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Horace (pronunciation: [hoˈraːt͡s] , * December 8, 65 BC in Venusia ; † November 27, 8 BC ), actually Quintus Horatius Flaccus , is one of the most important Roman poets along with Virgil , Properz , Tibullus and Ovid the Augustan period . His philosophical views and dicta were among the best known of antiquity up to modern times and were widely received in humanismand classicism. Horace took the classical literature of his time to new heights and was the most important ancient model , especially for English classicism .

Horace monument (1898) in Venosa


A lot is known about the life of the poet Horace. This is not primarily due to secondary biographical tradition, which began with descriptions in the Vita Suetons in the second century. Rather, the main source for the poet's biography is self-statements. They served Horace in numerous contexts as foils for his philosophy and metapoietic considerations. Although these self-statements were not made with the intention of helping to reconstruct Horace's vita, they do, however, refer to contemporary events and conditions to which the poet refers, and thus help to place him in a context. A third reference to his life is his literary working method, which includes the selection of his motifs and the processing of his materials. Horace shows himself acting in everyday life, which refers readers of the following time to events of his time, and especially in the satires depicts contemporary relationships and everyday occurrences, for which he - according to his own statements - programmatically the satirical poet Lucilius served as a model.


Horace was born on December 8th, 65 BC. In Venusia, a city on the border of the Italian provinces of Lucania and Apulia . His father - Horace calls him a freedman ( libertinus ) - worked as a coactor exactionum (auction agent ) and owned a small estate that he had built himself. Whether the origin from the slave class is based on truth is seen differently. Gordon Williams assumed that it was an overly stylized representation by which Horace should be represented as a climber from a low level. The father was actually of Italian origin and , like many Samnites , was captured during the civil war with Sulla . In more recent representations, there are increasing dissenting voices that try to relativize Williams' statement. It is also disputed whether Horace's father achieved prosperity with this well-paid job. Horace himself denied this and stylized his father's life as pauper , especially after his father's property was confiscated from him in the course of land distributions after the Roman Civil War . However, paupertas does not mean actual poverty ( egestas ), but frugal and self-sufficient rural life according to the customs of early Roman times . In addition, he must have had at least enough money to finance his son's literary and philosophical training. Gordon Williams understood Horace's stylization as a form of understatement that should show critics of his father that he had come to great honor as the son of a freedman and that they wrongly mocked him with his status. The mother never mentioned Horace in his poems.

The mountain Voltur (Vulture) near the village of Acerenza in Horace's homeland, the poet in the Römerode 3, 4 in the style of the Helikon sings

Many of the stories that appear in Horace's later poetry were influenced by his childhood experiences. In addition to extensive use of poetic stylizations of nature, which often refer to his home province, Horace provides reasons for moral ideas and later emphasis on withdrawn and frugal country life in the Ofellus story. He describes this Ofellus in the satires as an instructor in his youth who brought him closer to the customs and moral concepts of the peasant such as simplicity, thrift and nature-relatedness with reference to his roots. Like Horace himself, he lost his property through confiscation.

Probably from 53 to 49 BC BC Horace's father sent him to Rome to study literature and grammar . There Horace received training in the respected speaker school of the grammarist Orbilius , whom he got to know as plagosus (punchy) and later even as saevus magister (angry teacher). In addition to these bad experiences in Rome and in the lessons there, which made itself felt in Horace's strong aversion to the city, he got to know the archaic models of Latin and Greek poetry, both Livius Andronicus and the Homeric epics Iliad and Odyssey and their moralizing interpretations . After studying in Rome, his father sent him to Athens , where he studied Greek philosophy and literature . In Athens, Horace studied ancient Greek poetry and tried his hand at Greek verse, though not with the aim of writing poetry. He also heard lectures by Epicureans , Peripatetics and Stoics .

In 44 BC After the assassination of Caesar , Marcus Junius Brutus recruited Roman students in Athens as recruits for the republican army, including Horace. Under Brutus' command he quickly made a career and rose to the tribunus militum ( military tribune ) of a legion . His military service came to an abrupt end in the autumn of 42, when Brutus' army was defeated by Octavian's Caesar party in the Battle of Philippi . In a short time Horace, as part of Brutus and Cassius, lost his father's estate after the confiscations in Venusia and had to give up all career hopes on his return to Rome. He saw himself driven into the paupertas , this statement referring to the loss of his ambitions, which he had for a central role in public life, and to the shaking of his convictions as a free citizen of Rome. The experience of losing a public position in the Roman Republic made him decide to turn to poetry. According to the classical scholars Robin GM Nisbet and Margaret Hubbard , Horace treated this turn to poetry in Ode 2, 7 in order to follow the example of the Greek poet models Alkaios and Archilochus . For this ode he has received the accusation that he had seen his former involvement in the battle afterwards cynical or indifferent, partly because he in battle wrote that he (unlike Pompey) his shield had thrown away and only Mercury followed may be. In fact, however, he seems to have understood the battle as a decisive event for his way of life and his political virtus . His intellectual lifestyle went hand in hand with a greater turn to Epicureanism. The Vita Suetons mentions that after 43 he was rehabilitated in Rome by Octavian's party, possibly after the Treaty of Brindisi in 40 BC. In the retrospective, Chr. Horace himself recognized Augustus as the universal ruler even for those who had been disappointed in their ideals and expectations of the republic as a result of the civil war.

In contrast to the loss of his ideal goals and political ambitions, Horace's material situation was by no means dull or unhappy. In Athens he had already led a good life with the money from his training, made contacts with the upper class and participated in festivities and banquets. In the army of Brutus he could claim the status of an eques as a military tribune if he had not already bought something there during his first stay in Rome. In the satires he gave the impression that he could even have bought himself into the rank of praetor or senator if he had wanted. In Rome he had good relations with reputable lawyers and boasted, among others, of contacts with Gaius Trebatius Testa and Lucius Manlius Torquatus . Even after the defeat of Philippi, Horace managed to use and organize his services successfully. After Octavian's rehabilitation, he bought into the office of bursary clerk, a highly paid position on which he initially based his fortune after losing his father's property.

Poet in the Maecenas circle

The poets Virgil and Varius , who were enjoying great success in Rome at that time, became aware of the young Horace in 38 and introduced him to the noble patron and art lover Maecenas . He selected poets on the basis of their extraordinary talent, supported them financially and ensured artistic exchange in private circles with regular recitations of the latest works and poetological discussions. Up until then Horace had neither distinguished himself as a particular poet nor had any particular interest in any current of Roman poetry . He presented himself to the benefactor from the side of his low class and emphasized his simple circumstances and his concern about the land expropriations. Maecenas made him wait nine months for an answer before adding Horace to his circle of poets. Hans-Christian Günther suspected that the stylization of the Maecenas figure as the embodiment of his earlier political ambitions was behind Horace's descriptions. Horace introduced himself again with the roots of a simple rural man from the provinces, and his counterpart was the politically successful and influential power man Maecenas, who embodied virtuous action and wise political considerations. Only through him did the poet achieve a parallel rise to intellectual greatness and merit.

