Women's suffrage in Western Europe
The right to vote for women in Western Europe was introduced at different times in the various countries: A first wave ( Germany , Luxembourg , the Netherlands , Austria ) occurred during and after the First World War . France followed in World War II on April 21, 1944. In Belgium , general active and passive women's suffrage was introduced at national level after World War II , on March 27, 1948. Liechtenstein was the last country in Europe where women were active and were given the right to stand for election at national level
In Switzerland , women's right to vote at the national level came into effect on March 16, 1971. Switzerland was thus one of the last European countries to grant its female population full civil rights, but it was the first country in which this was done through a referendum (of the male part of the population). However, another 20 years passed before women's suffrage was introduced in all cantons . This example shows that women's suffrage was introduced later at the local level than at the national level. In many other countries, on the other hand, women were granted local suffrage over national suffrage and therefore paved the way.
Liechtenstein was the last country in Europe where women were given the right to vote and stand for election at national level on July 1, 1984.
While in many countries the introduction was achieved by a vote of parliament , in France the introduction took place during the Second World War by regulation .
Investigation of possible influencing factors on the political representation of women
Class versus gender: conditions in the Habsburg Empire
After the revolutions of 1848, wealthy women, taxpayers and women in high professions were eligible to vote in the Habsburg empire. The lack of interest among women in voting before the 20th century can therefore be partly explained by the fact that some women were already entitled to vote. The Social Democrats in the Habsburg Monarchy directed their energies towards the abolition of electoral privileges for certain social groups of men and the introduction of universal suffrage for men rather than gender equality. As in other countries, the expansion of male suffrage in 1907 brought about a leveling of class differences in the suffrage for men, but disadvantages for women: while the social class, not gender, had previously decided on the right to vote, democracy had now give the patriarchy more power.
Women's suffrage as a bulwark against revolutions
In Austria and other countries, women's suffrage was granted after a period of national crisis. It was intended as a bulwark of the young democracy against revolutions such as those in Russia and Germany.
National crises
National crises and revolutions spurred the campaign for women's suffrage in France. This had been the case in both the French Revolution after 1789 and the Revolution of 1848, and it was repeated in 1870 after France's defeat by Prussia, the Paris Commune .
Position of the Catholic Church
Pope Pius X proclaimed that women were wrong in seeking the same political rights as men. This statement reflected the conservative position within the Catholic Churches: the family was the center of a woman's life and any political activity would remove her from her service to husband and children. But at least the Pope characterized this statement as a personal opinion, which does not have the binding effect of a doctrinal opinion for the believers.
But the Pope's opinion was not without contradiction. Feminists Mary Kendall and Gabrielle Jeffrey called for a Catholic meeting on May 25, 1911 at Kensington City Hall . They founded the first Catholic organization in the world to promote women's suffrage , the Catholic Women's Suffrage Society . Joan of Arc led the company in the banner . The women wrote to the Archbishop of Westminster , who refused to take a clear position on women's suffrage, and they attended the coronation procession on June 17, 1911. The society defined itself as nonviolent, but it sent members to watch trials against suffragettes .
The Catholic side cited several arguments as advantages of women's suffrage, but these did not convince the Church: an enrichment of the perspective of those who voted on the laws on social issues as well as on marriage and family; an increase in standards for sexual abstinence; better protection for minors; greater attention to the child's health and emotional and spiritual needs.
A change was only possible when Benedict XV. Became Pope in 1919. Annie Christitch , a member of the Catholic Women's Suffrage Society , received an audience with him. Against the background of the changes after the end of the First World War , which led to the achievement of women's suffrage in a number of European countries, the Holy See had to adapt its position to the change: the Pope spoke out in favor of women's suffrage. At the same time, however, he emphasized that the family continues to be the natural center of women.
Now the Catholic opponents of women's suffrage could no longer invoke the position of the church authorities. In France, on May 20, 1919, the members of the National Assembly voted 329 to 95 in favor of women's suffrage, 104 parliamentarians abstained. This law did not find a majority in the Senate. When the church gave up its resistance to the participation of women in political life, this paradoxically damaged women's suffrage: the politicians from the radical camp feared an increasing influence of the church through the introduction of women's suffrage. Through the progressive Catholic party founded by Georges Bidault, the Mouvement républicain populaire , the Catholic wing became significantly more liberal. Thus women could vote for a Catholic party without strengthening the conservative forces. It is true that the militant Parisian feminists brought the movement into being and laid the spiritual foundations, but it was only the Catholic women's suffrage movement that succeeded in conquering the provinces.
