Henry VII (HRR)


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Codex Balduini Trevirensis : Henry VII is placed on the altar by the seven electors after the election of a king (above) and Henry and his wife Margarete von Brabant are coronated on January 6, 1309 in Aachen (below). Picture chronicle of Elector Baldwin von Trier, Trier around 1340. (Koblenz State Main Archive, inventory 1 C No. 1, Fig. 4b.)
Statue of the emperor from his former tomb in the Pisa Cathedral by Tino di Camaino , 1313, now Museo dell'Opera del Duomo

Henry VII (* 1278/79 in Valenciennes ; † August 24, 1313 in Buonconvento near Siena ) came from the House of Limburg-Luxemburg and was Count of Luxemburg and Laroche and Margrave of Arlon . He was Roman-German King from 1308 to 1313 and from June 29, 1312 Roman-German Emperor . Heinrich was the first of the three emperors of the Holy Roman Empire from the House of Luxembourg.

During the reign of Henry VII, the House of Luxembourg came into the possession of the Kingdom of Bohemia, which laid the foundation for the later important power of the Luxembourgers in the empire. In the German part of the empire Heinrich pursued a consensus-oriented and successful policy. In the autumn of 1310 he made a campaign to Italy to secure the imperial crown. Heinrich VII. Was the first Roman-German king after the Staufer Friedrich II. , Who was also crowned emperor. His energetic work to renew the imperial rule, which he had already begun as king, soon led to a conflict with Guelfi forces in Italy and with the King of Naples (Sicily) Robert von Anjou . In this dispute, Pope Clement V , who had initially cooperated with Heinrich, finally sided with the Guelphs. Heinrich's policy aimed at achieving a balance between the warring groups in imperial Italy failed above all because of the resistance of those involved, who had hoped for a policy in their favor. Heinrich had maintained good relations with the royal court of Paris until his election, but these deteriorated due to his policy in the western border area, where he demanded lost imperial rights. Henry came into conflict with the powerful French King Philip IV .

The empire had continuously lost influence in the previous decades. Heinrich's policy was aimed at the restoration of imperial rights, especially in imperial Italy and in the western border area of ​​the empire. He emphasized the special role of the empire in the sense of the traditional medieval imperial idea . The Renovatio Imperii operated by Heinrich ensured that the empire was once again perceived as a European power factor. After Heinrich's death, however, the universal imperial idea gradually lost its importance again.

While the emperor was often seen more as a dreamer or a dreamer in the older research, his connection to common imperial-universal ideas as well as his actions, which were guided by realpolitical motives, are emphasized in the more recent research.

Life

Heinrichs Grafenzeit

Henry VII was born in Valenciennes as the son of Count Henry VI. born of Luxembourg and Beatrix of Avesnes. His exact year of birth is unknown, but recent research very often advocates 1278/79. Henry VII had two younger brothers, Baldwin and Walram. Little is known about the early years. Count Heinrich VI. fell in the Battle of Worringen in 1288 , so that his mother Beatrix took care of him and the administration of Luxembourg until Heinrich came of age.

In 1292 Heinrich married Margarete von Brabant , which settled the enmity between the two houses that resulted from the Battle of Worringen. Heinrich and Margarete had three children: the son Johann von Luxemburg (1296-1346) and two daughters, Maria (1304-1324) and Beatrix (1305-1319). Albertino Mussato , who had seen Heinrich personally on various occasions , described Heinrich's appearance as a medium-sized, rather skinny man with reddish hair and reddish skin color. He mentioned a squint in the left eye as a specialty.

Henry's mother tongue, as documented several times in the sources, was French , and he had been brought up according to the French ideal of knights . In addition, as a count, he maintained good relations with the court of Paris, where he probably stayed for some time. From 1294 Heinrich ruled independently. In November 1294 he made a feudal oath to the French king Philip IV and received a “feudal pension” in return. A double vassalage towards two gentlemen, as in this case towards the Roman-German king and the French king, was by no means unusual in the western border area of ​​the empire.

As a count, Heinrich always pursued an independent policy that was geared towards his own benefit and was able to record some successes. He stayed largely out of the Franco-German / English war of 1294–1297, although paid for military service on the part of France. He was even able to make a profit by taking action against Heinrich von Bar, an opponent of the Luxembourgers in English service. In the armistice of 1297, Henry appears as France's first ally. He enjoyed quite a reputation. His county was considered to be well administered and he pursued a prudent territorial policy. Conflicts with the Count of Bar and the city of Trier were finally settled, the citizens of the city of Verdun even submitted to the protection of the young Count of Luxembourg in 1293/94. His character was praised by the rather Guelfish (anti-imperial) chronicler Giovanni Villani . The piety of Heinrich and his wife Margarete is repeatedly emphasized in the sources.

Heinrich took part in the coronation of Pope Clement V in November 1305 . Thanks to his good relations, his brother Balduin became Archbishop of Trier in 1307/1308. Due to the ailing financial situation of the diocese of Trier, Heinrich also provided a loan of 40,000 turnoses . At the beginning of May 1308 Heinrich in Nivelles concluded a mutual protection and defensive alliance with several Lower Rhine princes.

King election of 1308

Codex Balduini Trevirensis: The electors elect Count Heinrich of Luxembourg as king. The electors, recognizable by the coats of arms above their heads, are, from left to right, the Archbishops of Cologne, Mainz and Trier, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, the Duke of Saxony, the Margrave of Brandenburg and the King of Bohemia (the latter accepted but not part of the election). (State Main Archive Koblenz, inventory 1 C No. 1 fol.3b)
Aachen coronation of Henry VII and Margaret of Brabant on January 6th, 1309, illustrated chronicle of Elector Baldwin of Trier, Trier around 1340, (Koblenz State Main Archive, inventory 1C No. 1)

After King Albrecht's murder on May 1, 1308, an act with purely personal motives, the electors had to choose a new king. The seven electors, who in the meantime had exclusive royal suffrage, were at the time:

In the elections at the end of 1308, all electors took part except Heinrich von Kärnten, who did not rule in Bohemia. There were several candidates for election. Albrecht's sons would have come into question, but the relationship between the Habsburgs and the electors and especially the four Rhenish electors was very tense. A dynastic succession was hardly in the interests of the voters, who wanted to prevent too strong a kingship that would curtail their privileges. With Karl von Valois , the younger brother of Philip IV, there was even a candidate for the throne from the French royal family. The French election campaign was by no means hopeless, as Heinrich von Virneburg in particular was closely tied to France. Pope Clement V, however, did not unconditionally support this; rather, he seems to have hoped that a new Roman-German king could relieve the Pope in Avignon of the increasing French influence. Clemens V was under massive pressure due to the Templar trial . Philip IV also demanded that a trial should also be opened against the memory of Pope Boniface VIII , who only a few years earlier had fought a serious conflict with Paris.

Henry VII may have toyed with the idea of ​​running shortly after Albrecht's death, but this remains uncertain. In any case, in the late autumn of 1308 he appeared as an applicant and was finally able to prevail. The Archbishop of Cologne, who, in addition to his own electoral vote, also indirectly determined the voting of Saxony and Brandenburg, was won over through large concessions. The choice of the Luxemburger was probably owed to the desire of the electors to choose a capable, but not too strong, king. A French candidate for the throne could have caused the electors more problems, especially since the French policy of expansion in the west of the empire would then have increased. Finally, the skillful election negotiations and the usual accompanying election promises were the decisive factors for Heinrich. In addition to Peter von Aspelt, a supporter of the Luxembourgers, Heinrich's brother Balduin was of great importance in the election of 1308. Baldwin was to play an important role in further politics in the first half of the 14th century. On November 27, 1308 Heinrich was elected in Frankfurt am Main by the six electors present, on January 6, 1309 he was crowned together with his wife Margarete in the imperial city of Aachen. The election was reported to Pope Clement V without a request for approval .

As king, Heinrich had ordinal number VII, which meant that Heinrich (VII) from Staufer was passed over. Presumably the Hohenstaufen was not counted because he did not rule completely independently and played no role in the memory of the electors.

Political action in Germany

Henry VII was confronted with some problems in the empire when he took office. During the reign of its two predecessors, Adolf von Nassau and Albrecht I , the kingship had been in conflict with several princes who disliked the domestic power policy of both kings, especially in Central Germany. In contrast to Adolf von Nassau, Albrecht had been able to assert himself against the electors, but the continuing tensions damaged the reputation of the king and also hindered the effective exercise of rule. Heinrich chose a fresh start and came to an understanding early on, especially with the Habsburgs, who were not taken into account in the 1308 election.

In June 1309 Heinrich confirmed the rights of the new Confederation ( Uri , Schwyz and Unterwalden ), which identified its members as direct subjects of the king, which gave Heinrich a certain amount of influence in this area. However, Heinrich's attempt to declare the Gotthard Pass as a new direct imperial area in order to have the important southern connection better under control was in vain . However, he ensured calm conditions in this region, intervening in an area in which the Habsburgs were also pursuing interests. The relationship between the king and the Habsburgs initially remained open: Heinrich could not be sure how the Habsburgs would behave; conversely, the Habsburgs feared that the new king would confirm their rights to rule. During the court conference in Speyer in August / September 1309, at which the Habsburgs were also represented, Heinrich had the corpses of his two predecessors reburied there with some effort. The subsequent negotiations with the Habsburgs were initially tense, but an agreement was soon reached. On September 17, 1309, Heinrich confirmed the rights of the Habsburgs and subsequently condemned Albrecht's murderers, who were deprived of “honor and justice”. The Habsburgs gave up their remaining claims to the Kingdom of Bohemia and provided Heinrich with troops and a loan; in return they received the margravate of Moravia as a pledge . A mutually satisfactory agreement was thus reached. The Habsburgs supported Heinrich's policy in the following period, which was a success for the new king.