Charles François Jalabert (approx. 1846), The Maecenas circle with the reciting Virgil, Horace (center) and the listening Maecenas (right), as well as Varius in the background

After his admission to the Maecenas circle, Horace accompanied his patron on political and diplomatic trips. After Brindisi (together with Virgil) and 36 BC. In the Sicilian War , where he almost died in a shipwreck on Cape Palinuro . After 35 Horace published his first poems. This included the first book of satires, in which mainly the private problems of the poet to find their way in the circle of Maecenas alluded to. This was followed by the first adaptations of the ancient Greek meter in the Iamben (epodes), which were only published after the Battle of Actium in 31 BC. Can have happened. Like the second book of satires that appeared after the Iamben, this showed clear political support for Octavian's side and reservations about political and cultural opponents such as Cleopatra , whom Horace later dubbed a fatal monstrum (deadly miraculous sign) in the odes . Seven years after the epodes, Horace presented a core part of his poetry with the closed edition of three books of odes, in which he processed the lyrical meter of the Aeolian poets in Latin. During the time of the newly created Pax Augusta , Horace's political statements for the ruler were increasingly expressed. Despite the usual motifs of Augustan poetry, such as the recusatio (rejection of a wish for praise of the ruler with the poet's reference that he and his poetry were not good enough for it), Horace composed before 23 BC. Also panegyric on Augustus, like the carmen 1, 2 and 1, 12.

As early as the mid-1930s, Maecenas gave Horace an estate in the Sabine Mountains at the foot of Mount Lucretilis (Gennaro) in what is now the Valley of Licenza . This Sabinum , as Horace called it, with five coloni , one vilicus and eight slaves was not a small one, but it was an economical house for the conditions of the Roman upper class. The Sabinum was for him quickly to the epitome of a retreat in literary and philosophical otium ( " leisure "). In contrast, his contempt for the hustle and bustle and rumors of the city of Rome, the subject of which he was known in the highest circles, grew. In addition to the annoyance of a few shops in the city, Horace explained in the well-known fable of the country mouse and the city mouse how much the life of Maecenas in Rome was contrary to the philosophical views of the poet. Later other goods came into Horace's possession, such as a villa in Tivoli and possibly an estate in Tarentum . In the series of his poems, Horace sang again and again about the calm, seclusion and frugality of the Sabine. He dedicated large parts of his satire 2, 7 and the Tarentinum as well as parts of his letter 1, 16 to them.

Late work and age

When Horace around 23 BC Had completed his odes , he thought in his new work, the versepistles, from 20 BC onwards. After about to retire and give up the innovative poetry of poetry. The great success of his Odes and Horace's secure social status led him to avoid the need to once again place himself in the center of the attention of colleagues and Augustan elites with another innovation. Apparently, in addition to the readers whom Horace desired, there were many envious and imitators. The philologist Hans-Christian Günther considered the age that Horace cited for his decision to be a plausible reason, because Horace's eventful life with many twists and turns and setbacks had given him the ability for more mature reflection at an early age, which made him mentally premature let age. Nonetheless, the transition to Horace's late poetic work and his announcement that he would distance himself from innovative poetry was ironically just something innovative for the general public. The first corpus of letters did not consist of actual or fictitious correspondence, but rather poetic and even poetological scripts that were not only artfully composed, but also represented a new literary genre.

Ernst Fries , View of the Sabine Mountains east of Licenza, oil on mahogany, 1827

From around 20 BC The Maecenas circle lost more and more importance for the poets. Virgil died in 19 BC BC Varius 15 BC BC, and Properz didn't even mention Maecenas in his fourth book of elegies. Likewise, Horace did not dedicate any further work to the benefactor. Whether this loss of meaning was accompanied by a loss of political importance for Maecenas for Augustus has been questioned in recent decades. The trigger for this assumption was a passage in Suetonius who claimed that Maecenas had lost interest in Augustus' policy. He had told his brother-in-law Murena that he had been ordered to get rid of him. Historian Ronald Syme saw this passage as plausible and concluded from it that Maecenas had fallen out of favor with Augustus because of his betrayal, while Williams analyzed it critically in the 1990s and came to the conclusion that no evidence could support Sueton's claim , but trusted Augustus Maecenas completely. Over time, the patronage relationship passed from Maecenas, the administrator of Augustan cultural policy, to Augustus as its initiator. The emperor himself took care of the poet, and his wishes as princeps had to be taken into account. This changed the motifs and rhetoric of Horace's works. A simple recusatio could have greater political significance if it were expressed directly to the emperor than to one of his officers. Augustus also considered Horace to be politically and pragmatically important: after his return from the Parthians he planned to make him private secretary for drafting his letters. Knowing that the poet was planning another letter book, he advised him that it was in his interest to dedicate these works. Horace consequently dedicated the second letter book and also the so-called Pisonenbrief, the "Ars poetica", to Augustus. The integration of his poetry into the Augustan cultural policy went so far that Augustus wrote it in 17 BC. Chr. Commissioned to write a celebratory song for the ludi saeculares for a choir of boys and girls . Even in his last or penultimate work, the fourth book of the Odes, Horace boasted of the importance he had acquired in Roman society with this carmen saeculare . He saw himself rise from the vulgar satirical poet, who began in lower poetic genres and ranks, to an important national poet. The last book of the Odes can be seen as a multiple dedication to important persons of the Augustan family. Horace seemed to have written it in agreement with the Princeps, driven by the carmen saeculare and possibly endeavored to poetically record his close relationship with Augustus.

So far it has remained a matter of dispute how much Horace was the political mouthpiece for the ideas of the rulers in his later work. Niall Rudd asked, for example, how Horace's situation as a former republican-minded bachelor and bon vivant could influence political echoes in his poems, which also dealt with the Augustan marriage laws . Certainly it is difficult to look for a political position of the poet Horace behind political poems and panegyric like the ode 1, 12 or 3, 14. This was mostly done in the context of one's own time and the viewer's political-national convictions. However, Hans-Christian Günther also warned against overemphasizing Horace as an apolitical hedonist and evaluating him solely in the context of the modern “ fun society ”.