Individual states
Belgium
In 1920 women received their active municipal voting rights. Active women's suffrage at the national level was introduced on March 27, 1948. In 1949, for the first time, all adult women could participate in a national election.
In April 1920, all women over the age of 21 were granted passive municipal voting rights, with the exception of prostitutes and adulterers . This innovation can be seen as a step towards the right to vote for all women or as a measure that should partially compensate women for their reduced right to vote at national level. Married women, however, needed the consent of their husbands to run. Thus in Belgium women were given a restricted right to stand as a candidate over the general active vote. On March 27, 1948, universal passive women's suffrage was introduced at the national level.
The first woman in the national parliament, Lucie De Jardin , was elected on May 26, 1948. On December 27, 1921, a woman had been appointed parliamentarian without an election.
Germany
The active and passive right to vote for women was introduced on November 12, 1918 and exercised for the first time in 1919. Universal male suffrage had existed since 1871.
The first election of a woman to the national parliament took place on January 19, 1919.
France
The Code Napoleon of 1804 put French customary law and Roman family law into writing. He made the family an image of the nation with Napoleon at its head: a kind of dictatorship with a husband at its head. Women lost control of family property and children, and suffered from strict rules of marriage and divorce. The wife was under the tutelage of her husband, was obliged to obey him and was not authorized to enter into contracts or otherwise appear as a legal subject without him. The restoration of the monarchy led to legal measures that emphasized the value of the family; For example, newly married men were exempt from military service.
But the ideals of the revolution were not forgotten, and when the monarchy fell in 1848, the temporary government proclaimed universal suffrage on March 5, 1848, with no restrictions on property. However, this formulation did not aim to include women. However, a group of Parisian women, the Committee for Women's Rights , immediately began campaigning for women's suffrage and other rights for women. The left did not support them because they believed that women were too poorly educated and too much under the influence of the clergy to make their own choice.
From an international perspective, it is understandable why the early acquisition of universal suffrage for men brought disadvantages for the introduction of women's suffrage: in other countries, parallel to the expansion of the initially restricted suffrage for men, the call for the introduction of women's suffrage was always raised according to. In France, on the other hand, men were given the right to vote very early without restrictions, and this crippled the advocacy of women's suffrage.
In the first election on April 23, 1848, a moderate and conservative National Assembly was elected. The latter soon passed a law that banned women from membership in political clubs and associations. Thereupon, for example, Jeanne Deroin , co-founder of the Club de l'Emancipation de Femmes and Pauline Rolland , founder of a socialist teachers' association, were each sentenced to six months in prison in 1850.
National crises and revolutions spurred the advocacy of women's suffrage. This had been the case in both the French Revolution after 1789 and the Revolution of 1848, and it was repeated in 1870 after France's defeat by Prussia, the Paris Commune . The ground was already prepared for feminism: The Société pour la Revendication des Droits de la Femme (Society for the Demand of Women's Rights) was founded and in 1869 the French translation of John Stuart Mill's The Slavery of Women was published . Julie-Victoire Doubié called in her writings for the introduction of women's suffrage for unmarried women. However, this formulation did not aim to include women. In general, radical women at the time did not advocate women's suffrage because they believed it would strengthen the conservative side and harm Republican thought. Women like Maria Deraismes campaigned for better education for girls, for economic independence for women and for reform of divorce law; in these areas progress was made in the last quarter of the 19th century. Resistance to the demand to put women's suffrage at the center of efforts led to differences of opinion, so that in 1889 a conference on women's rights did not even put the topic on the agenda.
The radical Hubertine Auclert founded the Société le suffrage des femmes in 1883 out of disappointment with this situation . She was the first women's rights activist to call herself a féministe ( feminist ) in 1882 . Auclert advocated women's suffrage and full legal equality for women.