Heinrich also cooperated with the other greats of the empire, such as the Wittelsbachers , who later participated with troops in the Rome train. The importance of the consensus between the king and the great in the context of medieval rule is increasingly emphasized in recent research; one speaks of " consensual rule ". The remaining imperial property , which had been reduced during the interregnum , was put in order. The tense financial situation of the kingship remained problematic, as the income was comparatively low. In the summer of 1310 a country peace was proclaimed for the Upper Rhine region.

Henry's effective royal rule was limited, as his travel routes in the empire ( Itinerar ) make clear, essentially to the south of the empire; to this or to the Upper Rhine region (the so-called “king-like” landscapes) he also restricted the usual king's ride and his subsequent stays until autumn 1310. The north German area, on the other hand, had been an area since the late Staufer period where kingship no longer existed could intervene effectively ("areas remote from the king"). Heinrich held court days in Speyer (August / September 1309 and early September 1310) and in Frankfurt am Main (July 1310). In addition to preparing the Rome move, which was planned at an early stage, these also served to regulate the political situation in the German part of the empire, where there were no more threatening conflicts. Heinrich VII supported the Lower Swabian Association of Cities in their dispute with Count Eberhard von Württemberg , who pursued an aggressive territorial policy; The imperial war was declared against Eberhard in the late summer of 1310 , which lasted until 1316. Otherwise the royal rule of Henry VII was unchallenged.

Heinrich von Villers-Bettnach, Bishop of Trent , was in charge of the royal chancellery, in which some rhetorically impressive statements were made, especially during the Italian move . Simon von Marville and Heinrich von Geldonia, among others, acted as notaries in the office; In the course of the Rome train, Italians were also added, including Bernhard von Mercato. Due to the short reign of Heinrich and the problematic tradition, court life can only be reconstructed in sketch form. It was evidently shaped by the French court culture, just as several people from the Romanesque west of the empire belonged to Henry's immediate circle, B. Count Heinrich von Flanders and his brother Guido von Namur , both relatives of the king, or Bishop Theobald von Lüttich , who was killed during the street fighting in Rome in 1312.

In contrast to his predecessors Adolf von Nassau and Albrecht, Heinrich initially did not interfere in the Wettin disputes over the Margraviate of Meißen and the Landgraviate of Thuringia , but held to the principle that both territories were now under the control of the Crown. The relationship between Frederick the Free and Heinrich remained unresolved until the end of 1310; Above all, Heinrich did not grant the Wettiner the desired claims for a long time. It was not until December 1310, when he was already in Italy, that the king renounced his claim with regard to Thuringia and Meissen, with which Friedrich was now enfeoffed. In return, Heinrich received the support of the Wettins with regard to the Luxembourg claims in Bohemia .

Codex Balduini Trevirensis: marriage of Heinrich's son Johann with Elisabeth of Böhmen

In Bohemia there have been unsettled conditions in the male line since the Přemyslids died out in 1306. Heinrich of Carinthia, king of Bohemia since 1307, had made himself very unpopular through his politics, even a civil war seemed to be threatened. Influential opposition Bohemian circles had therefore already made contact with Henry VII in August 1309, who was staying in Heilbronn at the time. Whether a candidate for the Luxembourg throne was considered at that time remains open based on the sources, but it is likely in view of later developments. In July 1310, conversations were resumed to persuade Heinrich to intervene. Heinrich now seized this opportunity, since Bohemia was one of the most important imperial territories and offered a power-political perspective for the House of Luxembourg. Heinrich initially hoped for the crown of Bohemia for his second brother Walram, but this was more likely to be rejected. Soon afterwards an agreement was reached between Heinrich and Heinrich's Bohemian opponents of Carinthia; the latter was declared deposed. On August 30, 1310, Henry VII enfeoffed his 14-year-old son Johann with Bohemia. On the same day Johann married Elisabeth in Speyer , the sister of the last recognized King of Bohemia, which also legitimized the Luxembourg claim. Soon after, Johann went to Bohemia, where he was able to quickly establish himself. Heinrich von Kärnten was expelled from Prague at the end of 1310. He withdrew to his hereditary lands and did not play a decisive role in the following period, although he again claimed the Bohemian vote for himself in the double election in 1314 and voted for the Habsburg Frederick .

The acquisition of Bohemia was the greatest success of Heinrich's policy in the German part of the empire. With this, the Counts of Luxembourg, territorial lords on the left bank of the Rhine, came into possession of the hereditary royal crown of a rich territory. Bohemia was to become the cornerstone of Luxembourg's domestic power, which was considerably expanded in the following years. Heinrich himself did nothing in this regard, since the Italian march was imminent. The next steps were now in the hands of Johann, who was to act as royal vicar in the German part of the empire during the Rome move.

French policy

Grave bust of Philip IV.

While Heinrich had good relations with the French royal court as a count, he tried, as the Roman-German king, to stop France’s policy of expansion, which had been going on since the 13th century. Heinrich's predecessor Albrecht had come to an understanding with Philip IV at a meeting in Quatrevaux in December 1299 and made territorial concessions in the process. The Luxembourger was not ready to take a similar step. Heinrich appointed royal vicars as early as 1309, for example for the county of Cambrai at the end of May 1309 , and asked several ecclesiastical and secular rulers in this room to personally receive the regalia from his hand. All in all, it was at least possible to ease the French pressure on the border regions. The king's measures were also in the interests of many territorial lords on the left bank of the Rhine, who were put under great pressure by the French king. In Paris there was also concern about the involvement of the Roman-German king. At the urging of the Pope, Heinrich tried to come to an agreement with Philip IV. At the end of June 1310, the so-called Treaty of Paris was signed. Disputed questions should therefore be decided by arbitration tribunals. However, after French troops unexpectedly marched into Lyon in June 1310 , which formally belonged to the empire, Heinrich broke off contact with Philip for the time being.

In April 1311, Clement V had largely come to an understanding with Philip IV regarding the Templar trial and the trial against the memory of Boniface VIII. The Pope exhorted Henry, who was already in Italy, to come to an agreement with the French king. The tensions between Heinrich and Philipp remained, however. Henry was evidently unwilling to make major concessions to the French king after Philip had illegally occupied Lyon. As the future emperor, Heinrich was very careful about his reputation; this implied, among other things, the preservation and reclamation of imperial rights. On the other hand, Philip looked suspiciously at the coronation of the emperor and the associated gain in reputation of his former vassal. The resumption of the old imperial Italian policy, which seemed to have ended with the end of the Hohenstaufen dynasty, also affected French interests, for example in southern Italy, where the Anjou family ruled a side line of the French royal family. Added to this were the unresolved problems in the western border area, not least in the old kingdom of Arelat , where Heinrich could intervene as emperor. Until 1313 Heinrich was mainly bound in Italy; but shortly after the coronation of the emperor he complained that Philip was robbing the country.

Initial relationship with the papacy and preparation for the Rome procession

The Holy Roman Empire around the time of Henry VII.

Heinrich's plans for a trip to Rome and a more active Italian policy had already become clear in the election announcement to the Pope, in which the wish for an early coronation was expressed. In the early summer of 1309, an embassy from Heinrich traveled to the Pope in Avignon , where he now resided (see Avignon Papacy ). The negotiations, during which the royal ambassadors were emphatically humble towards the Pope, were successful: Pope Clemens V declared himself ready to have Henry crowned Emperor. Originally, February 2, 1312, the 350th anniversary of Otto the Great's coronation, was planned , but this date was to be postponed later. Heinrich was dependent on a good relationship with the Pope, since he alone was authorized to be crowned emperor. Conversely, Clemens, who was increasingly exposed to pressure from Philip IV in Avignon, hoped for support from the future emperor and probably also a stabilization of the Italian situation. However, it turned out that the Pope was not always up to the French pressure; after the agreement with Philip IV regarding Boniface VIII in the spring of 1311, he increasingly distanced himself from Heinrich. For the time being, however, the Pope and the future emperor cooperated, which was not a matter of course after the end of the Staufers and the associated tensions between the two universal powers.

The resumption of the old imperial Italian policy did not come as a complete surprise, because Rudolf von Habsburg had already tried (albeit in vain) for the imperial crown. The imperial crown represented the highest secular dignity in Catholic Europe and enabled the undisputed exercise of rule in the Arelat as well as the election of a Roman-German king while the emperor was still alive. The financial strength of the Italian municipalities was extremely high. The exercise of rulership rights in imperial Italy therefore enabled much higher monetary income than in the German part of the empire, and Henry VII was dependent on this income.

Henry VII apparently intended early on to renew the empire and to tie in with the old imperial universal conceptions. In his vicinity there were already some imperial-minded Italians in Germany, who may have encouraged him in this. Heinrich sent embassies to imperial Italy as early as the summer of 1309 to announce his move to Rome, further embassies followed in 1310. Their reports were evidently so positive that Heinrich expected the Italian move to go smoothly. The Italian train had not only been well prepared diplomatically. At the court days in Speyer and Frankfurt (see above), Heinrich set the course for the smooth start of the trip to Rome. However, in the run-up to the Italian march in summer / autumn 1310, there were still problematic negotiations with the Curia in Avignon. Clement V insisted that the king should renounce certain claims to power in Italy in favor of the church. Heinrich declared himself ready to take the usual security oath of the Roman-German kings towards the Pope, but protested against the abandonment of imperial rights. The Pope stubbornly held on to it. Heinrich finally agreed to do so in October 1310 in Lausanne while he was already on the way to Italy. Time was pressing and the king apparently wanted to avoid a conflict. The disputed points seemed to have been resolved, but the dispute should arise again later in Italy.

