The Paris Commune ( La Commune de Paris in French ) is the name given to the revolutionary Paris City Council from March 18, 1871 to May 28, 1871, which was formed spontaneously during the Franco-German War and tried to conquer Paris according to socialist ideas against the will of the conservative central government manage. Its members are called Communards (French communards , Sg. Communard ). The Paris Commune is seen as a model for council democracy .
Background to the uprising
The Franco-German War
The events surrounding the Paris Commune took place during the Franco-Prussian War of 1870/1871. On September 1, 1870, the French Armée de Châlons , which was supposed to break the siege of the Armée du Rhin , which had been enclosed at Metz since August 20 , lost the battle at Sedan and was itself enclosed. She had to surrender the next day , and Emperor Napoleon III. was captured. Only the newly formed 13th Corps was able to escape the encirclement at Sedan and was thus the last remaining operational part of the French field army.
News of these events reached Paris on the afternoon of September 3rd and caused outrage. On September 4th the Chamber of Deputies was stormed by the masses, shortly afterwards the removal of the emperor, which had been requested in parliament the previous night, was announced and the republic was proclaimed. On the afternoon of the 4th the Empress left Paris and fled to England. In Paris, a government of national defense was formed from the members of the last Napoleonic Chamber of Deputies elected in that city . Its leaders were Jules Favre (exterior) and Léon Gambetta (interior), their boss was General Trochu , who was appointed governor of Paris by Napoleon and who temporarily served as minister of war. Other members were Emmanuel Arago (justice), Jules Ferry , Louis-Antoine Garnier-Pagès , Alexandre Glais-Bizoin , Adolphe Crémieux , Eugène Pelletan , Ernest Picard (finance), Henri Rochefort and Jules Simon (teaching). The new government resolutely continued the war despite the unfavorable strategic location.
From September 19, 1870 until the conclusion of the armistice on January 28, 1871, the French capital was besieged by the Germans. During this time, parts of the National Guard were radicalized , which resulted in demonstrations, riots and coup attempts on September 22nd and 27th, on September 7th and 8th. October and October 31, 1870 (after the news of the surrender of the Bazaine army ) and January 22, 1871. Louis-Auguste Blanquis , Jules Vallès ', Gustave Flourens ', E. Razouas, Eugène Varlins, Jean-Baptiste Millières, Dominique Régères and others had a significant influence with the Central Committee of the 20 boroughs . an unofficial counter-government was formed on September 11, which first called for the formation of a commune on September 17.
The daily salary of 1.50 francs granted plus allowances for family members (0.75 francs for women, 0.25 francs per child) created a situation in which service in the National Guard was much more attractive for many workers than work on the job . So on September 30th, the long-standing 60 battalions , consisting only of those entitled to vote, ie. H. wealthy citizens were recruited, not only, as decided by the government, 60 new battalions, consisting mainly of workers, but 194 were added, albeit rarely with the prescribed strength. Jules Ferry reported at a government meeting on September 16: “The battalions that are being formed are without soldiers; the battalion chiefs appoint themselves or have themselves appointed by a handful of friends. ”For the military confrontation with the external enemy, these units were largely useless due to a lack of any training, on the other hand they represented a civil war army that was dangerous for the government, verbally for the guerre à outrance (War to the extreme) and against any armistice, but also against the election of a national assembly, expressed with a quote from Blanquis from his newspaper La Patrie en danger of September 28, 1871: “The assemblies of representatives are a worn-out, damned, bad fashion, not just in times of crisis, in times of war, but at all times ”.
On January 28, 1871, an armistice was finally agreed, which also provided for the election of a national assembly for February 8, which met in Bordeaux on the 12th and Adolphe Thiers as Prime Minister on the 17th ("Head of the executive power of the French Republic") chose. According to the preliminary peace at Versailles of February 26th, which had been negotiated by Adolphe Thiers and Jules Favre , small contingents of the German army (parts of the VI. And XI. As well as the II . March, 10:00 a.m., entered parts of the city on the right of the Seine and occupied the forts there, but withdrew until March 3, 11:00 a.m., after the handing over of the ratification for the preliminary peace on March 2nd .
Development in Paris
While the regular troops in Paris were disarmed and discharged from the army in accordance with the armistice agreement (up to 12,000 men for internal service), Jules Favre insisted, contrary to Bismarck's advice, not to disarm the National Guard, because he feared a bloodbath if carried out this provision. Because many members of the 60 bourgeois battalions had left the city after the signing of the preliminary peace, the part of the National Guard prepared for revolution gained the military preponderance in the city, which led to looting on March 3, and on the night of March 3, immediately after the Germans withdrew ./4. March led to an attack on police posts and the distribution of the captured other weapons. In addition, the central committee of the 20 arrondissements renamed itself on March 3rd as the main committee of the Republican Federation of the National Guard of the now 215 "allied battalions", which was a clear challenge to the newly elected National Assembly, whose majority (450 of 750) consisted of royalist MPs , but in three groups - two large and one small - each with a different pretender to the throne ( Legitimists (182 mandates): Count of Chambord - Orléanists (214 mandates): Count of Paris - Bonapartists : Napoleon III, later Napoleon IV ) and therefore united in the rejection of the republic, but mutually neutralizing in the effort to put something else in its place. For this reason, on March 10th, the National Assembly, on Thiers' suggestion, decided not Paris, but Versailles (which had since been evacuated by German troops) as the provisional seat of government and parliament.