To a large extent, Horace himself shaped the image of himself, but changes in the social and mental living conditions of the poet behind the work can also be seen over the years. In the satires, for example, Horace expressed his thanks to his father, who was a symbol of his rapid social advancement. He consciously presented himself as an upstart and viewed his respective social status as a constant incentive and striving for higher things. This should be seen as self-defense against the background of constant attacks from envious and scoffers. The stylization of his father transformed Horace's ideas of his poet into his work, while his position in Rome and his poetry gave him great financial and personal success. This overcompensated emphasis on low origins points to the insecurity of the poet, who as a former low-ranking opponent of Octavia suddenly plunged into the highest circles of Augustan culture as an outsider. Later he also mastered the art of being an established poet with his own convictions to be humble towards the rulers and to sing about the lighter sounds of wine, love and dance, as he claimed of himself in Ode 2.1.

The relationship with Maecenas, even if it was now less important to Horace, remained amicable until his death. In Ode 4:11, Horace celebrates the Ides of April, Maecenas' birthday, as an extraordinary celebration that was more valuable to him than his own birthday. 8 v. BC Maecenas died and in the same year, on November 27th, Horace too. Both bones were brought to the Esquiline . In his epigram , Maecenas showed how much the friendship between the two dissimilar men was based on mutuality :

"Ni te visceribus meis, Horati,
Plus iam diligo, tu tuum sodalem
Ninnio videas strigosiorem"

"If I no longer love you, Horace, than my own flesh and blood, you could see your friend leaner than Ninnius."

Little is known about Horace's love life; autobiographical statements cannot be safely separated from literarily pre-formed motifs. In the epistles he spoke of the girl Cinara, who was the only verifiable woman in his poetry and whom he met as a young man in Athens. Otherwise Horace remained a bachelor. In epodes 8, 11 and 12 he ponders sexual preferences and a certain antipathy towards aging women. Often he saw himself as an old lecher in his middle years, and his poems lack a certain romanticism, for example when he writes in Satire 2, 3 that he was infatuated with countless girls and boys. Despite numerous rumors in the biographical tradition and assumptions in the research about a possible bisexuality , the motives of the Horatian love poetry remain rather vague, neither misogynously fluctuating between the extremes, as in love elegance , nor particularly sexist.

Horace himself spoke extensively about his appearance. He described himself as fat, well-fed, and with shiny, well-groomed skin. In addition, he was short in stature, turned gray at an early age and easily angry, but was just as easy to calm down. Horace ' cognomen Flaccus means' floppy ear'.


The artistic development of Horace can be divided into three stages:

  • the spirited and aggressive early work, with the satires and epodes (42 to approx. 30 BC)
  • the classical maturity, with the odes I-III and the epistles I (approx. 31 BC to the end of the 20s)
  • the serenity of the late work, with the Carmen saeculare , the Odes IV and the Epistles II , including the Ars Poetica , (18 to 13 or 10 BC)

Particularly in the early years of the poet, the times of writing of the individual works overlap up to the publication of complete books. Eduard Fraenkel's presentation of the work of Epodes and Satires tried to analyze the satires in their actual chronological order. As the oldest poem there, as in general, satire 1, 2, which Fränkel justified with the dependent choice of subject. The choice of subject matter for the poems also led the classical philologist Eckard Lefèvre to assume that epodes that had to be dated early, including poems 7, 10 and 16, must have been present at the same time as the satire 1, 2, of which Horace must have received those for his admission to Maecenas used with explosive political content. In the poet's late work, too, productive phases repeatedly overlap, such as the beginning of the first epistle book after the Odes or the question of whether his last work was the Ars Poetica or the fourth book of Odes. In addition, the characterizations should serve as a guide. In his odes, Horace himself spoke of the fact that his early work was faster and more aggressive, but in his letter with Augustus he retained a familiarity that was expressed in the cynical dealings with one another, which is reminiscent of his early works for Maecenas. In his letter, the emperor jokingly asked whether it would affect Horace's later picture if he admitted to having known the emperor. He also refers to his early work when he emphasizes the simplicity of his poetry in the fourth book of odes. In the very first poem he leaves the former moral critique of Römeroden and the entitlements from the 16th Epode, a vates to be set aside and is forced back to the light lyrical content of the first three Odenbücher.


Saturae , 1577

The two books of satires consist of ten and eight, sometimes quite extensive, individual poems in hexameters . Horace himself called them sermones ("conversations"). He speaks with Maecenas, with the reader, with himself and introduces the people in a dialogue. The aim of these not necessarily harmless chats is to use humor to tell the reader unpleasant truths. He was modeled on the Roman satirist Lucilius .

Horace always strived for the essentials and tautness. That was his artistic principle: diversity in limitation. The central topic is the right way of life . Most poems castigate vices that cause social strife or at least impair human relationships, such as greed , adultery , superstition , gluttony , ... In contrast to Lucilius, who relentlessly denounced his high-ranking contemporaries, Horace had to restrain himself in this regard. His failures were limited to the deceased, people without influence and outsiders known to the city. Not infrequently, he represented himself and his weaknesses on behalf of the common man.


Design criteria and content

As epodes (Greek ἐπῳδός "epodós" Nachgesang, refrain) 17 poems referred to a narrow book that v to about 30 microns. Was published by Horace; Epodes because in the individual verses of the poems an iambic long verse ( trimeter ) alternates with a refrain-like short verse ( dimeter ). The meter corresponded more to the rules of Greek lyric poetry and thus represented a metrical innovation compared to the spoken verse of the Roman comedy, the senar . The pioneer in its application was the poet Catullus before Horace . Horace called his book "Iambi" though only eleven poems exclusively in Iambic and the remaining six in combinations of jambischem and daktylischem meter , the metrical foot of the hexameter are written.

The Greek author of the epic poetry and model of Horace was the Ionian Archilochus of Paros . All that is known about him is that he died during a solar eclipse in 648 BC. And his work had two notable characteristics. On the one hand he was considered a pioneer and master of iambic stanzan forms , on the other hand he used the form of the verse for extremely aggressive, personally hurtful and sometimes inflammatory poems regardless of the status of the attacked person. In Augustan Rome, a seal of the same kind was inconceivable. Horace wrote on the one hand for his patron Maecenas and on the other hand for an unknown audience. Therefore, as with the "satires", caution and consideration were required here too. He seldom mentioned names, and when he did, mostly aliases . For example, in what is probably the best-known epode Beatus Ilse, he introduces the moneylender Alfius, who extensively praises the idyllic country life , but then sticks to his urban financial dealings (ep. 2). Furthermore, he mocks a vicious poet under the name Maevius, an upstart in the military (ep. 4), two aged hetaera , whose physical decline is described with crude-obscene comparisons, which, however, remain unnamed (ep. 8 and 12), and a witch named Canidia (ep. 5 and ep. 17), who already appeared in his satires and repeatedly stimulated the imagination of subsequent generations.