The Italian train up to the imperial coronation

Starting position

Codex Balduini Trevirensis: Henry VII's crossing of the Alps in October 1310 with his army. (Koblenz, State Main Archives, holdings 1 C 1, fol. 7)

Henry VII had ensured safe conditions in the German part of the empire and thus created an important prerequisite for his wide-ranging imperial policy. Embassies crossed the Alps before Heinrich in order to diplomatically gain recognition for his rule. Even in relation to Venice , which had never considered itself part of the empire, Heinrich apparently claimed rights of rule and regarded the city as part of the empire; a claim that Venice never accepted.

At the end of October 1310, Heinrich crossed the Alps via Mont Cenis to Italy, while his son Johann stayed behind as imperial vicar. The core of the army consisted of 5,000 men; the number of troops was often considered too small in research, but it seemed sufficient in view of the positive legation reports and the platoon's primary goal, the coronation of the emperor. Heinrich's entourage included a few secular and clerical princes, most of whom came from the Romanesque west of the empire; his wife Margarete and his two brothers Balduin and Walram also accompanied him. Various Italian sources in particular report in detail about Heinrich's move to Rome, as more than 50 years had passed since the last stay of a Roman-German king south of the Alps.

In imperial Italy, large circles hoped that the future emperor would intervene to regulate the unstable political situation. These were characterized by conflicts within several municipalities as well as between different cities. Ghibellines and Guelphs were often hostile to each other. However, there was no sharp separation between the two groups. In Italy, Henry VII was greeted by the Ghibellines, who were loyal to the emperor (at least formally), as well as by several Guelphs and initially received a friendly reception. The Guelphs in particular hoped that Heinrich would confirm their rights, which they had usurped in the last decades when no king had set foot in Italy . The imperial supporters, however, wanted Heinrich to take their side. Venice, on the other hand, was in dispute with the Pope over Ferrara and hoped for Heinrich's support in Avignon.

The House of Anjou, a branch of the French royal family, had ruled in the Kingdom of Sicily since 1266. However, since the Sicilian Vespers in 1282, the rule of the Anjous was limited to the sub-Italian mainland, which is why their empire is often referred to as the Kingdom of Naples for this period. Sicily was ruled by Frederick from the House of Aragon since 1296 , who was able to repel all attempts at reconquering the Anjous. Robert von Anjou , a feudal man of both the Pope (for the Kingdom of Naples) and the Roman-German king (for Provence and Forcalquier ), ruled in Naples since 1309 . While Robert made superficial efforts to maintain good relations with Heinrich, he partly covertly and partly openly supported his opponents in northern Italy. A marriage alliance between the houses of Luxemburg and Anjou, initiated by the Curia, was negotiated from the autumn of 1310 to the summer of 1312. The project failed, however, not least because Robert screwed up his demands and stuck to his support for the Guelphs in Imperial Italy. Robert had long since come to terms with Florence, which was hostile to Heinrich's Italian policy. But Naples and Florence were not only linked by common political goals, Robert was also dependent on Florentine financial strength. Robert repeatedly sent mercenaries north to fight against imperial troops. This happened quite openly in May 1312 in Rome.

From the Alpine crossing to the Milan uprising

At the beginning of the move to Rome, Heinrich seriously tried to find a compromise with the Guelphs and pursued a general policy of equalization and peace, with the aim of returning those exiled from both sides for political reasons to their hometowns. Heinrich repeatedly expressed his intention not to allow himself to be captured by any side. However, he was eventually forced to take sides in favor of the Ghibellines and Guelphs loyal to the emperor (the so-called "white Guelfs"). Responsible for this was above all the resistance of the Guelfish-dominated municipalities, who were suspicious of Heinrich's peace policy and were not interested in a return of the politically exiled, since these were mainly Ghibellines and white Guelfs. Heinrich's efforts have been judged by some scholars to be unworldly in view of the confused situation in Italy, but they were well embedded in his general political objectives. Heinrich tried repeatedly to bring the hostile groups together in the communes in order to ensure more stable conditions. The king tried this approach at the beginning of the Rome expedition in the city of Asti , where he stayed in November / December 1310. First, he had the municipality publicly confirm their loyalty. He then tried to reconcile the warring local families Solari and de Castello. In fact, the king took over direct governance over the commune and acted as an arbitrator.

Codex Balduini Trevirensis: Entry of Henry VII into Milan (above) and coronation with the Iron Crown (below). State Main Archive Koblenz, inventory 1 C No. 1 fol. 9

After his arrival in Italy, Henry VII initially stayed in the Turin area . A first embassy from the Lombard cities paid homage to him there. In imperial Italy, the king repeatedly intervened in the internal affairs of the communes and had their recognition of imperial supremacy confirmed in documents, as the example of the city of Asti already mentioned shows. This approach points to the increasing importance of written rule in the late Middle Ages. The king also tried to establish an administration in northern Italy by appointing royal vicars. His brother-in-law Amadeus V of Savoy , who played an essential role in this, was appointed governor-general. Recent research also shows that Heinrich not only used the financial power of the municipalities, but also had a relatively "modern" financial administration, in which Simon Philippi and Gille de la Marcelle acted as treasurers. In this context, the progressive accounting that was already widespread in Italy was used intensively as an instrument of power.

As a result of Heinrich's measures, especially the interference with communal rights, a conflict finally arose between the king and the self-confident communes. Heinrich's measures to safeguard imperial rights in imperial Italy therefore soon encountered resistance from anti-imperial forces. Especially Guido della Torre , the Guelfi lord of Milan , felt threatened by it. While some other Guelphs wanted to wait and see how the king behaved towards them, according to the chronicler Giovanni da Cermenate, Guido angrily exclaimed during a meeting of the Guelphs: "What does this German Heinrich want from me?" However, Guido initially relented when Heinrich arrived before Milan at the end of December 1310 and entered the city as part of the usual festive rulers' entry ( adventus regis ). Heinrich first had the recognition of his rule confirmed by an oath of loyalty from the Milanese. He also endeavored to mediate in Milan in the conflict there between Guido della Torre and his rival Matteo I. Visconti ; at least superficially and for the time being, the warring sides were reconciled. On January 6, 1311, Henry VII was the first Roman-German king after the Hohenstaufen Henry VI in Milan . crowned with the newly made iron crown of the Lombards . The city of Milan had promised the king a large sum of money, which Guido had, however, raised further, creating a sudden tension. Heinrich was not prepared to waive the promised payment and also demanded hostages from the Milanese for the further train. In February 1311 an uprising broke out in Milan, which put Heinrich's restoration policy in serious danger and in which Guido della Torre was probably significantly involved. In Milan the unrest was quickly brought to an end by the royal troops, but uprisings soon followed in several other municipalities.

After Guido had fled, Heinrich Matteo Visconti deployed in Milan. In the following years he opened several lawsuits against rebellious cities and forced some down with armed force. Although Heinrich continued to stick to the idea of ​​a compromise, the political situation forced him to take a different course. Repeatedly he was forced to fall back on mainly Ghibelline vicars and city lords, which further increased tensions with the Guelphs. The complex political situation in Imperial Italy now actually forced Heinrich to decide on a camp; Added to this was the resistance of France and the Kingdom of Naples (Sicily) to its Italian policy.

Cremona and Brescia

Codex Balduini Trevirensis: Miniature with the imperial criminal court against the rebellious castle San Giovanni 1312 (State Main Archives Koblenz, inventory 1 C No. 1 fol. 27)

In the spring / summer of 1311 there were heavy fighting in northern Italy. Heinrich took military action mainly against the cities of Cremona and Brescia . Cremona submitted quickly, but was punished quite severely; it probably played a role that Heinrich wanted to take a stand against the rebels. Brescia put up bitter resistance for several months. Heinrich's brother Walram died in the course of the siege, while an epidemic broke out in the army and the troops were decimated. Only in September 1311 did the city capitulate. Heinrich publicly announced that the rebels deserved death, but that he was giving them life out of mildness. Harsh punitive measures followed against Brescia, along with heavy fines, the walls were torn down.

In both the Cremonas and Brescia cases, the submission ( deditio ) of the commune was staged in a public setting . The historiographical tradition is rich and the different reports allow a relatively clear picture of these events. High-ranking citizens of the commune appeared in Cremona, who - according to Albertino Mussato , demonstratively wearing mourning clothes - wanted to lead the king into the city. Their goal was to vote the king as benevolent as possible, but they ultimately failed in their endeavor. The Dino Compagnis report on the deditio Cremonas is noteworthy . According to him, the citizens threw themselves before the king and complained bitterly; they are ready to obey if Heinrich renounces the appointment of a vicar in their city. The king did not respond, but the citizens were allegedly encouraged by letters to make another attempt. High-ranking citizens then appeared again before Heinrich, this time barefoot and clad in simple shirts. They had put ropes around their necks to show their submission and asked for leniency. Heinrich did not accept this either. According to Dino's report, he drew his sword and forced the delegation to pass under it into the city; then he had her arrested. Preserving the royal claim to rule played a role here; in the case of Brescia, the punitive measures also reflect the severity of the fighting. In June 1311, for example, the captive leader of the Guelphs of Brescia, Tebaldo Brusati, was executed in a particularly brutal manner; in Brescia, prisoners within sight of the imperial camp were then killed.