The leadership and supporters of the commune did not form a homogeneous mass either, but several groups can be distinguished: Sections of the left-liberal bourgeoisie sought a restructuring of the internal order of France, away from the centralism that had ruled since Cardinal Richelieu and towards a federation of autonomous French cities that should have few issues in common with the rest of the country. They worked together with supporters of utopian socialism with Proudhon influences and revolutionary conspirators such as Blanqui.
History of the commune
The Montmartre cannons
The attempt by the Thiers government to defend the National Guard at least during the night of June 26-27 became the spark of the uprising. February to snatch artillery stolen from the army's stocks (400 tubes in total). The pretext for the theft was to bring the “people's artillery” to safety from the Germans. Since the new locations in the former working-class districts of Montmartre , Belleville , Buttes-Chaumont and La Villette were partly closer to the enclosure line than the previous ones on Avenue de Wagram and in Parc Monceau , the pretext was a more transparent one. On March 10, the Main Committee of the National Guard foiled the peaceful attempt by the Arrondissement Mayor of Montmartre, Georges Clemenceau , to hand over the 227 cannons stationed there to General Louis d'Aurelle de Paladines, appointed by the government . On the morning of March 18, the government troops attempted a violent access to all locations, but this was delayed by organizational deficiencies (the horses to be evacuated were not there in time) and finally failed due to the mutiny of the 88th Line Regiment when it clashed with the approaching one National Guard fraternized . General Claude Lecomte, in command of the operation, was captured by his troops, as was the former commander of the National Guard, Jacques Léon Clément-Thomas, who was caught during a stroll in civilian clothes. In the afternoon of the day both were shot, whereupon Thiers had General Joseph Vinoy lead the few remaining loyal troops and the civil servants first to the left bank of the Seine and then to Versailles. When the news spread that evening that the town house and the police prefecture had been vacated, the main committee moved to the town house . In some cases, police posts and ministries were already being filled at this point. The leadership of the National Guard thus assumed not only the military but also the political key role in the city.
The most radical forces demanded an immediate march on Versailles, but this was not undertaken. The desire for complete autonomy of the city outweighed the will for a political revolution in all of France.
The days of the commune
First, the Central Committee of the National Guard took power in Paris, but wrote that "it is not presumptuous to take the place of those men who have been swept away by the breath of the people", that is, explicitly did not see themselves as government, and quickly elections to the local council out. On March 26th, these yielded a very mixed result: of 1.8 million inhabitants, just under 492,000 were eligible to vote, of which just under 221,000 (44.9%) exercised their right to vote. and 8th arrondissement and 59.8% in the 11th and 58.2% in the 10th arrondissement fluctuated. Only three people elected (Mortier in the 11th and Bergeret and Ranvier in the 20th arrondissement) received votes from more than 50% of those eligible to vote in their district. A total of 91 mandates were awarded, but since some candidates were elected in several arrondissements (e.g. BE Varlin in the 6th, 12th and 17th), there were only 86 elected. Of these, 15 were supporters of the “party of order”, i. H. Opponents of the commune, however, did not accept the election, as did six other elected members for different reasons. Of those who accepted the election, 13 were also members of the Central Committee of the National Guard, 17 were socialist-communist supporters of the First International and 31 supporters of Blanquis. With the election, the Central Committee relinquished government responsibility, but expressly reserved the right to decide on military issues. The local council ( French: Commune ) proclaimed the general arming of the people and ordered the defense of Paris, both against the German troops still in the previous siege positions on the right of the Seine and against the French government troops who had taken over the German positions on the left of the Seine.
There was unanimous agreement among the Communards on the goal of defending the autonomy of Paris that had just been achieved at all costs and, if necessary, by force of arms. In addition, there was agreement in the endeavor, as the elected body of the people, to have the task of creating humane social conditions. The Blanquist representatives in particular saw their responsibility not limited to Paris, but tried to use the commune as a means of seizing power in all of France.