The fact that Horace did not name any specific names in the epodes means that he changed the content-related design standards of his role model Archilochus. However, it does not mean that no specific personalities were behind the attacks against certain types. The identification of the poet Maevius from the tenth epode with Mevius, whose bad verses Virgil deplores in his third Eclogue , has often been emphasized by classical scholars. Maevius' designation as a horny goat with unequivocal sexual connotations ( libidinosus caper ), which Horace deservedly wanted to sacrifice, can certainly refer to the poet's abuse, because a similar case can already be found in Catullus where the term "goat" denotes criminality a known person is encoded. Furthermore, the late antique Horace commentator Porphyrio tried to identify people from the epodes, such as the military tribune of the fourth epode with Menas, the released naval leader of Sextus Pompeius . Such identifications are not very clear and have often been questioned, but they show that speculation was early on about the context in which the epodes had an effect. This effective context initially seemed to depend on a small group of listeners who knew what to do with the targeted but covert attacks. The Freiburg classical philologist Eckard Lefèvre saw an important clue for the purposefulness of the epodes in the frequent pointedness . In the second epode, Horace praises the decent country life over 66 verses, and only in the last two stanzas does he resolve the fact that a usurer utters this praise who behaves immorally in the eyes of the peasant. Something similar can be found in the fourth epode, in which Horace expresses his contempt for a nouveau riche , of whom he only reports in the last line that he is responsible for a military tribune. Such targeted punchlines would hardly have been set by an ordinary mock poet.

Further development to the Odes

Horace used the Archilochic poetry formally, but here, too, his willingness was not high to put his successor in the Iambic poetry in the foreground. This can be seen in the opening poem Ibis Liburnis , which is marked by concern for Horace's fate after the upcoming battle of Actium (ep. 1). The song of jubilation about the victory at Actium ( Quando repostum , ep. 9) is similar . Both poems were written against the political background of the victory of Octavian's civil war party, which, however, only serves as a template for celebrating and expressing friendship and thanks to Maecena's patron. The two poems addressed by the Roman people ( Quo, quo scelesti and Altera iam teritur , ep. 7 and 16), on the other hand, had lamented the misery of the civil wars , from which only emigration to the islands of the blessed would grant salvation . In the program poems 1 and 9, criticism of the state of the times or abuse of warrior virtues now completely recedes. The direct connection already exists to the jubilee song for the death of Cleopatra in carmen 37 of the first book of Odes ( Nunc est bibendum ), which has the features of an Alcaeic drinking song and must have originated at the same time as the two epodes. Motifs of the Iamben are only mentioned in passing, for example the poet's statement that he does not want to become like Chremes , the topos of the curmudgeon of Plautinian comedy. So Horace was at least since 31 BC. On the way to the lyric poetry of the Odes.

Moreover, the self-irony of the poet in the invectives was atypical for Greek Lambs . This was Horace's personal touch for the ambend, as was his approval and advocacy for his friend Virgil in epode 10. The nouveau riche he reviled in epode 4 had no other political career as a military tribune than Horace himself. The comical lament Parentis siquis about stomach pains, which a rural dish with too much garlic brought to the poet (ep. 3), is at the same time a swipe at the gleeful Maecenas, who makes fun of the fact that Horace does not get the praised simple meal from the country. In addition, there are a number of topics that run through the book, uncharacteristic of the iamben, and which reveal the poet's development to ode poetry. Mollis inertia , an excuse for a pause in poetry, which Horace explains with acute lovesickness (ep. 14), consolation in wine (ep. 13) and love (ep. 11 and 15) are themes that Archilochian poetry already has completely opposed. In some cases, Horace also used these antithetics of form and content as a comic effect, for example when the learned reader of Epode 2 realizes that the long-drawn-out hymn of praise for rural life in a poem form stands for insults and abuse.

With the development of epodic poetry to poetry of the Odes, Horace developed his political-philosophical attitude as a poet to the state. Eduard Fränkel pointed out that it was a modern mindset to insinuate that the poet had conveyed a political mindset by reviving Greek battle songs on life and community. Rather, poetry itself developed the poet's mindset. Fränkel therefore understood Horace's early epode 16 on the civil war as a failed beginning because, in the tone of the free Greek poet, it was unsuitable for the political situation of the low-ranking Roman poet. Horace's form of address did not fit into the constitutional reality of Roman speakers . The suggestion from Archilochus' example that the morally good people of the people should emigrate to an island was only a literary allusion for Horace. Fränkel considered the fact that he was still a father against this background as a “ bold concept ”. More recent representations tend to interpret Horace's address to the Roman people more precisely in relation to the literary environment. Contrary to Fränkel, Lefèvre concluded that Horace did not write poetry for a large political audience, and emphasized the provocative element of the statements and the literary relationships with Virgil's fourth eclogue. Horace drew his entitlement as a vates by referring to Virgil, who prophesied the golden age after the civil wars. In keeping with the style of his poetry, Horace's view of the future was not an idealized one, but a realistic one that required a clear break and complete isolation from the past, just like emigrating to an island.

Chronology and structure

The pointed form of the epodes was originally designed for an oral speech. This can be seen from the fact that some epodes alternate between descriptions and speaking parts or, like epode 17 in the dialogue form, could provide material for a popular mimus . Another indication besides the form is the defense of the friends, which also suggests the effect in a recitation context. Against the background of a long oral history of the epodes, the discrepancies between the time of writing or the date of the individual poems and their compilation as a book can be recognized. Behind this, the poet's artistic advancement to the Alkaean odes and drinking songs was already taking place. A rough chronology of the epod book can therefore be made out.