The reasons for the slow progress were diverse: former supporters switched to the conservatives and male politicians could not be convinced that women’s right to vote would bring them advantages. As in other states, it was difficult for women from the bourgeoisie to get their working-class colleagues enthusiastic about women's suffrage. Although the socialists spoke out in favor of women's suffrage from the mid-1880s onwards, they regarded the matter as secondary to their grand goals: it would take care of itself once a fair model of society was achieved.

Often the municipal right to vote was granted to women before the national right to vote and was therefore a pioneer. In France, however, women were only allowed to vote in a few municipalities and cities. Legislative initiatives on municipal women's suffrage were introduced in 1901 and 1906, but they went under. The slow progress in the 20th century meant that the demands of French women became louder and some of them radicalized. The influence of the British suffragettes contributed to this; Christabel Pankhurst lived in Paris since 1912. In 1904, Hubertine Auclert and a group of women supporters interrupted a session of the Chamber of Deputies and tore up a copy of the Civil Code to draw attention to the fact that the code had been in force for 100 years, but that women's suffrage was still in the stars. Madeleine Pelletier interrupted a banquet to mark the centenary of the Civil Code, and both she and Hubertine Auclert demonstrated at polling stations in 1908. But her militant tactics were not successful with her fellow campaigners or in public.
In the second half of the 19th century, the Catholic women's movement "Le féminisme chrétien" was founded in France , its leader was the French Marie Maugeret (1844–1928). She was strictly Catholic and anti-Semitic. As a wealthy heiress, she was of the opinion that the term femist should not be left to the Republicans and free thinkers alone. Consistent with the views of Carrie Chapman Catt , she believed that it was a scandal that uneducated coal workers were allowed to vote, but not wealthy, educated women. She held an annual congress in celebration of Joan of Arc . In 1906 she succeeded in launching a legislative initiative for women's suffrage. She was accompanied by one of her fiery speeches in which she called on women to purge politics. As a result, Pope Pius X's rejection of women's suffrage dampened Marie Maugeret's efforts and her push for women's suffrage at the 1910 Joan of Arc Congress did not receive a majority.
Following the example of other states, a French association for women's suffrage was founded in 1909, the Union Française pour le Suffrge des Femmes . Membership quickly reached 3,000 and in 1914 12,000. In 1914, they took part in a trial election organized by the daily Le Journal , which garnered more than half a million votes for women.
The Republicans rejected women's suffrage because of the anti-clerical attitudes that prevailed there, as they were not prepared to get the Catholics in the right wing more votes. Thus, anti-clericalism hindered the introduction of women's suffrage. But his female advocates did not woo the Catholic politicians either, who might have agreed to women's suffrage for tactical reasons; the leaders of the feminists were Protestants and knew about the negative impact of the Church on the lives of women.
A parliamentary committee led by Ferdinand Buisson , a proponent of women's suffrage, made a push to introduce local women's suffrage, but parliament refused to even consider it until mid-1913. On July 5, 1914, a women's suffrage meeting was held, commemorating the father of women's suffrage, the Marquis de Condorcet , and supporting Buisson's proposal.
As in other countries, the First World War interrupted efforts to introduce women's suffrage in France. The commitment of women in the war was honored here, but did not lead to women's suffrage. Rather, the new Pope Benedict XV, who succeeded Pius X in 1914, brought about a change: He softened the resistance to women's suffrage so that the Catholic opponents of women's suffrage could no longer invoke the position of church authorities. On May 20, 1919 , the members of the National Assembly voted 329 to 95 in favor of women's suffrage, 104 parliamentarians abstained. However, this law did not find a majority in the Senate; not even the widows of the fallen were given the right to vote. Feminists have not been admitted by the Senate to defend women's suffrage and a well-known opponent, Alexandre Bérard , has been tasked with drafting the report. The document contained fourteen counter-arguments against women's suffrage, including the assertion that women were used in war out of patriotism, not with regard to a reward through the right to vote and would be subsequently devalued by such.
In the period between the First and Second World War, it was repeated several times that a law on women's suffrage passed by the National Assembly was blocked in the Senate: In July 1927, the municipal women's suffrage, passed by the National Assembly with 396 to 24 votes, was about 1936 Complete political equality between women and men, against which not a single vote against was cast in the National Assembly. In the Senate of the Third French Republic , which existed between 1870 and 1940, there never were detailed debates about a women's suffrage law, as these were always thrown out in advance or the discussions were exhausted in arguments about the fundamentals. For example, MPs who wanted to appear progressive could vote in favor of women's suffrage there without risk, because they knew that this would have no political consequences. Historian James F. McMillan sees the Senate's behavior as a sign of the torpor that had befallen the Third Republic in the 1930s. The reason was the fear that women's suffrage would help the church regain power.
