and cavalry surrendered without a fight, whereupon his infantry were also defeated. Antony is said to have screamed that Cleopatra had betrayed him.

Antony returned to Alexandria in a hurry, received the false news of her suicide on Cleopatra's orders and threw himself at the sword. However, he did not die immediately and learned that Cleopatra was still alive and was waiting with her two faithful maids, Iras and Charmion, in their mausoleum near the Temple of Isis. Severely wounded, he allowed himself to be carried to her and, as the tomb had been locked for fear of capture, Cleopatra and her maids pulled him up with ropes through an open window and heaved it inside. He died in the arms of his beloved in deep despair. Plutarch depicts this dying scene in a sentimental way.

The question of whether Cleopatra deliberately caused Antony's death is a matter of dispute. While Felix Stähelin and E. Bevan assume that they drove him to suicide by providing the wrong information about their death, in order to make it easier to come to an understanding with Octavian - at least with regard to their children - Joachim Brambach keeps the cautiously formulated exoneration attempt by Hans Volkmann the Queen of this reproach for possible. According to this hypothesis, Cleopatra might have wanted to help Antony to an honorable death, because otherwise he might not have committed suicide and so, in the opinion of the Romans, would not have died with dignity; for Octavian would never have let him live.

With a trick, Octavian soon succeeded in capturing Cleopatra in the mausoleum and seizing her treasures. She lived in Roman imprisonment for twelve days before she succeeded in suicide in an unexplained manner (see The Mystery of Cleopatra's Death ).

Octavian's triumph

After the double suicide of the opposing ruling couple, Octavian had Cleopatra's eldest son, Caesarion, and Antonius' eldest son, Antyllus, executed as a precautionary measure. Octavian spared the small children of Antony and Cleopatra. The damnatio memoriae was imposed on Antony and his name was erased from all monuments and inscriptions; furthermore, its statues were overturned. At least the victor allowed Cleopatra to be buried with royal honors at the side of Antony, as she had wished in her farewell letter to Octavian. Some Roman followers of the former triumvir were executed, such as its loyal general Publius Canidius Crassus, the last remaining Caesar murderer Gaius Cassius Parmensis and the senator Quintus Ovinius , who had overseen Cleopatra's wool spinning mills; other Antonians like Gaius Sosius and Gaius Furnius, however, found favor.

Octavian made a round trip through Egypt to Memphis and saw, among other things, the corpse of Alexander the Great , where he allegedly accidentally broke off a piece of the nose of the mummy. But he refused to visit the graves of the Ptolemaic kings as well. So he demonstratively linked to the great Macedonian conqueror and at the same time made clear the break with the previously ruling Ptolemaic dynasty. He had the gold and silver stocks of the enormous Egyptian royal treasure largely minted. Now he could pay all the soldiers and his other debts.

After almost 300 years of Ptolemaic rule, Egypt was incorporated as a Roman province. Octavian considered the land of the Nile to be so significant that he treated it as a personal province and did not allow any senator to enter, let alone administer, it without his permission. Like Caesar before him, Octavian was afraid that a senatorial governor could build up a power base in rich Egypt that would make him a danger. Instead, Octavian subordinated the government of Egypt to a knight he had chosen with the title of prefect, initially Gaius Cornelius Gallus. He spared the capital Alexandria because he needed it as an administrative center, but tried to weaken it by founding a nearby second Nicopolis. The politically influential city council was also abolished as the Alexandrians were considered rebellious. The rest of the administrative system created by Antonius, including most of the eastern clientele rulers, Octavian left largely untouched.

The most important result of Antony's defeat was that Octavian could now rise to the sole rulership of the Roman Empire and, as Augustus, become its first emperor. The previous Roman civil wars, which had been raging for many decades, were finally ended and a long, relatively stable period of peace began, the Pax Augusta . The victory over Egypt in August was one of the reasons why the Senate decided in 8 BC. Augustus was honored by renaming the month of Sextilis to August .