  • Epodes 16 and 7, both around 38 BC. BC (the earliest, political poems with differently interpreted references from ep. 16 to Virgil's fourth eclogue)
  • Epode 10 (Maeviusepode), around 35 BC BC (because of the reference to Virgil's third eclogue)
  • Epodes 2–8 as well as 12 and 17 (first invective cycle, which must have originated before the 'love epods' between 38 and 30 BC, smaller poems like 3 and 6 could represent early forms of practice of meter)
  • Epodes 11 and 13–15 about drinking, love and song, after the invective (whereby, according to Fränkel, epode 14 represents the last difficulty in completing the book)
  • Epodes 1 and 9 as program poems, approx. 30/31 BC After the battle of Actium

The structure of the epodal book does not follow this chronology. As with many books of poetry from the Augustan period, there was an architecture behind the arrangement, which marks a development, as can easily be seen in the first word of the Ibis collection (You will go) and the last sentence (ep. 17,81 ) plorem artis in te nil agentis exitus? (Shall I weep the end of my art [just] because it doesn't do anything to you?) shows. An outstanding organizational principle for the book is the metrical arrangement of the poems, whereby the first 10 epodes follow the distichic iambic stanza, the further six represent the dactylic variation of the same, and a poem in engraved trimeters ends the collection. The first part of ten poems has models in literature, such as Virgil's eclogues. In addition to the metric, a paired arrangement of epodes with similar content can be recognized, e.g. B. Epodes 3 and 14, which are dedicated to Horace's relationship to Maecenas. Hans Christian Günther referred to a literary model in the Iambi of the Hellenistic poet Callimachos . He wrote 13 poems, and of all things the 13th epode has no content-related twin. With the arrangement of the remaining poems, Horace would have done his best to bring the poems that had been scattered over the years into a formally acceptable form. Another thesis is that of the unity of the entire book of epodes. Porter read a diminuendo from the first to the last epode, from an exuberant mood in the first to a gloomy mood in the last. These views did not prevail, and there is no evidence that it was Horace's intention to create an overall mood that unites the work. The greatest unit of the epodes is the realization that the poet continuously developed into the odes, as the researcher Stephen Heyworth discovered. In this context, the term “ associative bridging ” developed by Kathryn Gutzwiller should be mentioned, i.e. the jumping of motifs from one poem to the next so that the book pulls up its motifs like a garland and finally continues generically at the end.


Oden (Carmina 1,12) in a codex owned by Francesco Petrarca . Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana , Plut. 34.1, fol. 9r (10th century)
Horace to Septimius, quote from Oden 2,6 on a commemorative plaque in Taranto

After his success with the "Satires" and "Epodes", Horace devoted himself to early Greek song poetry, the heyday of which was from about 670 to 450 BC. Lasted. While the Greek songwriters called themselves singers or musicians, the term lyric poet later became popular after their main instrument, the seven-stringed lyre . Horace wrote four books of poetry, the "Carmina", which contain a total of 104 poems. He published the first three in a corpus around 23 BC. And the fourth around 13 BC. In contrast to the not always fully developed "epodes", the " odes " (Odé, song) represent a perfect masterpiece.

Dating and productive conditions

Although the first three books of odes were published as volumes (scrolls), Horace did not write his poems in the order of composition that has become standard in later editions and today's text editions. The work emerged over a long period of time from pieces that the poet composed gradually and that could initially have been used for recitation at banquets. One of the oldest possible datable odes, the carmen 1.35, dates back to before the Battle of Actium , around 35 BC. Since the terminus post quem no ode can be made out that is younger than 23 BC. The books may have been published at this point in time or afterwards. In carmen 1,4 Horace addresses the speech to Lucius Sestius Quirinus, the consul of the year 23 BC. BC, of ​​which he addresses, among other things, his passion for playing dice and his affection for the boy Lycidas. That the Odes after 23 BC Chr. For an edition as a whole were revised once again by Horace, partly arranged chronologically and newly compiled, show individual chronological processes within the work and the two parallel program poems 1,1 and 3,30, both of which have a catchy, repeated, engraved meter Asclepiadeus minor , that is, the same meter is repeated line by line.


As with the Greeks, topics are above all love and politics, but also friendship, everyday life and questions of philosophy. The model was, among other things, Alcaios of Lesbos , from whom he also partly adopted the stanza form. In contrast to his Greek predecessors, Horace was only a poet and not a musician. That is why his odes were not set to music. The only exception was the 17 BC. For the celebration of the century, which should usher in the beginning of an era of peace, wrote "Carmen saeculare". Like the choral lyricists, Horace loved to put the most varied of themes together in one poem. He often used cautious, subtle statements. The means to achieve this were accurate images, gaps, openings and subtle undertones. Many of his poems begin powerful and end light and cheerful. Example: 1, 9.

Although Horace preferred short poems, numerous longer poems have survived. The "Carmen saeculare" and the six " Römeroden " are particularly important here . The latter reminded the Roman people of the old mores maiorum : frugality, bravery, loyalty, steadfastness, justice and awe.


Since the Odes did not bring the hoped-for success, Horace left from 20 BC onwards. From the poetry and devoted himself to the first book of the Epistulae (" Episteln "). In this book, which consists of 20 letter poems in hexameters, Horace presents his philosophy of life. This philosophy of life is not based on abstract terms, but on the individual person with their mistakes, weaknesses and peculiarities. It does not ask you to jump over your own shadow, but to try to achieve the right level in your own way so that the coexistence of people remains bearable. The model for the "Epistulae" was probably the letters of the Attic philosopher Epicurus .

In the second book of the "Epistulae" from 13 BC onwards. BC Horace worked as a literary critic . At the end of his career he dedicated three large letter poems to this topic. Two of them form the second book of the "Epistulae". In the first letter to Augustus, the poet criticizes the thoughtless overvaluation of ancient Roman poetry, especially the drama, and points out the value of the new classic, with the works of Virgil and Varius. In the second letter (to Florus) he apparently renounces poetry in favor of philosophy, only to actually point out the overwhelming demands on a poet. In the third and longest literary letter (to the Pisonen), which has come down to us as a separate book under the title De arte poetica , Horace wants to give an account of the poet and develop the taste of understanding readers. He wants to make the craft more difficult for amateurs, imitators and fashion poets, but encourage real talent on their hard path. In his Epistula ad Pisones, Horace also called for the drama to be divided into five acts (Ars Poetica, v. 189) (see rule drama ), linking the usefulness of literary work with the aspect of joy and entertainment (Ars Poetica, v. 333 f .: "Aut prodesse volunt aut delectare poetae") and emphasizes the mimesi character of literary works (Ars Poetica, v. 361).


Horace described himself as a pupil of Epicurus ( Epicuri de grege porcum - "a pig from the flock of Epicurus"). In doing so, he does not adhere to the Epicurean doctrine in an orthodox way, but has adopted some basic principles for himself. Pleasure is the greatest good and pain is the greatest evil. The real pleasure is the ataraxia , the state of perfect calm and undisturbedness, the quiet happiness in the garden (or in the country) that keeps out of the bustle of the world. Λάθε βιώσας ( liver hidden ) was one of the Summary of the Kepos the Epicurean. Gods exist, but they live blissfully and apart from the world and do not influence it. Nevertheless, one has to read the quotation from Epistle 1, 1, verse 14 in order to understand Horace's way of life: Nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri (“not obliged to swear on the words of a master”). He may be Epicurean in many ways, but he still wants to see himself as a free thinker. Horace does not always judge as an Epicurean, but also, for example, as a follower of the Aristotelian philosophy ( aurea mediocritas , Carminum liber II 10, Rectius vives, Licini, ... ).