On the question of the order in which and by what means these goals should be achieved, however, there was no agreement: There was both the opinion that through immediate social reforms and a reorganization of society according to federal, liberal and humanistic principles, the Paris Commune would be a role model for to exercise the rest of France and at the same time to gain the moral and social legitimation of the population, without which the armed conflict with Versailles could not be won. On the other hand, the Blanquists in particular made the rapid subjugation of the Versaillais the primary goal, with social reforms being postponed until after the victory. The commune would therefore have been more of a war commission that united state power and was willing to take violent measures to achieve its goals. A first attempt at this was the "walk to Versailles" to demolish the National Assembly and arrest the government on April 3rd, which however collapsed in the fire of the Fort Mont Valérien , which was occupied by government troops. The accusations made by the commune against the ministers of the Thiers government, including the immediate confiscation of their property, did nothing to change the actual balance of power.
There were only a few attempts to establish commune rule in other French cities, and these were quickly crushed by the government with the exception of Lyon. The government troops achieved step-by-step successes at the individual forts, and despite all the appeals, proclamations and resolutions, no increase in the combat strength of the National Guard succeeded. Because of these failures, the authoritarian faction soon gained greater weight in the local council. This was further facilitated by the resignation of moderate representatives after a welfare committee known from the revolution of 1789 had been formed on May 4th after a vote against them . This was given quasi-dictatorial powers, and its members were only responsible to the commune. The welfare committee practically abolished the freedom of the press: a number of newspapers were banned completely, the others were no longer allowed to report on its meetings, because, according to one member: " with freedom of the press no government is possible ".
There was a frequent change in leadership, as mutual arrests took place on suspicion of treason in favor of the Thiers government. Jules-Henri-Marie Bergeret, a member of the Central Committee and the War and Executive Commissions of the commune, was arrested on April 8 after the defeat on April 3 and wrote on the wall of his cell: “Citizen Cluseret , you have locked me up here. In a week, I expect to see you here. ”He was just wrong in time, because his successor was not arrested until May 1st. His successor, Louis Rossel, was only in office for a few days until he resigned on May 9, together with a damning verdict on the commune, with the words: "I have the honor to ask for a cell in Mazas ". The commune's last "war minister" was Louis Charles Delescluze .
The municipality began with social, political and economic measures aimed at improving the living conditions of the citizens. In terms of social measures, above all a decree on the retroactive waiver of due rents, the decree on the return of pledged objects, in particular "items of clothing, furniture, linen, books, bedding and work tools" and the abolition of night work for bakers. Other decrees were of a fundamental nature and reflect the secular and social reform demands of the commune; this includes, for example, the separation of church and state and a decree according to which the factories abandoned by their owners when the government fled the country were to be transferred to collective ownership and operated by a “cooperative association of workers”. Furthermore, the Commune was entitled to a pension for the orphans of the National Guards who died in the defense of Paris, regardless of whether they were legitimate or illegitimate children.
The ordinances also included symbolic acts such as the destruction of the guillotine with a sword on the Place Voltaire or the fall of the Vendôme column , the symbol of the Napoleonic campaigns . The revolutionary calendar from the time of the French Revolution was reintroduced. There were also strict precepts, as advocated by Maximilien de Robespierre : cafes in which cocottes went about their business were attacked and their suitors arrested. Socialist measures such as the nationalization of the Banque de France were omitted, as Friedrich Engels later noted with regret. Historian Gordon A. Craig therefore doubts that the Commune uprising was the proletarian revolution as which it is portrayed in Marxist historiography.
The bloody May week
Since the strength of the regular French army was limited to 40,000 men according to the preliminary peace, the government initially had to be content with enclosing and monitoring Paris. At the request of the Thiers government, numerous prisoners of war, including Marshal Mac-Mahon , were released at an accelerated rate so that the government had 65,000 men at its disposal at the beginning of April and 170,000 men at the end of April, whose command was taken over by the Marshal. After the government had put down the uprisings, which also flared up in the provinces, the regular French troops began to bombard the fortifications of Paris. Fort d'Issy fell on May 8th, Fort de Vanves on May 13th , and Fort de Montrouge was abandoned by the Communards on the 16th .
On May 21, 1871, government forces entered the city through Porte de Saint-Cloud, which the guard had abandoned. The organizational structures of the commune collapsed and, as at the beginning, there was a decentralized struggle in the Parisian districts. The dogged fight during the so-called "Bloody May Week", which was mainly fought over barricades in the streets of Paris, lasted until May 28th. On May 22nd, the leadership of the commune ordered the burning down of “suspicious houses” and public buildings throughout the city, after this procedure had already been announced on May 16 in the newspaper Cri du peuple in light code: “All measures have been taken to ensure that no foreign soldier can enter Paris. The forts can be taken one at a time; the walls can fall. But no soldier comes into Paris. If Mr. Thiers is a chemist, he will understand us. ”The Palais du Louvre , the Palais Royal , the Paris City Hall , the Police Prefecture, the Court of Auditors, the customs warehouse and the Treasury, the palaces of the Council of State and the Legion of Honor, several theaters and the The Palace of Justice and the Palais des Tuileries fell victim to the flames to varying degrees. According to an older estimate, 30,000 people were killed and around 40,000 imprisoned in the fighting and the mass executions that followed; However, the British historian Robert Tombs has meanwhile corrected the number of deaths significantly downwards: around 7,000. Most of the captured Communards were either shot immediately, tried by express courts or taken to Versailles or the colonies, e.g. B. Île des Pins deported.