Although the uprisings gave Heinrich little choice and his punitive measures were by no means unusual for the circumstances at the time, he gambled away some sympathies. Above all, however, it gave his opponents the opportunity to brand the king as an alleged "tyrant" and to remind them of the punitive measures taken by earlier Roman-German rulers. This negative stylization of the king by the Guelphs and especially Florence, where he was finally denied his rightful title as rex Romanorum ("King of the Romans"), continued after Henry's death. In the course of time more and more Guelfs of his retinue turned away from him; therefore he had to rely more on Ghibelline supporters.

Stay in Genoa and Pisa

Heinrich moved on from Brescia to Genoa , where he gathered his remaining strength and also intervened in the political situation of the city. Heinrich's wife Margarete died there on December 14, 1311, and she was also buried there. In Genoa, the king expressed anger at the policy of Robert of Anjou, who had refused to pay homage to Heinrich for his imperial fiefs. The wait-and-see, soon openly hostile attitude of Florence was another serious problem. Florence and several other Guelfi cities had already formed an alliance that was clearly directed against Henry and his policy of regaining old imperial rule in Italy. Heinrich opened a lawsuit against Florence at the end of 1311 and verbally accused the city of abandoning the imperial order. On December 24, 1311, he imposed the ban on the Reich, the real impact of which was rather minor.

Due to the schedule for the coronation of the emperor, Heinrich did not move against Florence, but in February 1312 went by sea with a small army to the Ghibelline Pisa . There he was received in a very friendly way at the beginning of March 1312, especially as the Pisans hoped to benefit from the action against Pisa's arch rival Florence. The court days held in Pavia in October 1311 and in Pisa in March / April 1312 served to stabilize imperial rule in Italy. After the Milan uprising, this was clearly shaken. Parma, Reggio, Asti, Vercelli and Pavia were to join the Guelph League under the leadership of Florence and Bologna in the course of the Rome march, but forces loyal to the imperial still held their ground in larger parts of imperial Italy; the connection to the north also remained open. Initially, only Heinrich's equalization policy had failed, not his Italian policy as a whole. At the end of April 1312 he moved to Rome for the planned coronation as emperor.

The imperial coronation and its consequences

Codex Balduini Trevirensis: The coronation of Henry VII as emperor by the cardinals sent by the Pope (recognizable by the red hats).

When Heinrich reached Rome in early May 1312, the resistance against him had long been built up. This was staged by Robert von Anjou, who had sent mercenaries to Rome, and executed by the Orsini family, who were Guelfish-minded . Soon afterwards there was heavy fighting in the city, as the Guelfi troops blocked Heinrich's access to St. Peter, where the Roman-German emperors were traditionally crowned. Neapolitan troops under the command of Robert's brother Johann von Gravina were also involved in the fighting. The imperial troops tried repeatedly to gain access by force; The bitter battles on May 26, 1312 were particularly costly. However, there was no breakthrough. Nevertheless, Henry's coronation as emperor by the cardinals sent by the Pope took place on June 29, 1312. The three cardinals present in Rome, including Nicholas of Prato , who was friendly to the emperor , wanted to wait for news from Avignon first. However, when the mood in the city became increasingly irritable and there was unrest in the vicinity of the papal delegation, they were forced to act. The imperial coronation was carried out in the Lateran basilica instead of St. Peter .

Following the solemn coronation, Heinrich passed a heretic law. This corresponded to normal contemporary expectations that the emperor was the secular protector of Christianity. He then issued a coronation encyclical and sent it to several secular and spiritual princes of Europe. It is a regular plea for the imperial universal power, in which the heavenly and earthly order are interpreted as similar in essence, written by Heinrich's scholarly advisors. The Arenga explains that just as God commands everything in heaven, all people on earth must obey the emperor; it is his task to overcome the fragmentation of worldly dominions. These statements, which are quite unique in this form were partially interpreted in research as escapist attempt to formulate the "imperial world domination", but Henry's statements as an expression of imperial idea to understand.

Henry VII was evidently permeated by the dignity of the imperial office and tried to re-establish the empire politically after it had played no role for several decades. In doing so, he tied in with well-known imperial universal ideas in the manner of corresponding ideas from the Staufer period. While the papal leadership role was emphasized in spiritual questions, the emperor claimed priority in secular questions. Emperor and Pope should act together for the good of Christianity and secure peace. This objective legitimized the by no means new imperial "claim to world domination". In many respects this was only of a formal nature, but was vehemently defended by scholars among the imperial partisans, for example by Engelbert von Admont and Dante Alighieri in the early 14th century . The French King Philip IV, however, was outraged and reacted disparagingly to Heinrich's remarks. Apparently Philip feared an imperial claim to priority, which the self-confident French king wanted to oppose. In addition, the concrete conflict of interests that existed because of Heinrich's efforts to safeguard imperial rights in the border area with France also played a role. Later on there were also biting reactions from Naples. The English King Edward II reacted quite differently, who only took note of the declaration and congratulated the emperor on his coronation.

The papal curia had meanwhile withdrawn from Heinrich. At the end of March 1312, French and Angiovini ambassadors intervened with the Pope and raised serious charges against the Roman-German king; they pointed out the danger that this posed for Robert of Anjou. Clemens V, who politically disliked Henry's policy of renewal more and more and who also gave in to pressure from the French king, allowed himself to be influenced by it and took Robert's side entirely. Only a few days before the imperial coronation, the Pope ordered a truce between Heinrich and Robert; moreover, Heinrich was to leave Rome immediately after his coronation as emperor. In the summer of 1312, Clemens forbade the emperor to attack the Kingdom of Naples. Heinrich protested vehemently against this, because the armistice decree implied a papal claim to secular supremacy over him. Heinrich had never recognized such a person. Before leaving for Italy in October 1310, he had sworn an oath to protect the Pope and the Church and to fight heretics. Heinrich now protested against any interference by the Pope, and he also consulted lawyers for his support. With regard to the conflict with Robert, the emperor also pointed out that it was Robert who had always behaved in a hostile manner and had criminally neglected his loyalty to Heinrich. Heinrich now intended to react to this. There were even tracts of the imperial side in which the imperial universal authority was emphasized in worldly affairs, just as in the Hohenstaufen era.

From the coronation of the emperor to the death of Henry VII.

Codex Balduini Trevirensis: Death of Emperor Henry VII (State Main Archive Koblenz, inventory 1 C No. 1 fol. 35)

With his policy of renewing imperial power, Henry VII finally came into conflict with Robert of Anjou, the Pope, the Guelfan communes - especially the mighty Florence - and the King of France. Although the situation in Northern Italy remained problematic for the emperor and part of his retinue left for Germany after the coronation, he still had a number of allies, including Pisa and King Frederick of Sicily ("Trinacria"). Heinrich had been in contact with Friedrich, a bitter enemy of Robert, for several months. In July 1312, the two rulers concluded an alliance against the express will of the Pope, which was primarily directed against Robert. Friedrich not only offered his military support, but also assured the emperor large amounts of money, on which Heinrich was dependent. The papal prohibition of an attack on the Kingdom of Naples was apparently intended to protect Robert, as the most important papal ally in Italy, from an Imperial Sicilian attack, but preparations for war continued. In July 1312, Heinrich gave instructions to Genoa and Pisa to provide military forces. Even Venice received instructions to that effect, which remained without consequence; At the end of May / beginning of June 1313 final negotiations between the imperial ambassadors and Venice took place again.

Heinrich had left Rome for good at the end of August 1312 and went to Arezzo on imperial territory. There he initiated the trial of Robert von Anjou and prepared the attack on Florence, the center of the Guelfi resistance in imperial Italy. In mid-September he defeated the Florentines at Incisa in open battle, then began the siege of the Arno city. The imperial army, however, was too small to completely enclose the city and force it to surrender. During this time Heinrich fell ill with malaria . Finally, he broke off the siege of Florence in October 1312. However, he stayed in Tuscany for the next few months and had the strategically important city of Poggibonsi , which was loyal to the emperor and destroyed by the Florentines, rebuilt under the name of Monte Imperiale (Kaiserberg).

The emperor went to Pisa in early March 1313, where he passed laws against crimes of majesty ( crimen laesae maiestatis ). Every rebellion against the emperor was taken as a sin against the divine worldly order; Robert of Anjou was shortly thereafter sentenced to death by the emperor in absentia on April 26, 1313. The laws were inserted into the late antique Corpus Iuris Civilis and later commented on by Bartolus de Saxoferrato . In any case, the conflict between the Emperor and the King of Naples, behind which the King of France and the Pope stood, had an impact on legal history. The lawyers Roberts and the Pope, whose vassal Robert was for the Kingdom of Naples, vehemently objected to the condemnation: The emperor did not exercise unlimited jurisdiction. Any judicial power of disposal of the emperor with regard to Robert was disputed in papal reports. While the imperial universal claim with reference to the sovereignty claim of other rulers was denied, the papal universal claim was retained. On the other hand, imperial lawyers argued that wherever Roman law prevails, on which Heinrich relied in large parts, the emperor at least formally exercises a world imperial office. This was followed by a veritable flood of anti-imperial treatises from the Angiovinian side, in which "the Germans" were partly polemically blamed for unrest in Italy and even portrayed the institution of imperialism as obsolete.

The emperor was determined to militarily eliminate Robert of Anjou. A Pisan-Sicilian fleet under the command of Frederick, who had been appointed Imperial Admiral, was supposed to attack the Kingdom of Naples from the sea, while in August 1313 the emperor set out south with around 4,000 knights by land and requested reinforcements from Germany. Elector Baldwin had already set out for Germany in March 1313 in order to lead additional troops south in the summer. The Pope was apparently concerned about the impending invasion; In June 1313 he threatened anyone who attacked the Kingdom of Naples with excommunication. Heinrich, however, was not impressed by this and continued the preparations; He informed the Pope that the attack was not directed against the interests of the Church, but only served to try a majesty criminal and enemy of the Reich. Before the invasion began, Siena was besieged , and the emperor fell seriously ill with malaria again. Shortly afterwards he died on August 24, 1313 in the small town of Buonconvento .