Impact history

Detail from the fresco The Parnassus by Raphael , painted approx. 1508–1511. The male figure in front is interpreted as Horace.

Horace soon became a school author, but did not have the broad impact of Virgil or Ovid . Nevertheless, it was particularly important for the circle of scholars around Charlemagne and later for the humanists . But Horace was of great importance for the French classics of the 16th and 17th centuries. In particular, poets and critics such as Nicolas Boileau or Martin Opitz tried to (re) construct a programmatic poetics from the letter De arte poetica that Horace hardly intended in this system.

Text output


  • Quintus Horatius Flaccus: Opera. ed. v. Friedrich Klingner , (= BT), Third Edition (first 1939), Leipzig 1959 (and reprints) (usually cited standard edition, on which many later editions are based)
  • Quintus Horatius Flaccus: Opera. ed. v. DR Shackleton Bailey , (= BT), fourth edition (first 1985), Stuttgart 2001 (and reprints) (conjecture-friendly handling of the traditional text).
  • Quintus Horatius Flaccus: Opera. ed. v. S. (tefan = István) Borzsák. (= BT), Leipzig 1984 (text-critical cautious and conservative).
  • Friedemann Weitz: “Lectiones Teubnerianae. Editions critical of the text as a problem report (using the example of Horace) " http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/propylaeumdok/volltexte/2013/1881 (overview of the different readings of the above three editions in the Bibliotheca Teubneriana; with a lecture by Hermann Soak as an appendix: "From Keller-Holder to Shackleton-Bailey. Principles and problems of the Horace edition").
  • Quintus Horatius Flaccus: Opera. ed. v. Edward C. (Harles) Wickham, Oxford 1901; Second edition. ed. by Heathcote W. (illiam) Garrod, Oxford 1912 (and reprints).



  • Christian Morgenstern : Horatius travestitus: A student joke , with an appendix: From the estate of Horaz, Piper Verlag, Munich 1919, 4th, increased edition.
  • Horace: Odes and Epodes. ed. v. W. Killy, Ernst A. Schmidt and trans. v. Ch. FK Herzlieb and JP Uz , Zurich / Munich 2000, ISBN 3-8289-4850-2 .
  • Horace: All the poems with the woodcuts of the Strasbourg edition of 1498. Latin / German, ed. v. Bernhard Kytzler. Reclam, Stuttgart 1992, ISBN 3-15-028753-7 .
  • Horace: All works. ed. v. Hans Färber, Artemis & Winkler (Tusculum Collection), Munich 1993, tenth edition. (in verse translation) ISBN 3-7608-1544-8 .
  • Christoph Martin Wieland : Translation of Horace. ed. v. Manfred Fuhrmann , (= Library of German Classics, Volume 10), Dt. Klassiker-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1986 (monolingual, letters and satires translated with introduction and explanation, relevant to the history of reception) ISBN 3-618-61690-2 .



  • Quinto Orazio Flacco: Le opere Volume I.1-II.4, ed. v. Paolo Fedeli / Carlo Carena (= Antiquitas perennis), Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Rome 1991–1997, ISBN 88-240-3770-4 .
  • Orazio: Tutte le poesie ital./lat., Ed. v. Paolo Fedeli / Carlo Carena, (= I millenni), Einaudi, Turin 2009, ISBN 978-88-06-19287-7 .
  • Quinto Orazio Flacco: Le opere ital./lat., Ed. v. Mario Ramous (= I libri della spiga), Garzanti, Milan 1988, ISBN 88-11-58670-4 .


  • Horace: Q. Horati Flacci opera avec un commentaire critique et explicatif des introd. et des tables. Edited by Frédéric Plessis, Paul Lejay. Hachette, Paris 1911 (contains satires).


Overview display

  • Michael von Albrecht : History of Roman literature from Andronicus to Boethius and its continued effect . Volume 1. 3rd, improved and expanded edition. De Gruyter, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-11-026525-5 , pp. 599-624

Introductions and general presentations


  • Q. Horatius Flaccus: Works. Volume 1/2, edited by and explain v. Adolf Kiessling / Richard Heinze , Dublin / Zurich 1966, twelfth edition.
  • Lindsay C. Watson: A commentary on Horace's Epodes. Oxford 2003.
  • Robin GM Nisbet, Margaret Hubbard: A commentary on Horace. Odes Book I / II. Oxford 1970/1978.
  • Robin GM Nisbet, Niall Rudd: A commentary on Horace. Odes Book III. Oxford 2004.
  • Paolo Fideli, Irma Ciccarelli: Quintii Horatii Flacci Carmina Liber IV. Florence 2008.
  • Karl Numberger: Horace, lyric poems, commentary for teachers in high schools and for students. 3. Edition. Aschendorff, Münster 1993.

Investigations on individual topics

  • Paul Barié: Horace “Carpe diem. Pick the day ”. Wisdom of life in the poetry of Horace (= series: Exemplary series literature and philosophy. 25). Sonnenberg, Annweiler 2008, ISBN 978-3-933264-52-7
  • Hans Oppermann (ed.): Paths to Horace . Darmstadt 1980.
  • Nina Mindt: The meta-sympotic odes and epodes of Horace (= Vertumnus. Berlin contributions to classical philology and its neighboring areas. Volume 3). Edition Ruprecht, Göttingen 2008, ISBN 978-3-89744-257-3 .
  • Michael CJ Putnam : Artifices of Eternity. Horace's Fourth Book of Odes . Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London 1986, ISBN 0-8014-1852-6 (brilliant 'rehabilitation' of the fourth ode book, long regarded as secondary)


  • Gianluigi Baldo: Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus). Carmina. In: Christine Walde (Ed.): The reception of ancient literature. Kulturhistorisches Werklexikon (= Der Neue Pauly . Supplements. Volume 7). Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2010, ISBN 978-3-476-02034-5 , Sp. 373-396.
  • Tino Licht: Horace tradition in the early Middle Ages. In: Ex Praeteritis Praesentia. Heidelberg 2006, pp. 109-134. .


  • Dominicus Bo: Lexicon Horatianum Volumes I and II, Olms, Hildesheim 1965 and 1966.
  • Enciclopedia Oraziana. Volume I-III, Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, Rome 1996–1998.