Thus the Conservatives opposed women's suffrage, while the Left remained inactive. The feminists were isolated and had little influence: they neither made efforts to inspire the many women outside the movement to vote for women's suffrage, nor did they, like Auclert or Pelletier, take radical measures, nor did they want to learn to move and get involved in the political arena this way to gain allies. The opponents of women's suffrage feared that, because of the surplus of women after the First World War, the political balance would shift if women got a vote. Some men feared that with women's suffrage, the position of the women's suffrage movement against alcoholism and prostitution would gain influence. Catholics rejected the idea of individualization and emancipation as false dogmas that came from international Freemasonry . For a long time the Catholic Church had rejected women's suffrage, and when it gave up the resistance, this paradoxically damaged women's suffrage: the politicians from the radical camp feared the increasing influence of the church through the introduction of women's suffrage.
In France too, women's suffrage was achieved at a time of great national crisis, after the occupation and the end of the Third Republic at the end of World War II. After the Allied landings in North Africa in 1942, the Charles de Gaulle # Free France movement moved its headquarters to Algiers . Women's suffrage is one of the goals of the movement. Georges Bidault played a major role in the debates. Even here the radicals maintained their resistance, but when France was liberated in 1944 and the debates continued on French soil, the radicals were in the minority. Bidault became president of the National Council of Resistance , which from 1943 coordinated and directed the various movements and groups of the Resistance, the press, the trade unions and members of political parties that opposed the Vichy regime and the German occupation. In this position he had a major influence on the reform program that was supposed to bring human rights back into force after the war.
In January 1944, the introduction of women's suffrage was initiated and made more concrete in March. On April 21, 1944, the general active and passive right to vote was introduced by decree. The left and the Catholics were in favor, the radicals against, but in the minority. In a referendum in October 1945, in which women were entitled to vote for the first time, 96 percent of the population spoke out against the continuation of the Third Republic, which had so failed in the 1930s. Also in October 1945 an assembly was tasked with drafting a new constitution; and, as is so often the case, part of the population was deprived of the right to vote while another got it: some 100,000 collaborators lost their civil rights, including the right to vote. The parliament , also elected in October 1945, consisted almost half of socialists and communists, while the conservative and anti-clerical radicals fell below 10 percent of the vote. The biggest surprise was the success of a progressive Catholic party founded by Georges Bidault, the Mouvement républicain populaire . It had emerged from a group of Catholic intellectuals at the end of the war and received 24% of the vote.
This party made the Catholic wing much more liberal. Thus women could vote for a Catholic party without strengthening the conservative forces. The radicals, on the other hand, who had blocked the reform process of women's suffrage for so long, had suffered a great loss of reputation by sticking to the Third Republic. Thus, the women's suffrage movement of Catholic women in France gained more supporters for the movement than any other group combined. Although the militant Parisian feminists had brought the movement into being and laid the spiritual foundations, the Catholic women's suffrage movement managed to conquer the provinces.
In October 1945 women sat in the national parliament for the first time. 33 women were elected.
Liechtenstein
Liechtenstein was the last country in Europe where women were given the right to vote and stand for election at national level. It was introduced on July 1, 1984.
Emma Eigenmann was elected to the national parliament in February 1986 as the first woman.
Luxembourg
The constituent assembly decided on May 8, 1919, to extend the right to vote to all women and men of Luxembourg nationality over the age of 21. The revised constitution came into force on May 15, 1919. Women were allowed to vote for the first time in September 1919, namely in the referendum on the continuation of the monarchy, and in the parliamentary elections the following month.
From May 15, 1919, women also had the right to be elected to vote.
Marguerite Thomas-Clement was elected to the national parliament in April 1919 as the first woman.
Monaco
Women were given the right to vote at the local level on May 24, 1945. At the national level, women were given the right to vote on December 17, 1962.