False rumors soon arose that the emperor had been poisoned by his confessor, perhaps even on papal orders. His death was a great relief for Robert of Naples, who had to fear an invasion of his empire; hence Robert was also linked to the murder rumors. In addition, there was definitely sympathy for the emperor in the Kingdom of Naples. Pope Clement V soon made it clear once again that he openly disapproved of Heinrich's actions against Robert of Anjou. The imperial judgment against Robert was declared invalid by the Pope and the prohibition of an attack on the Kingdom of Naples was affirmed. In papal reports, the emperor was even demoted to a vassal of the pope; Significantly, however, this only happened after Heinrich's death.

Heinrich's body was solemnly transferred to Pisa and buried there in the cathedral in a splendid tomb built later, of which only fragments have survived today. the related reconstruction is controversial in research. The tomb of Henry in Pisa and that of his wife Margaret in Genoa, which are also not completely preserved, play an important role in the memoria , the maintenance of the manorial memory. This was of importance for the House of Luxembourg, which should not be underestimated, as one could now refer to an emperor and a queen in the context of the medieval culture of remembrance. The associated gain in prestige of the Luxembourgers, but also of the cities concerned (especially in the emperor-friendly Pisa) should be presented to the public through the representative tombs. The imperial memoria was also referred to in the biography of Baldwin of Trier .

The situation in Imperial Italy and in Germany after Heinrich's death

His unexpected death was a catastrophe for the supporters of the emperor in Italy, even though the Ghibellines were to achieve a great victory over Florence at Montecatini on August 29, 1315 . This success shows that the imperial-minded forces were still a militarily serious factor in imperial Italy. The imperial army disbanded at the end of 1313, although some of the participants in the campaign remained in Italy as mercenaries. The imperial chancellery even stayed behind in Italy. The political situation in imperial Italy remained confused and the fighting between the communes continued; some continued to pursue an aggressive policy of expansion in the period that followed. The stabilization of the situation in Italy, which many had hoped for, was thwarted by the early death of the emperor, who appeared to the historians of the time to be a sympathetic character. Instead, the signory gained further impetus as a form of rule in the communes of imperial Italy (see, for example, Castruccio Castracani ) after Heinrich repeatedly had to fall back on local rulers. The death of Heinrich meant the de facto end of traditional imperial Italian policy. The subsequent emperors were to be content with much lower goals and were content to collect money in imperial Italy. The imperial claim to rule remained, at least formally, well into the early modern period.

After the sudden death of the emperor, there was initially confusion in Germany. The great people of the empire had not had bad experiences with the choice of the Luxemburgers; on the contrary: Heinrich had respected the rights of the princes and ruled by consensus; conversely, the princes had actively supported the imperial Italian policy and the renewal of the empire. The question now arose as to which candidate would act similarly and not primarily pursue their own domestic power interests. The choice of Heinrich's son Johann did not seem to be ruled out, but failed because of the different interests of the electors. Some, like Archbishop Heinrich von Köln, wanted to prevent a Luxembourg concentration of power. A renewed French election initiative came to nothing. The Habsburg Frederick the Beautiful , however, also offered himself as a candidate. Soon it came to the formation of Luxembourg and Habsburg electoral groups; Heinrich von Carinthia joined the latter and renewed his claim to the Bohemian electoral vote. The situation was complicated and the negotiations were fruitless for almost a year. Johann was persuaded by Baldwin von Trier and Archbishop Peter von Mainz to renounce his candidacy. Now the Luxembourg party supported Ludwig Wittelsbach , while the Habsburg electorate voted for Friedrich. There was a double election in October 1314, which resulted in an open battle for the throne that lasted until 1322. The unity achieved in the empire under Heinrich was broken for several years. In terms of the history of ideas, Heinrich's imperial policy had significant effects, especially on the debate about the role of the empire. This was to shape the reign of Ludwig of Bavaria.

Aftermath

Medieval judgments

Henry VII's move to Italy attracted great attention from contemporaries. The contemporary historians generally praised Heinrich's personality and assigned him all the medieval topoi of a just ruler. In Italy, some circles hoped that his intervention would primarily put an end to the constant internal and external struggles of the municipalities, and therefore associated positive expectations with the move to Italy.

Bishop Nikolaus von Butrinto accompanied the emperor on the Italian expedition. He was the only participant to write a report about it, which he presented to Pope Clement V. In it, Heinrich is described very positively. The emperor-friendly Florentine Dino Compagni praised the appearance of the future emperor panegyric in the third and last book of his chronicle, which ends in 1312. Compagni had high expectations of Heinrich, especially with regard to the pacification of imperial Italy and a containment of the Guelfi policy of Florence. Albertino Mussato from Padua wrote a detailed history of the Rome train in 16 books ( De gestis Henrici VII Cesaris ). Mussato certainly sympathized with the emperor and characterized him very positively, but accused him of his actions against the Guelphs. Even Giovanni da Cermenate was inspired by the appearance of the Emperor in Italy to write a history of Romzugs that contains important material. Ferreto de Ferreti from Vicenza was like Mussato and da Cermenate an early humanist scholar. He dealt with the Romzug quite extensively as part of his historical work, which began in 1250, and praised Heinrich's character, although he was rather distant about the renewal of the empire. Giovanni Villani describes Heinrich's journey to Italy in the 9th book of his important chronicle. Even though he was a Florentine Guelph, he did not judge the emperor negatively, but also benevolently and pointed out the threat that Heinrich posed to the Guelphs and Robert of Naples. The notary Giovanni di Lemmo from Comugnori considered in his diary ( Diario ), which lasted until 1319, not only personal events but also the Italian train. He offers valuable descriptions of this. Heinrich's appearance apparently impressed Giovanni, as he traveled to Pisa specifically to see the Roman-German king. Guglielmo Cortusi from Padua wrote a historical work ranging from 1237 to 1358, the focus of which is on the events in Lombardy. Heinrich is not described without sympathy, although his interventions in local affairs are rather negative.

The chroniclers from the German part of the empire (with the exception of Nikolaus von Butrinto, who took part in the Romzug) describe Heinrich's reign much more briefly than the Italian historians, with the focus being on his activities north of the Alps. He is mentioned by numerous chroniclers, such as Ottokar from der Gaal (in his rhyming chronicle ), Matthias von Neuenburg , Johann von Viktring , Peter von Zittau and Johannes von Winterthur . The so-called Imperator Heinricus has been anonymously handed down , a report of deeds in favor of Heinrich's Italian policy, which a Mainz cleric wrote shortly after the emperor's death. All representations describe Heinrich favorably and assess his reign as positive.

Heinrich's reign was also reflected in numerous local works. This happened particularly positively in the late medieval Meuse-Moselle literature, in which it was given a very high priority.

As part of the memory maintenance ( memoria ) of the House of Luxembourg, Baldwin of Trier commissioned the famous illustrated chronicle of the Rome Journey around 1340 , which emphasizes the close cooperation between Emperor and Elector, although the importance of the Emperor is clearly emphasized. In this depiction, which is bound by tendencies from the start, Heinrich appears as a just ruler and a good warrior.

Heinrich's work found an impressive literary echo in Dante's De Monarchia and in the Divine Comedy . In the latter, Heinrich appears as alto Arrigo and is greatly glorified by Dante.

In the papal and Angiovinian statements and reports that were made in the context of Henry's trial against Robert of Anjou, however, a position was clearly drawn against Henry's universal policy. The authors of two memoranda from Naples polemicized particularly violently against the emperor and ultimately even against “the Germans”. They characterized the empire as a factor of unrest.

Assessment in research

German medieval historiography in the 19th and early 20th centuries was primarily oriented towards the “great dynasties”, the Ottonians , Salians and Staufers . Among them, the “German Empire” reached its climax in the Middle Ages. The modern German nation-state was created late, the very often glorifying view of the high medieval imperial era should therefore serve to create historical meaning. In contrast, the late Middle Ages were seen as the decay of the empire, in which the power of kingship waned and that of princes increased. Modern ideas were projected anachronistically onto the medieval Roman-German Empire and the high medieval endowment of meaning was carried to extremes. The late medieval decline of the empire and the disunity in the empire are due to the princes' self-interest. The disagreement lasted until the end of the Old Kingdom ; only through the "second founding of the empire" in 1871 did the empire regain its former strength. The late Middle Ages were seen as a decay, about which even respected German medieval historians had little good to say in the early 20th century.

The more recent research has come to a much more differentiated and also more positive assessment of the late Middle Ages. Today, this represents a focus of German Medieval Studies, although the public interest is still mainly the High Middle Ages. Peter Moraw , who played a major role in the re-evaluation of the German late Middle Ages, coined the term “little kings” in 1985 for the time from Rudolf von Habsburg to Henry VII. But this was only intended to make it clear that these rulers compared to other monarchs often had limited resources and did not owe their rise to powerful ancient dynasties.

Leopold von Ranke judged at the end of the 19th century: "Heinrich VII was not a great man, but he was good, steadfast, merciful, full of genuine and brilliant ideas." Even though Heinrich VII was also positively appreciated in older research. B. by Robert Davidsohn in his monumental history of Florence , for a long time Heinrich's assessment as a naive dreamer who chased anachronistic ideas like the universal empire and did not pay sufficient attention to political reality prevailed. While Friedrich Schneider ahistorically stylized the emperor in his biography, which has not been replaced to this day, as a “representative of higher humanity”, William Bowsky characterized him as a rather blue-eyed enthusiast in his basic description of the Italian move. When assessing his universal policy, an alleged divergence between aspiration and reality was often lamented. Above all, he was accused of making mistakes in assessing the situation in Italy.