Web links

Wikisource: Quintus Horatius Flaccus  - Sources and full texts (Latin)
Wikisource: Horace  - sources and full texts
Wikiquote: Horace  - Quotes
Commons : Horace  - album with pictures, videos and audio files


  1. Eduard Fraenkel : Horace . Oxford 1957, pp. 368-369.
  2. See Hor. Serm. 2.1, 30-35. quot capitum vivunt, totidem studiorum milia: me pedibus delectat claudere verba Lucili ritu, nostrum melioris utroque. illo velut fidis arcana sodalibus olim credebat libris neque, si male cesserat, usquam decurrens alio neque, si bene. quo fit ut omnis votiva pateat veluti descripta tabella vita senis. sequor hunc [...] (how many thousands of lives there are, there are so many endeavors. I am pleased to enclose the words with my feet in the Lucilian way, of a man better than any of us. The latter once trusted his secrets in his books as well as good ones No matter whether things had turned out badly or well, he did not turn to other things. That is why the life of the elderly lies before us, described like a wish list. This I follow [...])
  3. See Suet. vita Hor. 7; See Hor. Epist. 1.20.27.
  4. See Hor. Serm. 2, 1, 34 and epod. 13, 6.
  5. Hor. Serm. 1, 6, 46. nunc ad me redeo libertino patre natum (Now I come back to myself, the son of a freedman)
  6. Suet. vita Hor. 1. According to Suetonius , it was also assumed that the father was a salsamentarius (salt fish dealer ) because someone once told Horace in an interview that he often saw him blowing his nose with his arm
  7. Hor. Serm. 1, 6, 71.
  8. Hor. Serm. 1, 4, 108.
  9. ^ Gordon Williams: Libertino patre natus: True or False? In: SJ Harrison (ed.): Homage to Horace. A bimillenary celebration . Clarendon Press, Oxford 1995, p. 296 ff.
  10. ^ John Kevin Newman: Horace as Outsider (= Spudasmata 136). Georg Olms, Hildesheim / Zurich / New York 2011, p. 25; Edward Courtney: The two books of Satires. In: Hans-Christian Günther (Ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace , Leiden and Boston 2013, pp. 103 ff.
  11. Hor. Serm. 1, 6, 87.
  12. See Hor. Epist. 2, 2, 50-51.
  13. ^ Gordon Williams: Libertino patre natus: True or False? In: SJ Harrison (ed.): Homage to Horace. A bimillenary celebration . Clarendon Press, Oxford 1995, p. 299.
  14. ^ Bernhard Kytzler: Horace. An introduction . Reclam, Stuttgart 1996, p. 15.
  15. For example Hor. Carm. 3, 4, 9-28.
  16. Hor. Serm. 2, 2, 112-114 / 129-130.
  17. Hor. Serm. 1, 6, 76.
  18. Hor. Epist. 2, 1, 70/1, 18, 13.
  19. ^ Hans-Christian Günther: Horace's life and work. In: the same (ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace. Leiden and Boston 2013, p. 16.
  20. Hor. Epist. 2, 2, 44.
  21. Hor. Serm. 1, 10, 31 ff.
  22. Plut. Brood. 24
  23. Hor. Serm. 1, 6, 46-47.
  24. Hor. Epist. 2, 2, 46-47.
  25. Hor. Epist. 2, 2, 51.
  26. Kenneth J. Reckford : Horace . (= World Authors, Volume 73). Twayne Publishers, New York 1969, p. 23.
  27. ^ Robin Nisbet, Margaret Hubbard: A Commentary on Horace. Volume 2, Oxford 1978, pp. 113-114.
  28. Hor. Carm. 2, 7, 9-10.
  29. Hor. Carm. 2, 9, 11. fracta virtus alludes to the 'last words' of the dying Brutus, which Cassius Dio 47, 49, 2 later handed down.
  30. ^ Hans-Christian Günther: Horace's life and work. In: the same (ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace. Leiden and Boston 2013, p. 30 ff.
  31. Suet. vita Hor. 7
  32. ^ François Hinard: Les Proscriptions de la Rome républicaine (= Collection de l'École française, Volume 83), Rome 1985, p. 264 ff.
  33. Hor. Carm. 4, 15, see Michèle Lowrie: Horace, Odes 4. In: Gregson Davis (Ed.): A Companion to Horace . John Wiley & Sons, Chichester / Malden 2010, p. 229.
  34. Hor. Serm. 2, 7, 53-54. The slave Davus criticizes the poet's change of role, who, through various outward appearances such as his ring, is increasingly becoming a judge of the Dama. The satire refers to the satire 1,4,123, where Horace describes that he learned as a judge from selected men in his father's time. Obviously, Davus was describing an office of Horace that was corrupted over time by the poet's attitude.
  35. Hor. Serm. 1, 6, 107 ff .; See David Armstrong: The Biographical and Social Foundations of Horace Poetic Voice. In: Gregson Davis (Ed.): A Companion to Horace . John Wiley & Sons, Chichester / Malden 2010, pp. 18-19.
  36. Hor. Serm. 1.5 / 2.1, epist. 1.5, carm. 4.7.
  37. ^ Hans-Christian Günther: Horace's life and work. In: the same (ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace. Leiden and Boston 2013, p. 26.
  38. Suet. vita Hor. 8. […] victisque partibus venia impetrata scriptum quaestorium comparavit .
  39. Hor. Serm. 1, 6, 54 ff.
  40. ^ Robin Nisbet: Collected Papers in Latin Literature , Oxford 1995, pp. 391 ff.
  41. Hor. Serm. 1, 6, 58 ff., Cf. David Armstrong: The Biographical and Social Foundations of Horace Poetic Voice. In: Hans-Christian Günther (Ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace. Leiden and Boston 2013, p. 20.
  42. Hor. Serm. 1, 6, 62.
  43. ^ Hans-Christian Günther: Horace's life and work. In: the same (ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace. Leiden and Boston 2013, p. 25.
  44. Hor. Serm. 1, 5.
  45. Hor. Carm. 3, 4, 28.
  46. ^ Hans-Christian Günther: Horace's life and work. In: the same (ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace. Leiden and Boston 2013, pp. 34–35.
  47. ^ Hans-Christian Günther: Horace's life and work. In: the same (ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace. Leiden and Boston 2013, p. 34.
  48. Hor. Carm 1, 36, 21, cf. also epod. 3, 9.
  49. Hor. Carm. 2, 1. Horace warned Gaius Asinius Pollio several times , who at that time wanted to publish his historical work on the civil war, to return to tragedy and to lighter sounds.