Passive women's suffrage: December 17, 1962
First election of a woman to the national parliament: Roxanne Noat-Notari , February 1963
Netherlands

Universal male suffrage was introduced in 1917. In 1918 a bill was introduced into parliament that put women on an equal footing with men in terms of the right to vote. It was passed with a large majority on August 9, 1919 and approved by the royal family on September 18, 1919. Since the passive right to vote for women was already in force at this point, women also voted in this decision.
According to Kaal, the right to vote for women was achieved as early as 1917.
The first election of a woman to the national parliament, Suze Groeneweg , took place in July 1918.
Austria
In the Habsburg Monarchy , male nobles could vote for their female family members. After the revolutions of 1848, wealthy women, taxpayers and women in high professions were themselves entitled to vote. The lack of interest among women in voting before the 20th century can therefore be partly explained by the fact that some women were already entitled to vote. In the late 19th century, feminism was limited to the right of women to work in areas such as the postal service and to the area of upbringing, where only good preparation of girls for later motherhood was required.
With the industrialization of Vienna and the rise of liberalism, democratic ideas spread and were supported by the growing labor movement. Votes grew louder following the introduction of universal male suffrage, and the government introduced it against the backdrop of the Russian Revolution of 1905. The Social Democratic leader Victor Adler had spoken out in favor of women's suffrage, but had taken no concrete steps to get it off the ground. The Social Democrats had forbidden their female party members to voice their demands for women's suffrage before universal suffrage for men was achieved; this seemed a realistic goal to them, and so the party dropped the idea of women's suffrage. The female members of the Liberals were not affected and in 1905 founded the Women's Suffrage Committee . At that time, women were not allowed to participate in political events or found political organizations, but political committees were, so the new association was legal. One of the founders was Gisela Urban , who wrote the book Diary of a Housewife , among other things .
In 1907 men over 24 were given the right to vote, but the new constitution deprived women who had previously been allowed to vote. As in other countries, the expansion of the right to vote for men brought women at a disadvantage. Whereas before the social class, not the gender, had decided the right to vote, democracy had now given the patriarchy more power. Recourse to human rights for both sexes, which had formed the origin of democracy, was necessary.
As in Germany, the right to found political organizations was at the center of the dispute for a long time. The Women's Suffrage Committee continued its work and collected signatures for a petition calling for the corresponding law to be repealed. The House of Commons accepted the proposal, but before the House of Lords could take its decision, Parliament was dissolved. In 1913 a new assembly law was passed that lifted restrictions on women.
On the basis of the Catholic, conservative attitude, attempts were made to introduce women's suffrage. Skills of women that had previously been classified as family-related were now seen as virtues for working in politics. But the Social Democrats still directed their energies more towards leveling class differences than towards gender equality. Nonetheless, its chairwoman Gisela Urban advocated women's suffrage and argued that women wanted the right to vote “precisely because we are female and maternal.” This argument shows that it was not about equality for women, but about it to make the differences between women and men - such as motherhood - useful for politics. Further reasons were cited: women would protect the weak and speak out against war, teach their children civil values and they would have experience in leading a large household.
The First World War brought the efforts of advocates of women's suffrage to a standstill. When, after the end of the monarchy in 1918, the Social Damocrats took the lead, active and passive voting rights for women over the age of 20 were incorporated into the new constitution on December 18, 1918. With the exception of the prostitutes, who did not get the right to vote until 1923 (according to Jad Adams) and 1920 (according to Birgitta Bader-Zaar), women and men were treated equally.
After the introduction of women's suffrage, the conservatives discussed whether or not to introduce compulsory voting for women. They feared that if they were to simply vote, conservative women would stay away from the polls more than social democrats, which could lead to a loss of seats. However, as in other countries, the impact of women's votes on the political landscape was small: women tended to vote for conservative candidates. There were regional exceptions, for example, in Vienna, where women spoke out in favor of the Social Democrats.
In the first election of women to the national parliament on February 2, 1919, eight women (including Hildegard Burjan and Adelheid Popp ) were elected; they took office on March 14, 1919.
Switzerland

The active and passive right to vote for women in Switzerland ( voting and election rights ) was introduced at the national level by a federal vote on February 7, 1971. Women's suffrage formally came into effect on March 16, 1971. Switzerland was thus one of the last European countries to grant its female population full civil rights, but it was the first country in which this was done through a referendum (of the male part of the population).