These evaluations are being questioned in recent research. Already Heinz Thomas and Hartmut Boockmann had expressed in their overviews the history of German late medieval quite advantageous over Henry's policy and emphasizes its realpolitik. More recently, Kurt-Ulrich Jäschke and Peter Thorau , who had started the fundamental reworking of the Regesta Imperii in question (Michel Margue has been responsible for this since 2016), have pointed out the importance of Henry VII's policy. You arrive at a much more balanced and quite positive overall assessment. According to this assessment, the move to Rome only failed because of Heinrich's unexpectedly early death. Whether one can generally speak of an “Italian fiasco” and also assume that the emperor has unreal political goals is questionable in view of the successes achieved; The Italian company was by no means hopeless.

The scientific interest in Henry VII has risen sharply in recent years. In 2006, after years of delay, the first delivery of Heinrich's registers, completely reworked by Kurt-Ulrich Jäschke and Peter Thorau, appeared. In the future, they will form the basis of any study of Heinrich's reign, as their creation involves the evaluation of previously untapped archive material, which is taken into account and commented on in detail. This applies above all to material from Italian archives, especially since the imperial archive remained in Italy and other material has not yet been systematically registered and processed. The careful presentation of Malte Heidemann examines the most important documents and the primarily diplomatic correspondence of Heinrich as well as the political treatises of his time, but almost completely hides the historiographical sources. The anthology edited by Ellen Widder in 2008 offers insights into more recent detailed research on Heinrich. Furthermore, two scientific conferences (2008 in Luxembourg and 2012 in Rome) dealt with the emperor. Both meetings were related to anniversaries. The conference in Luxembourg, on the 700th anniversary of the election of Henry VII, focused on governance in the 14th century. H. the organization of political rule or government activity. The results of this conference are already available in printed form. The international conference in Rome was held on the 700th anniversary of Henry VII's coronation as emperor. She focused on the rise and importance of the Luxembourgers as a ruling dynasty. These conference results were published in 2016. A current scientific biography of the first Luxembourger to sit on the Roman-German royal throne is still missing.

In summary, it can be said that Heinrich's successful domestic power policy, his balancing attitude in Germany and his vehement insistence on imperial rights and the traditional imperial idea show his intelligence and drive. Because of his untimely death his politics failed, but he was by no means the naive dreamer he was portrayed as in parts of the older research. As ruler, the first king from the House of Luxembourg proved to be a good choice, which is emphasized in a current German manual.

swell

Central documents are collected in the Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum by Jakob Schwalm, but the documentary material is very scattered; Material in Italian archives is particularly important. A selection of important historiographical sources is available in an older translation by Walter Friedensburg . The work of Maria Elisabeth Franke is useful for an overview of the narrative sources. The illustrated chronicle of the Rome journey is a unique source . It is also significant in terms of cultural history; Among other things, in addition to fights, the rulers' entry, coronations, festivals, punitive measures and court activities are vividly represented.

Of central importance are the completely newly created Regesta Imperii (abbreviated as “Regesta Imperii 6.4” in the notes here), which appear successively. They also present material that has not yet been explored, some of which has been extensively commented on. So far published:

  • Kurt-Ulrich Jäschke, Peter Thorau (editor): The Regesta of the Empire under Rudolf, Adolf, Albrecht, Heinrich VII. 1273-1313. 4. Department: Heinrich VII. 1288 / 1308–1313, 1. Delivery: 1288/1308 – August 1309. Böhlau, Vienna 2006, ISBN 3-412-01906-2 ( online version ).
  • Kurt-Ulrich Jäschke, Peter Thorau (editor): The Regesta of the Empire under Rudolf, Adolf, Albrecht, Heinrich VII. 1273-1313. 4th department: The regests of the empire under Henry VII. 1288 / 1308-1313, 2nd delivery: September 1, 1309-23. October 1310. Böhlau, Cologne a. a. 2014, ISBN 978-3-412-22181-2 ( online version ).

literature

Overview representations

  • Jörg K. Hoensch : The Luxembourgers. A late medieval dynasty of pan-European importance 1308–1437 (= Urban pocket books. Volume 407). Kohlhammer, Stuttgart a. a. 2000, ISBN 3-17-015159-2 , pp. 25-50.
  • Michael Menzel : The time of drafts (1273-1347) (= Gebhardt Handbook of German History. Volume 7a). 10th, completely revised edition. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2012, ISBN 978-3-608-60007-0 , pp. 138-153.
    (current overview)
  • Roland Pauler: The German kings and Italy in the 14th century. From Heinrich VII. To Karl IV. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 1997, ISBN 3-534-13148-7 .
  • Heinz Thomas : German history of the late Middle Ages. 1250-1500. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart a. a. 1983, ISBN 3-17-007908-5 .
    (Good representation of the political history of the German late Middle Ages.)

Biographies

  • Alois Gerlich:  Heinrich VII. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 8, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1969, ISBN 3-428-00189-3 , pp. 329-334 ( digitized version ).
  • Friedrich Schneider : Emperor Heinrich VII. 3 booklets. Bredt, Greiz u. a. 1924-1928.
    (Read with caution. Schneider's work resembles a hero worship of the emperor and also takes some getting used to linguistically. Nevertheless, it is the only detailed German-language biography to date.)
  • Peter Thorau: Heinrich VII. In: Bernd Schneidmüller , Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): The German rulers of the Middle Ages. Historical portraits from Heinrich I to Maximilian I (919–1519). CH Beck, Munich 2003, ISBN 3-406-50958-4 , pp. 381-392.

Special studies

  • William M. Bowsky: Henry VII in Italy. The Conflict of Empire and City-State, 1310-1313. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, Nebraska 1960.
    (Best depiction of the Rome train, but the rating has been partly overtaken.)
  • Maria Elisabeth Franke: Emperor Heinrich VII. In the mirror of historiography. A fact-critical and source-based investigation of selected historians of the first half of the 14th century (= research on the history of the emperors and the popes. Volume 9). Böhlau, Cologne a. a. 1992, ISBN 3-412-10392-6 .
    (An important overview of the narrative sources.)
  • Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313). The imperial idea in the field of tension between universal rule of the Staufers and early modern particular autonomy (= studies on the Luxembourgers and their time. Volume 11). Fahlbusch, Warendorf 2008, ISBN 978-3-925522-24-6 (also dissertation, Munich 2006/07).
  • Marie-Luise Heckmann : Deputy, co-ruler and substitute ruler. Regents, governors-general, electors and imperial vicars in Regnum and Imperium from the 13th to the early 15th century (= studies on the Luxembourgers and their time. Volume 9/1). Fahlbusch, Warendorf 2002, ISBN 3-925522-21-2 , pp. 373-432.
  • Michel Pauly (Ed.): European Governance in the Late Middle Ages. Henry VII of Luxembourg and the great dynasties of Europe = Gouvernance européenne au bas moyen âge. Henri VII de Luxembourg et l'Europe des grandes dynasties (= Publications de la Section Historique de l'Institut G.-D. de Luxembourg. Volume 124 = Publications du CLUDEM. Volume 27). Actes des 15es Journées Lotharingiennes, 14–17 October 2008, Université du Luxembourg. Linden, Luxembourg 2010, ISBN 978-2-919979-22-6 .
  • Sabine Penth, Peter Thorau (Ed.): Rome 1312. The coronation of Henry VII as emperor and the consequences. The Luxembourgers as a ruling dynasty of pan-European importance (= research on the imperial and papal history of the Middle Ages. Vol. 40). Böhlau, Cologne a. a. 2016, ISBN 978-3-412-50140-2 .
  • Ellen Widder (ed.): From Luxembourg count to European ruler. New research on Heinrich VII. (= Publications du CLUDEM. Volume 23) With the collaboration of Wolfgang Krauth. Center Luxembourgeois de Documentation et d'Etudes Médiévales, Luxembourg 2008, ISBN 2-919979-19-1 .