  50. Suet. vita Hor. 65.
  51. ^ Ernst A. Schmidt : Sabinum. Horace and his estate in the Licenzatal . (= Heidelberg Academy of Sciences, Writings of the Philosophical-Historical Class 1997, Volume 1), Heidelberg 1997, p. 20 ff.
  52. Hor. Serm 2, 6, 79-105.
  53. Hor. Carm. 4, 2, 30 ff.
  54. ROAM Lyne: 'Horace. Behind the Public Poetry ', New Haven 1995, p. 10.
  55. Hor. Epist. 1, 1, 7-11.
  56. Hor. Epist. 1, 19, 19-23. O imitatores, servum pecus, ut mihi saepe bilem, saepe iocum vestri movere tumultus! (O imitators, slave cattle, how your scolding often made me bile, often acrid joke.
  57. Hans-Christian Günther: The aesthetics of Augustan poetry: An aesthetics of renunciation. Reflections on the late work of Horace . Leiden / London 2010, p. 68.
  58. Eduard Fraenkel: Horace . Oxford 1957, p. 308 ff .; see Richard Heinze : Die Augusteische Kultur . Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 1960 (ND), pp. 295-304. Heinze referred to the return to the Lucilian poet motif, (see note 3)
  59. See Suet. Vit. Verg. 35–36.
  60. See Suet. Aug. 66.3.
  61. See Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution, Oxford 1939, p. 343.
  62. See Gordon Williams: Did Maecenas “Fall from Favor”? Augustan Literary Patronage. In: Kurt A. Raaflaub, Mark Toher, GW Bowersock (eds.): Between republic and empire: interpretations of Augustus and his principate. Oxford 1990, pp. 261-262. Williams' assertion of mutual trust between the two men is supported by a passage in Seneca the Younger , see Sen. de brev. 6, 32, 4.
  63. See Gordon Williams, Did Maecenas “Fall from Favor? Augustan Literary Patronage ”. In: Kurt A. Raaflaub, Mark Toher and GW Bowersock (eds.): “Between Republic and Empire. Interpretations of Augustus and his Principate ”. Oxford 1990, p. 270.
  64. Suet. vita Hor. 16-17.
  65. CIL 6, 32323, 149.
  66. Hor. Carm. 4, 6.
  67. Kenneth J. Reckford: Horace . (= World Authors, Volume 73), Twayne Publishers, New York 1969, p. 143.
  68. Eduard Fraenkel: Horace . Oxford 1957, p. 18; Hans-Christian Günther: Horace's life and work. In: the same (ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace. Leiden and Boston 2013, p. 47.
  69. ^ Hans-Christian Günther: Horace's life and work. In: the same (ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace. Leiden and Boston 2013, p. 60.
  70. See for example Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff : Sappho and Simonides. Studies on Greek poets ., Berlin 1913, p. 323 "[...] the right mediator between us and the Greeks, against whom he ultimately won the freedom that we too want to claim."; see Ronald Syme : The Roman Aristocracy , Oxford 1986, p. 454.
  71. ^ Hans-Christian Günther: Horace's life and work. In: the same (ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace. Leiden and Boston 2013, p. 57.
  72. See Hans-Christian Günther: Horace's life and work. In: Brill's Companion to Horace. ed. v. Hans-Christian Günther, Leiden / Boston 2013, p. 49.
  73. See John Kevin Newman: Horace as Outsider. (= Spudasmata 136), 2011, p. 20 ff.
  74. See Hor. Carm. 2, 1, 39 ff.
  75. Hor. Carm. 4, 11, 16 ff.
  76. See Suet. vita Hor. 78 ff.
  77. Suet. vita Hor. 16 ff.
  78. Hor. Epist. 1, 2, 27.
  79. Hor. Serm. 2, 3, 325. mille puellarum, puerorum mille furores
  80. Saara Lilja: Homosexuality in Republican and Augustan Rome (= Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum, Volume 74), Helsinki 1983, pp. 70 ff.
  81. Hor. Epist. 1, 4, 15.
  82. Hor. Epist. 1, 20, 24-25.
  83. See Eduard Fraenkel, Horace, Oxford 1957, p. 76.
  84. a b Eckard Lefèvre, Horaz, Munich 1993, p. 61.
  85. See Niall Rudd, Horace. Epistles Book II and the Epistle to the Pisones, Cambridge 1989, pp. 19ff.
  86. See Hor. Oden 1, 16, 24-29.
  87. See Suet. vita Horatii, 45.
  88. See Hor. Oden 4, 1, 28–40.
  89. See Verg. Ecl. 3, 90.
  90. Epodes 10.23
  91. See SJ Harrison, Two Notes on Horace, Epodes (10, 16), in: The Classical Quarterly, Volume 39 (1989), No. 01, pp. 272 ​​ff.
  92. Eckard Lefèvre, Horaz, Munich 1993, p. 75.
  93. See Hor. Epod 1,33.
  94. See Hor. Epod. 16, 66.
  95. Cf. Eduard Fraenkel: Horace. Oxford 1957, p. 48.
  96. Eckard Lefèvre, Horaz, Munich 1993, p. 66.
  97. ^ Hans-Christian Günther: The Book of Iambi. In: the same (ed.): Brill's Companion to Horace, Leiden and Boston 2013, p. 170.
  98. Cf. Eduard Fraenkel: Horace. Oxford 1957, p. 69.
  99. See Lindsay Watson, A Commentary on Horace's Epodes, Oxford 2003, p. 20.
  100. See Hans-Christian Günther, The Two Books of Iambi, in: Brill's Companion to Horace, ed. v. Hans-Christian Günther, Leiden / Boston 2013, p. 172., alternatively, Nisbet / Hubbard, A commentary on Horace, Volume I, Oxford 1970, p. 28 f. Discuss a later date of the ode.
  101. ^ David H. Porter, "Quo, Quo Scelesti Ruitis": The Downward Momentum of Horace's "Epodes", in: Illinois Classical Studies, Volume 20 (1995), p. 129.
  102. ^ David H. Porter, "Quo, Quo Scelesti Ruitis": The Downward Momentum of Horace's "Epodes", in: Illinois Classical Studies, Volume 20 (1995), p. 112.
  103. Stephen J. Heyworth: Horace's Ibis: on the titles, unity and contents of the Epodes, in: Papers of the Leeds International Latin Seminar, Volume 7 (1993), p. 93.
  104. Kathryn J. Gutzwiller, Poetic Garlands. Hellenistic Epigrams in Context. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.
  105. See Hor. Epist. 1,13,1 ff.
  106. See Hans-Christian Günther, The first collection of Odes, in: Brill's Companion to Horace, ed. v. Hans-Christian Günther, Leiden / Boston 2013, p. 213., alternatively, Nisbet / Hubbard, A commentary on Horace, Volume I, Oxford 1970, p. 28 f. Discuss a later date of the ode.
  107. See Hor. Carm. 1,4,14 ff.
  108. Hor. Epist. 1,4,16
  109. [1] DNB link