On October 31, 1971, women were elected to the national parliament for the first time. Ten women received a seat on the National Council and were introduced to their posts on November 30, 1971; Lisa Girardin was elected to the Council of States on October 31, 1971 and was introduced to her office on November 30, 1971.
However, another 20 years passed before women's suffrage was introduced in all cantons : On November 27, 1990, the Federal Supreme Court ruled a lawsuit by women from the canton of Appenzell Innerrhoden , thereby confirming the unconstitutionality of the Innerrhod canton constitution on this point. Appenzell Innerrhoden was the last canton to introduce the right to vote for women at cantonal level, contrary to a majority decision by men in the rural community on April 29, 1990.
The main reason for the comparatively late implementation lies in the Swiss political system . In the case of drafts relating to the constitution, the people who are entitled to vote together with the cantons decide. In order to be able to introduce the right to vote at the various levels, a majority of the men entitled to vote was required. At the national level also was cantons necessary, so the majority of consenting cantons. Another obstacle was the fact that in the Federal Constitution (BV) of 1848 the right to vote was often linked to active military service. In many cantons the following applied: anyone who did not comply with Art. 18 BV “Every Swiss is liable for military service” was excluded from active citizenship.
Individual evidence
- ^ A b c Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 34.
- ↑ a b c d e f g Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 285.
- ↑ a b c d e f Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 287.
- ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 286.
- ↑ a b Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 288.
- ↑ a b c d e f g h i j Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 293.
- ↑ a b c Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 283.
- ↑ a b c d e f g Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 284.
- ↑ a b c d e f g Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 297.
- ↑ a b c d e f Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 298.
- ↑ a b Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 301.
- ^ Dolf Sternberger, Bernhard Vogel, Dieter Nohlen, Klaus Landfried (eds.): The election of parliaments and other state organs. Volume 1: Europe. De Gruyter, Berlin 1969, ISBN 978-3-11-001157-9 , p. 98.
- ^ Dolf Sternberger, Bernhard Vogel, Dieter Nohlen, Klaus Landfried (eds.): The election of parliaments and other state organs. Volume 1: Europe. De Gruyter, Berlin 1969, ISBN 978-3-11-001157-9 , p. 98.
- ↑ - New Parline: the IPU's Open Data Platform (beta). In: data.ipu.org. March 27, 1948, accessed September 30, 2018 .
- ^ A b Petra Meier: Caught Between Strategic Positions and Principles of Equality: Female Suffrage in Belgium . In: Blanca Rodríguez-Ruiz, Ruth Rubio-Marín (eds.): The Struggle for Female Suffrage in Europe. Voting to Become Citizens. Brill Verlag Leiden, Boston 2012, ISBN 978-90-04-22425-4 , pp. 407-420, p. 412.
- ^ Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 290
- ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 35.
- ↑ Christine Pintat: Women's Representation in Parliaments and Political Parties in Europe and North America In: Christine Fauré (Ed.): Political and Historical Encyclopedia of Women: Routledge New York, London, 2003, pp. 481-502, p. 487.
- ↑ United Nations Development Program: Human Development Report 2007/2008 . New York, 2007, ISBN 978-0-230-54704-9 , p. 343.
- ↑ - New Parline: the IPU's Open Data Platform (beta). In: data.ipu.org. Retrieved October 1, 2018 .
- ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 145.
- ↑ a b c d e Blanca Rodríguez-Ruiz, Ruth Rubio-Marín: Introduction: Transition to Modernity, the Conquest of Female Suffrage and Women's Citizenship. In: Blanca Rodríguez-Ruiz, Ruth Rubio-Marín: The Struggle for Female Suffrage in Europe. Voting to Become Citizens. Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden and Boston 2012, ISBN 978-90-04-22425-4 , pp. 1-46, p. 46.
- ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, pp. 147/148.
- ↑ a b c d Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 291.
- ^ Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 292.
- ↑ a b c d e f Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 294.
- ^ Christiane Streubel: Radical Nationalists. Agitation and programs of right-wing women in the Weimar Republic. Campus Verlag, Frankfurt 2006, ISBN 3-593-38210-5 , p. 63. (History and Gender Series, Volume 55)
- ↑ a b c d e f g h i Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 295.