literature

General representations

Biographies

Remarks

  1. ^ Cassius Dio , Roman History 49, 41, 5.
  2. ↑ On these accusations see above all Plutarch , Antonius 55; Cassius Dio, Roman History 50, 1, 2–2, 1 and 50, 24–30; Suetonius , Augustus 69.
  3. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 55, 1ff .; Cassius Dio , Roman History 50, 1, 2 - 2, 1; on this Manfred Clauss, 1995, pp. 74-76; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 188–189.
  4. ↑ Jochen Bleicken, 1998, p. 265f.
  5. ↑ Velleius 2, 83, 2.
  6. ↑ Plutarch, comparison between Demetrios and Antonius 3; Cassius Dio, Roman History 50, 27, 2.
  7. ↑ Properz 3, 11, 10; Cassius Dio, Roman History 51, 15, 4.
  8. ↑ Pliny , Naturalis historia 9, 119-121; Macrobius , Saturnalia 3, 17, 14ff .; on this Manfred Clauss, 2000, p. 66; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, p. 186.
  9. ^ Wilhelm Dittenberger , Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae (OGIS) 1, 195; see Plutarch, Antonius 28, 2; 71, 4; on this Michael Grant, 1998, p. 248; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 185–186.
  10. ↑ Suetonius, Augustus 69, 2; on this Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 188–189.
  11. ↑ Pliny, Naturalis historia 14, 148.
  12. ^ Suetonius, Augustus 4, 2.
  13. ↑ Pliny, Naturalis historia 33, 50.
  14. ^ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 50, 25, 2ff .; Plutarch, comparison between Demetrios and Antonius 3; u .a .; on this Michael Grant, 1998, pp. 259-260; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 191–192.
  15. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 55, 4-56, 2; on this Michael Grant, 1998, pp. 263 and 267; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 196–197.
  16. ↑ Cassius Dio, Roman History 50, 5 and 50, 25, 1; Plutarch, Antonius 58, 9-59, 8; Horace , epodi 9, 11-16; Properz 3, 11, 39-46; Augustus, de vita sua in Servius zu Virgil , Aeneis 8, 696; Pomponius Porphyrio to Horace, carmina 1, 37, 9.
  17. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 58, 9-59, 1; on this Michael Grant, 1998, p. 269; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 208-209.
  18. ↑ Strabon , Geographie 13, 595; 14, 637; Pliny, Naturalis historia 34, 58.
  19. ↑ Jochen Bleicken, Augustus , 1998, p. 269 ff.
  20. ↑ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 49, 41, 4-6; 50, 2, 2-7; Suetonius, Augustus 17, 2; on this Michael Grant, 1998, pp. 264–265; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 197–198.
  21. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 56, 3-6; 58, 4; on this Joachim Brambach, 1996, pp. 281–282; Manfred Clauss, 2000, p. 78; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 203 and 206.
  22. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 56, 6-10; on this Michael Grant, 1998, pp. 271–272; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 201–202.
  23. ^ Plutarch, Antonius 61, 2f .; among others
  24. ↑ Josephus , Jüdische Antiquities 15, 106–110; Jewish War 1, 364f .; on this Joachim Brambach, 1996, pp. 293–294; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 199–201.
  25. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 57, 1-3; Cassius Dio, Roman History 50, 15, 2; on this Michael Grant, 1998, p. 275; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 202–203.
  26. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 57, 4-5; Cassius Dio, Roman History 50, 3, 2; 50, 26, 2; Livy , periochae 132; Eutropius 7, 6, 1; Orosius 6, 19, 4; Eusebius of Caesarea , Chronicle 2, 140 ed. Schoene; on this Manfred Clauss, 2000, pp. 80–81; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 206-207.
  27. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 58, 4-8; Cassius Dio, Roman History 50, 3, 1 - 4, 2; Suetonius, Augustus 17, 1; on this Joachim Brambach, 1996, pp. 283–287 (forgery of a will by Octavian unlikely); Michael Grant, 1998, pp. 266-267 (Octavian forged the clauses); Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 209–213 (applicability of the allegation of forgery left open).
  28. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 59, 2ff .; on this Michael Grant, 1998, p. 276; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, p. 208.
  29. ↑ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 50, 4, 3–5; 50, 6, 1; 50, 21, 1; 50, 26, 3-4; Plutarch, Antonius 60, 1.
  30. ^ Cassius Dio, Roman History 50, 5, 4.
  31. ↑ Horace , carmina 1, 37, 21: fatale monstrum .