Web links

Commons : Heinrich VII. (HRR)  - collection of images, videos and audio files
Wikisource: Heinrich VII.  - Sources and full texts

Remarks

  1. See for example Heinz Thomas: Heinrich VII. In: Lexikon des Mittelalters , Vol. 4, Col. 2047 and Regesta Imperii 6.4, Regest a.
  2. ^ Maria Elisabeth Franke: Emperor Heinrich VII in the mirror of historiography . Cologne u. a. 1992, p. 38f.
  3. Cf. Maria Elisabeth Franke: Emperor Heinrich VII. In the mirror of historiography . Cologne u. a. 1992, p. 301.
  4. ↑ In general, see Carl D. Dietmar: Relations between the House of Luxembourg and France in the years 1247–1346 . Cologne 1983, p. 59ff.
  5. Cf. Regesta Imperii 6.4, Regest e.
  6. See Kurt-Ulrich Jäschke: Reichsgrenzen und Vasallitäten - on the classification of the Franco-German border area in the Middle Ages. In: Jahrbuch für Westdeutsche Landesgeschichte 22, 1996, pp. 113–178.
  7. On this conflict see, for example, Michael Prestwich: Edward I. Berkeley / Los Angeles 1988, p. 376ff.
  8. On Heinrich's count time see Klaus Klefisch: Emperor Heinrich VII. As Count of Luxembourg. Diss. Bonn 1971.
  9. ^ Giovanni Villani, Nuova Cronica , 9.1.
  10. ^ Winfried Reichert: Land rule between the Empire and France. Part 1, Trier 1993, pp. 228-230.
  11. ^ Regesta Imperii 6.4, Regest, etc.
  12. For the following, see Michael Richard Brabänder in general: The influence of foreign powers on the German election policy from the Interregnum to the elevation of Charles IV. Frankfurt a. M. 1994, p. 126ff. See also Michael Menzel: The time of drafts. Stuttgart 2012, pp. 139–141.
  13. On Clemens see Sophia Menache: Clement V. Cambridge 1998; on the relationship with Philip IV. ibid., p. 174ff.
  14. Cf. Regesta Imperii 6.4, Regest p.
  15. ^ Regesta Imperii 6.4, Regest ao.
  16. Regesta Imperii 6.4, No. 8.
  17. ^ MGH Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum . Edited by Jakob Schwalm. Vol. 4.1. Hanover 1906, No. 262.
  18. On Heinrich's policy in the German part of the empire see next to the corresponding regesta (6.4, revised by Jäschke / Thorau) summarizing Michael Menzel: The time of drafts. Stuttgart 2012, pp. 142-144; Ellen Widder: Places of Power. In: Ellen Widder (ed.): From Luxembourg count to European ruler. Luxembourg 2008, p. 69ff.
  19. ^ Regesta Imperii 6.4, No. 171ff.
  20. On Heinrich's policy in this regard, see Thomas Groß: Heinrich VII. Und der Schweizer Raum. In: Friedrich Bernward Fahlbusch , Peter Johanek (ed.): Studia Luxemburgensia. Festschrift for Heinz Stoob on his 70th birthday. Warendorf 1989, pp. 1-18.
  21. ^ Regesta Imperii 6.4, no.275.
  22. ^ Alois Niederstätter : The rule of Austria. Prince and country in the late Middle Ages. Vienna 2001, p. 117.
  23. Karl-Friedrich Krieger: The Habsburgs in the Middle Ages. Stuttgart 1994, p. 112f.
  24. Bernd Schneidmüller : Consensual rule. An essay on forms and concepts of political order in the Middle Ages. In: Paul-Joachim Heinig (Ed.): Empire, regions and Europe in the Middle Ages and modern times. Festschrift for Peter Moraw. Berlin 2000, pp. 53-87.
  25. Overview of the material basis of late medieval kingship with Ernst Schubert : King and Empire. Studies on the late medieval German constitutional history. Göttingen 1979, p. 147ff.
  26. On the sphere of activity of royalty in the late Middle Ages, see for example Ernst Schubert: König und Reich. Studies on the late medieval German constitutional history. Göttingen 1979, p. 66ff.
  27. On Heinrich's stays during this time, see Ellen Widder: Places of Power. In: Ellen Widder (ed.): From Luxembourg count to European ruler. Luxembourg 2008, pp. 76-78.
  28. Cf. Marcus Thomsen: Heinrich VII. In: Courts and residences in the late medieval empire. A dynastic-topographical handbook (= Residency Research, Vol. 15.I). Ostfildern 2003, here p. 290f.
  29. Cf. in summary Michael Menzel: The time of drafts. Stuttgart 2012, pp. 142f.
  30. Regesta Imperii 6.4, No. 252.
  31. See Peter Thorau: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313). In: Bernd Schneidmüller and Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): The German rulers of the Middle Ages. Munich 2003, pp. 381–392, here p. 385.
  32. See Regesta Imperii 6.4, No. 600f.
  33. On the acquisition of Bohemia, cf. Jörg K. Hoensch: The Luxembourgers. Stuttgart u. a. 2000, pp. 37-40; Michael Menzel: The time of drafts. Stuttgart 2012, pp. 143f.
  34. Joachim Binder: Heinrich VII. Of Luxembourg between France and the Empire: double vassal - Realpolitiker - Kaiser . In: Ellen Widder (ed.): From Luxembourg count to European ruler. Luxemburg 2008, pp. 15–43, especially p. 38ff.
  35. See Michael Menzel: The time of drafts. Stuttgart 2012, p. 125f.
  36. ^ Regesta Imperii 6.4, No. 158.
  37. Cf. for example Joachim Binder: Heinrich VII. Von Luxemburg between France and the Reich . In: Ellen Widder (ed.): From Luxembourg count to European ruler. Luxembourg 2008, here p. 41f.
  38. ^ MGH Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum . Edited by Jakob Schwalm. Vol. 4.1. Hanover 1906, No. 353; see. also Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 100ff.
  39. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 106f.
  40. See Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 107ff.
  41. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 111.
  42. ^ Regesta Imperii 6.4, No. 201.
  43. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 25ff.
  44. Cf. in summary Michael Menzel: The time of drafts. Stuttgart 2012, pp. 102-105.
  45. See for example Heinz Thomas: Deutsche Geschichte des Spätmittelalter. Stuttgart 1983, pp. 138-140. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) also discuss possible motifs for the train to Rome . Warendorf 2008, pp. 5-7; Roland Pauler: The German kings and Italy in the 14th century. Darmstadt 1997, p. 46f.
  46. ^ Jörg K. Hoensch: The Luxemburger. Stuttgart u. a. 2000, p. 36.
  47. ↑ In general, see Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 36ff.
  48. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 47f.
  49. See also Michael Menzel: The time of drafts. Stuttgart 2012, p. 141.
  50. ^ Manfred Hellmann: Emperor Heinrich VII. And Venice. In: Historisches Jahrbuch 76, 1957, pp. 15–33.
  51. On the move to Italy in general, see above all William Bowsky: Henry VII in Italy . Lincoln 1960, pp. 54ff .; Roland Pauler: The German kings and Italy in the 14th century. Darmstadt 1997, p. 56ff.
  52. Cf. Peter Thorau: Assertion of rule as war? Possibilities and means of King and Emperor Henry VII (finance, alliances, armies). In: Michel Pauly (Ed.): European Governance in the Late Middle Ages. Henry VII of Luxembourg and the great dynasties of Europe. Luxemburg 2010, pp. 83–98, here p. 88f.
  53. ^ Maria Elisabeth Franke: Emperor Heinrich VII in the mirror of historiography . Cologne u. a. 1992, p. 25ff.
  54. An older, but still important overview from Fritz Trautz : The imperial power in Italy in the late Middle Ages. In: Heidelberger Jahrbücher 7, 1963, pp. 45–81.
  55. For the marriage plan see Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 136ff.
  56. On Florence's policy towards Heinrich see William Bowsky: Florence and Henry of Luxemburg, King of the Romans. In: Speculum 33, 1958, pp. 177-203.
  57. Samantha Kelly: The New Solomon: Robert of Naples (1309-1343) and Fourteenth-Century Kingship. Leiden 2003, p. 227.
  58. ↑ For general information on Robert's policy towards Henry VII, see Samantha Kelly: The New Solomon: Robert of Naples (1309-1343) and Fourteenth-Century Kingship. Leiden 2003, p. 194ff.
  59. General on peace policy (although the evaluation is probably too negative) Roland Pauler: The German kings and Italy in the 14th century. Darmstadt 1997, p. 59ff.
  60. ^ Roland Pauler: The German kings and Italy in the 14th century. Darmstadt 1997, p. 62.
  61. ^ Christoph Dartmann: Peace agreements in communal Italy: public interaction and written fixation. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 38, 2004, pp. 355–369, here pp. 363–366.
  62. Cf. Roland Pauler: The German Kings and Italy in the 14th Century. Darmstadt 1997, p. 69f.
  63. Mark Mersiowsky: The calculations of Henry VII. As tip of the iceberg? Invoicing and accounting of the empire in the early 14th century. In: Ellen Widder (ed.): From Luxembourg count to European ruler. Luxemburg 2008, pp. 225-268, especially pp. 241ff.
  64. Mark Mersiowsky: The calculations of Henry VII. As tip of the iceberg? Invoicing and accounting of the empire in the early 14th century. In: Ellen Widder (ed.): From Luxembourg count to European ruler. Luxemburg 2008, pp. 225–268, here p. 268.
  65. See also Christoph Friedrich Weber: Italy's cities and the Italian policy of the European princes. In: Michel Pauly (Ed.): European Governance in the Late Middle Ages. Henry VII of Luxembourg and the great dynasties of Europe. Luxembourg 2010, pp. 429–444.
  66. ^ Giovanni da Cermenate, Historia 13.
  67. William Bowsky: Henry VII in Italy . Lincoln 1960, p. 96ff.
  68. See Michael Menzel: The time of drafts. Stuttgart 2012, p. 147.
  69. William Bowsky: Henry VII in Italy . Lincoln 1960, p. 112ff.
  70. ^ Albertino Mussato, De gestis Henrici VII Cesaris III 4.
  71. ^ Jean-Marie Moeglin: Henri VII et l'honneur de la majesté impériale: les redditions de Crémone et de Brescia (1311). In: Dominique Boutet, Jacques Verger (ed.): Penser le pouvoir au moyen age: VIIIe – XVe siècle. Paris 2000, pp. 211–245, here p. 214ff. with the source evidence.
  72. Dino Compagni, Cronica III 28.
  73. See Jean-Marie Moeglin: Henri VII et l'honneur de la majesté impériale: les redditions de Crémone et de Brescia (1311). In: Dominique Boutet, Jacques Verger (ed.): Penser le pouvoir au moyen age: VIIIe – XVe siècle. Paris 2000, pp. 211–245, here p. 232ff.