- ↑ Le chrétiennes féministes Féminisme chrétien
- ↑ Marie Maugeret Marie Maugeret
- ↑ a b c d e f g h i Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 296.
- ↑ a b Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 299.
- ↑ a b c d e f g Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 300.
- ↑ June Hannam, Mitzi Auchterlonie, Katherine Holden: International Encyclopedia of Women's Suffrage. ABC-Clio, Santa Barbara, Denver, Oxford 2000, ISBN 1-57607-064-6 , p. 105.
- ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 134.
- ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, pp. 136/137.
- ↑ - New Parline: the IPU's Open Data Platform (beta). In: data.ipu.org. Retrieved October 1, 2018 .
- ^ A b c Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 234.
- ↑ a b c Sonja Kmec: Female Suffrage in Luxembourg. In: Blanca Rodríguez-Ruiz, Ruth Rubio-Marín: The Struggle for Female Suffrage in Europe. Voting to Become Citizens. Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden and Boston 2012, ISBN 978-90-04-22425-4 , pp. 159-173, p. 161.
- ^ A b Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 238.
- ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 239.
- ↑ - New Parline: the IPU's Open Data Platform (beta). In: data.ipu.org. May 24, 1945, accessed October 5, 2018 .
- ^ A b c Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 261.
- ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 274.
- ↑ June Hannam, Mitzi Auchterlonie, Katherine Holden: International Encyclopedia of Women's Suffrage. ABC-Clio, Santa Barbara, Denver, Oxford 2000, ISBN 1-57607-064-6 , p. 208.
- ↑ Benjamin Isakhan, Stephen Stockwell: The Edinburgh Companion to the History of Democracy. Edinburgh University Press 2012, p. 343.
- ↑ Harm Kaal: To win the votes of women. Effects of women's suffrage on Dutch electoral culture, 1922-1970 . In: Hedwig Richter and Kerstin Wolff (eds.): Women's suffrage. Democratization of Democracy in Germany and Europe . Hamburger Edition, Hamburg 2018, ( ISBN 978-3-8685-4323-0 ), pp. 270–289, p. 270.
- ↑ Inge Beijenbergh, Jet Bussmaker: The Women's Vote in the Netherlands: From the 'Houseman's Vote' to full citizenship. In: Blanca Rodríguez-Ruiz, Ruth Rubio-Marín: The Struggle for Female Suffrage in Europe. Voting to Become Citizens. Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden and Boston 2012, ISBN 978-90-04-22425-4 , pp. 175–190, p. 46.
- ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 275.
- ↑ Birgitta Bader-Zaar: Women in Austrian Politics 1890-1934. in David F. Good, Margarete Grandner, Mary Jo Maynes: Austrian Women in the Tnineteenth and Wentieth Centuries. Providence RI, Berghahn 1996, p. 65, quoted from: Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 287.
- ↑ Birgitta Bader-Zaar: Gaining the Vote in a World in Transition: Female Suffrage in Austria. In: Blanca Rodríguez-Ruiz, Ruth Rubio-Marín: The Struggle for Female Suffrage in Europe. Voting to Become Citizens. Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden and Boston 2012, ISBN 978-90-04-22425-4 , pp. 191-206, p. 199.
- ↑ Birgitta Bader-Zaar: Women in Austrian Politics 1890-1934. in David F. Good, Margarete Grandner, Mary Jo Maynes: Austrian Women in the Tnineteenth and Wentieth Centuries. Providence RI, Berghahn 1996, p. 70, quoted from: Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 288.
- ↑ Birgitta Bader-Zaar: Women in Austrian Politics 1890-1934. in David F. Good, Margarete Grandner, Mary Jo Maynes: Austrian Women in the Tnineteenth and Wentieth Centuries. Providence RI, Berghahn 1996, p. 71, quoted from: Jad Adams: Women and the Vote. A world history. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-870684-7 , page 288.
- ↑ Shoemaker's daughter, weaver child: The first women parliamentarians. parliament.gv.at. Retrieved June 7, 2019.
- ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 369.
- ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 370.
- ↑ Federal Supreme Court judgment of November 27, 1990. In: Official collection of the decisions of the Swiss Federal Supreme Court. Retrieved December 25, 2010 .