  32. ↑ Michael Grant, 1998, pp. 260 and 277-279; Günther Hölbl, 1994, pp. 221-222; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 213-214.
  33. ^ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 50, 6, 6-7, 3; 50, 10, 4f .; 50, 16, 3; 50, 20, 3; Plutarch, Antonius 58, 1f .; Res Gestae divi Augusti 25; on this Jochen Bleicken, 1998, pp. 274–275; Michael Grant, 1998, 277-279; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 213-214.
  34. ↑ Günther Hölbl, 1994, p. 222.
  35. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 58, 1ff.
  36. ↑ Manfred Clauss, 1995, pp. 82 and 85f.
  37. ↑ Michael Grant, 1998, pp. 273f.
  38. ↑ Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 214-218.
  39. ↑ Michael Grant, 1998, pp. 274f .; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, p. 217.
  40. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 61; on this Christoph Schäfer, 2006, p. 215.
  41. ↑ Manfred Clauss, 1995, p. 85; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 215 and 217. - The main sources for the war that followed between the two Roman rulers up to the defeat of Antonius at Actium are Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 50, 11–35 and Plutarch, Antonius 61–68.
  42. ^ Cassius Dio, Roman History 50, 11, 3 - 12, 2; 50, 13, 1; Plutarch, Antonius 62, 6; Orosius 6, 19, 6f .; on this Joachim Brambach, 1996, pp. 296–297; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 218–220.
  43. ^ Cassius Dio, Roman History 50, 12, 3-13, 1; on this Manfred Clauss, 1995, pp. 86-88.
  44. ↑ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 50, 13, 1–5; Velleius 2, 84, 2; Plutarch, Antonius 68, 7f .; on this Manfred Clauss, 1995, pp. 88-89; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 221–222.
  45. ^ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 50, 13, 5-14, 3; Velleius 2, 84, 1f .; among others; on this Manfred Clauss, 2000, pp. 89-91; Michael Grant, 1998, pp. 284-287.
  46. ^ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 50, 15, 1–4; 50, 23, 3; Plutarch, Antonius 59, 7-8; 63, 6-64, 4; on this Manfred Clauss, 1995, pp. 91-94; Michael Grant, 1998, pp. 287-290; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 222-224.
  47. ↑ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 50, 31–35; 51, 1, 4-5; Plutarch, Antonius 65-68; on this Joachim Brambach, 1996, pp. 302–309; Manfred Clauss, 1995, pp. 95-98; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 224–230.
  48. ^ Cassius Dio, Roman History 51, 2, 1 - 4, 1; Plutarch, Antonius 68; among others; on this Jochen Bleicken, 1998, pp. 288 and 310; Michael Grant, 1998, p. 298.
  49. ^ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 51, 5, 3–6; 51, 7, 1; Plutarch, Antonius 67, 4; 69, 1-5; on this Joachim Brambach, 1996, pp. 312-314; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 230-231.
  50. ^ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 51, 6, 1; 51, 7, 2-6; 51, 11, 2; Plutarch, Antonius 69, 6-7; 71, 1-8; on this Michael Grant, 1998, p. 300; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 231–235.
  51. ↑ Cassius Dio, Roman History 51, 4, 2-5, 1; Suetonius, Augustus 17, 3; on this Jochen Bleicken, 1998, p. 288f.
  52. ↑ Josephus, Jüdische Antiquities 15, 187–201.
  53. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 72, 1-2; 73, 1-4; 74, 2f .; Cassius Dio, Roman History 51, 6, 4-6; 51, 8, 1-7; 51, 9, 5f.
  54. ↑ Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 235–238.
  55. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 74, 1-76, 3; Cassius Dio, Roman History 51, 9, 1–10, 5; on this Joachim Brambach, 1996, pp. 319–322; Michael Grant, 1998, pp. 304-307.
  56. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 76, 4-77, 7; see Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 51, 10, 5-7; on this Joachim Brambach, 1996, pp. 322–323; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, pp. 241–242.
  57. ↑ Joachim Brambach, 1996, pp. 323-324; 327; undecided Christoph Schäfer, 2006, p. 241.
  58. ↑ Plutarch, Antonius 81 and 86f .; Cassius Dio, Roman History 51, 15, 1; 51, 15, 5-6; 51, 19, 3; Suetonius, Augustus 17, 4-5; on this Jochen Bleicken, 1998, pp. 292–293; Christoph Schäfer, 2006, p. 244; 248-250.
  59. ^ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 51, 16, 5; 51, 17, 6-8; Suetonius, Augustus 18, 1.
  60. ↑ Cassius Dio, Römische Geschichte 51, 16, 3–4; 51, 17, 1-2; Plutarch, Antonius 80; Suetonius, Augustus 18, 2; 66, 1; on this Jochen Bleicken, 1998, pp. 291–294; Michael Grant, 1998, p. 316; 319-320.
  61. ↑ Macrobius , Saturnalia 1,12,35.