  74. See for example Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 298f.
  75. ↑ For a summary of the events from the fall of Brescia to the arrival of Heinrich in Rome, see Roland Pauler: The German Kings and Italy in the 14th Century. Darmstadt 1997, p. 83ff.
  76. On this covenant cf. summarizing Roland Pauler: The German kings and Italy in the 14th century. Darmstadt 1997, pp. 90-96.
  77. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 127ff.
  78. William Bowsky: Henry VII in Italy . Lincoln 1960, pp. 153-158.
  79. William Bowsky: Henry VII in Italy . Lincoln 1960, p. 159ff.
  80. See generally William Bowsky: Henry VII in Italy . Lincoln 1960, pp. 165f .; Heinz Thomas: German history of the late Middle Ages. Stuttgart 1983, p. 146f.
  81. See Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 92.
  82. ^ On the ceremonial Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313). Warendorf 2008, pp. 167-170.
  83. ^ MGH Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum . Edited by Jakob Schwalm, vol. 4.2. Hanover 1911, No. 799f.
  84. ^ MGH Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum . Edited by Jakob Schwalm, vol. 4.2. Hanover 1911, No. 801-803. See also Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, pp. 170-177.
  85. On this aspect see Othmar Hageneder: Weltherrschaft im Mittelalter. In: Mitteilungen des Institut für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 93, 1985, pp. 257–278.
  86. Malte Heidemann: Die Kaiseridee Heinrichs VII. In: Michel Pauly (Ed.): European Governance in the late Middle Ages. Henry VII of Luxembourg and the great dynasties of Europe. Luxembourg 2010, pp. 45–65.
  87. Bernd Schneidmüller: To be emperor in late medieval Europe. Rules of the game between world domination and ordinaryness. In: Claudia Garnier , Hermann Kamp (Ed.): Rules of the game for the mighty. Darmstadt 2010, pp. 265–290, here p. 284.
  88. See for example Heike Johanna Mierau: Emperor and Pope in the Middle Ages. Cologne 2010, p. 114f.
  89. See Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 180ff.
  90. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 85ff.
  91. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 193ff.
  92. Cf. Heinz Thomas: German History of the Late Middle Ages. Stuttgart 1983, p. 149.
  93. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 200ff.
  94. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, pp. 185ff.
  95. ^ Manfred Hellmann: Emperor Heinrich VII. And Venice. In: Historisches Jahrbuch 76, 1957, pp. 15–33, here pp. 29–31.
  96. On the siege of Florence see in detail Robert Davidsohn: History of Florence. Vol. 3. Berlin 1912, p. 488ff.
  97. On Heinrich's stay there see William Bowsky: Henry VII in Italy . Lincoln 1960, pp. 192-203.
  98. On the process cf. in detail Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 227ff.
  99. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 267ff.
  100. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 292ff.
  101. Peter Thorau: Assertion of rule as war? Possibilities and means of King and Emperor Henry VII (finances, alliances, armies). In: Michel Pauly (Ed.): European Governance in the Late Middle Ages. Henry VII of Luxembourg and the great dynasties of Europe. Luxemburg 2010, pp. 83–98, here p. 96.
  102. ^ MGH Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum . Edited by Jakob Schwalm, vol. 4.2. Hanover 1911, No. 1003-1005.
  103. See William Bowsky: Henry VII in Italy . Lincoln 1960, pp. 203f .; Friedrich Schneider: Emperor Heinrich VII. Greiz a. a. 1924-1928, pp. 191ff.
  104. Cf. Maria Elisabeth Franke: Emperor Heinrich VII. In the mirror of historiography . Cologne u. a. 1992, p. 313.
  105. ^ Peter Thorau: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313). In: Bernd Schneidmüller and Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): The German rulers of the Middle Ages. Munich 2003, pp. 381–392, here p. 391.
  106. On the papal reaction after Heinrich's death see Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, pp. 315-326.
  107. ^ Gert Kreytenberg: The tomb of Emperor Heinrich VII. In Pisa. In: Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz 28, 1984, pp. 33–64; Johannes Tripps: Art as a political medium in the time of Henry VII. In: Michel Pauly (Ed.): European Governance in the Late Middle Ages. Henry VII of Luxembourg and the great dynasties of Europe. Luxemburg 2010, pp. 227–248 (with further literature).
  108. On the memoria with regard to Heinrich VII. See Wolfgang Schmid: Neuere Forschungen zu Kaiser Heinrichs Memoria . In: Michel Pauly (Ed.): European Governance in the Late Middle Ages. Henry VII of Luxembourg and the great dynasties of Europe. Luxembourg 2010, pp. 489-530; Wolfgang Schmid: Emperor Heinrichs Memoria. In: Ellen Widder (ed.): From Luxembourg count to European ruler. Luxembourg 2008, pp. 269-307.
  109. Cf. for example Fritz Trautz: The imperial power in Italy in the late Middle Ages. In: Heidelberger Jahrbücher 7, 1963, pp. 45–81, here p. 57ff.
  110. See Michael Menzel: The time of drafts. Stuttgart 2012, pp. 153f.
  111. Michael Menzel: The time of drafts. Stuttgart 2012, p. 157ff .; Heinz Thomas: Ludwig the Bavarian. Regensburg 1993, p. 43ff.
  112. See above all Maria Elisabeth Franke: Emperor Heinrich VII. In the mirror of historiography. A fact-critical and source-based investigation of selected historians of the first half of the 14th century. Cologne u. a. 1992.
  113. See in summary Jörg K. Hoensch: Die Luxemburger. Stuttgart u. a. 2000, p. 48f.
  114. ^ 10th book based on the new edition by Giovanni Porta ( Nuova Cronica. 3 volumes. Parma 1991).
  115. Michel Margue: Hanrey de Lucembour emperour plus que eureus August et meilleur que Trayan. Construction and reception of the emperor Henry VII in the Meuse-Moselle literature on the Italian move. In: Michel Pauly (Ed.): European Governance in the Late Middle Ages. Henry VII of Luxembourg and the great dynasties of Europe. Luxembourg 2010, pp. 131–180.
  116. See the various articles in Michel Margue, Michel Pauly, Wolfgang Schmid (eds.): Der Weg zur Kaiserkrone. Trier 2009.
  117. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008, p. 267ff.
  118. ^ MGH Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum . Edited by Jakob Schwalm, vol. 4.2. Hanover 1911, No. 1252 and No. 1253.
  119. On the development of this historical image, see Bernd Schneidmüller: Consensus - Territorialization - Self-interest. How to deal with late medieval history. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 39, 2005, pp. 225–246.
  120. Bernd Schneidmüller: Consensus - Territorialization - Self-interest. How to deal with late medieval history. In: Early Medieval Studies 39, 2005, here p. 231f.
  121. Bernd Schneidmüller: Consensus - Territorialization - Self-interest. How to deal with late medieval history. In: Frühmedalterliche Studien 39, 2005, here pp. 233–236.
  122. Bernd Schneidmüller: Consensus - Territorialization - Self-interest. How to deal with late medieval history. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 39, 2005, here p. 239.
  123. Peter Moraw: From an open constitution to a structured compression. The Empire in the Late Middle Ages 1250–1495. Frankfurt a. M./Berlin 1985, p. 211.
  124. ^ Leopold von Ranke: Weltgeschichte. Volume 9. Leipzig 1888, p. 28.
  125. Overview of older research judgments by Rainer Gruhlich, Stefan Seiler: Between romantic transfiguration and European vision: Modern historical images of Henry VII. In: Ellen Widder (Ed.): From Luxembourg Count to European Ruler. Luxembourg 2008, pp. 309-358.
  126. Cf. Heinz Thomas: German History of the Late Middle Ages. Stuttgart 1983, p. 140; Hartmut Boockmann: Staufer Period and the Late Middle Ages. Berlin 1987, p. 211.
  127. Basically, for example, Peter Thorau: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313). In: Bernd Schneidmüller and Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): The German rulers of the Middle Ages. Munich 2003, pp. 381-392.
  128. ^ So Jörg K. Hoensch: Die Luxemburger. Stuttgart u. a. 2000, p. 40.
  129. See Sabine Penth, Peter Thorau: No Italian Fiasko. Emperor Heinrich VII. In: DAMALS. The magazine for history and culture . Issue 6/2006, pp. 14-20.
  130. Kurt-Ulrich Jäschke, Peter Thorau (editor): The Regests of the Empire under Rudolf, Adolf, Albrecht, Heinrich VII. 1273-1313. 4th department: Heinrich VII. 1288 / 1308-1313, 1st delivery: 1288/1308-August 1309 . Vienna 2006.
  131. Malte Heidemann: Heinrich VII. (1308-1313) . Warendorf 2008. See the review by Peter Thorau in: Historische Zeitschrift 289, 2009, pp. 749f.
  132. Ellen Widder (ed.): From Luxembourg count to European ruler. New research on Henry VII . Luxembourg 2008.
  133. Michel Pauly (Ed.): European Governance in the Late Middle Ages. Henry VII of Luxembourg and the great dynasties of Europe. Luxembourg 2010.
  134. Rome 1312. The coronation of Henry VII as emperor and the consequences. The Luxembourgers as a ruling dynasty of pan-European importance / Roma 1312. L'incoronazione imperiale di Enrico VII e le sue conseguenze. Il significato europeo della dominazione dinastica
  135. Sabine Penth, Peter Thorau (ed.): Rome 1312. The coronation of Henry VII as emperor and the consequences. Cologne et al. 2016.
  136. See the very favorable assessment by Michael Menzel: The time of drafts. Stuttgart 2012, p. 138ff. and p. 154.
predecessor Office successor
Albrecht I of Austria Roman-German King
from 1312 Emperor
1308–1313
Ludwig IV. The Bavarian
Henry VI. Count of Luxembourg
1288-1313
John of Bohemia
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