Government troops recorded 900 casualties, the Communards killed around 70 hostages in the course of the fighting . The implementation of the so-called “hostage decree” of May 17, according to which the execution of every communard by the government troops should be answered “with the execution of three times the number of hostages” by the commune, did not materialize. A planned exchange of prisoners between Paris and Versailles, the Archbishop of Paris Georges Darboy against the revolutionary Louis-Auguste Blanqui , failed due to the resistance of the Thiers government and ended with the execution of the archbishop and another five hostages on May 24th. On May 26, another 70 hostages were executed, mostly clergymen and police officers.
The commune of besieged Paris marked the beginning of a new era in social history. According to Sebastian Haffner , it went there
"For the first time about things that are being struggled around the world today: democracy or dictatorship, council system or parliamentarianism, socialism or welfare capitalism, secularization, popular arming, even women's emancipation - all of this was suddenly on the agenda these days."
Emancipation of women
During the Paris Commune, the first feminist mass organization emerged with the Union des femmes pour la défense de Paris et les soins aux blessés under the influence of the Russian aristocrat Elisabeth Dmitrieff and the bookbinder Nathalie Lemel . In this short period of time, women demanded and were given the right to work and the same wages as men for the first time, and they fought for other rights such as the equality of legitimate and illegitimate children and the secularization of educational and nursing facilities. To this end, women formed organizations that fight for women's rights in society. The two largest of them are called “Le Comité de Vigilance” and “L´Union des femmes”. These two organizations often participated in political debates in debating clubs. The organizations also enabled the women to participate in several areas of the organization of the municipality. Women like Louise Michel fought on the barricades.
In the United States only appeared in the journal Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly of Victoria Woodhull positive reports and her sister Tennessee Claflin on the Commune, in particular the women of the community.
In addition to the naming of the Parishskaya Kommuna Glacier in Antarctica, the days of the Paris Commune found a wide range of input into artistic processing, especially into literature. Some examples are given below:
Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray was a communard and published the “Tribune of the People” between May 17 and 24, 1871 in Paris. The history of the Paris Commune he wrote ( Histoire de la Commune de 1871 ) was later translated into English by Eleanor Marx , the daughter of Karl Marx . Victor Hugo was deeply affected by the events in the commune. In September 1870 he wrote a pamphlet for peace: Appel aux Allemands . In December 1871 he dedicated the poem Viro Major to Louise Michel and in 1872, in exile in Luxembourg, wrote the volume of poetry L'Année terrible .
Likewise, Arthur Rimbaud stayed in Paris as a young man at the time of the Commune uprising and was enthusiastic about the cause of the Communards. This sympathy is evident in his poems, written in May 1871, The Paris Orgy or Paris Fills Again , The Hands of Jeanne-Maries and Paris War Song . Also Émile Zola draws on the events. At the end (chapters 23 and 24) of his novel The Collapse , published in 1892, he describes, among other things, the events surrounding the Paris Commune.
Non-French authors also dealt literarily with the Paris Commune. Emil Rudolf Greulich's novel The Exiles of New Caledonia is set in the context of the Paris Commune. Ewald August König (pseudonym Ernst Kaiser), one of the first modern German crime fiction authors, published the 1260-page Kolportage novel about the Commune ( Die Verschwarzung der Republikaner or The Secrets of the Siege of Paris , Verlag Schoenfeld, Düsseldorf, 1872 ) shortly after its suppression ).
In the 1930s, Ernest Hemingway's short story Snow on Kilimanjaro (English: The Snows of Kilimanjaro ) alludes to the Communard revolt in retrospect. Bertolt Brecht, on the other hand, began planning a production of the play Die Niederlage von Nordahl Grieg , which deals with the rise and fall of the commune , after his return from American exile in 1948 , but ultimately decided on a comprehensive revision. Brecht understood Die Tage der Commune as a political lesson for a defeated country at the crossroads between revolution and restoration, in which he compared the situation of France in 1871 with that of Germany in 1945. The play was premiered in Karl-Marx-Stadt one month after Brecht's death on September 17, 1956 .
The story of the Paris Commune still inspires today. The novel The Cemetery in Prague by Umberto Eco , published in 2010/2011, deals, among other things, with the events surrounding the uprising of the Paris Commune. See also further references below. Also worth mentioning is the highly acclaimed, four-volume comic by Jacques Tardi Die Macht des Volk (People's Power) based on a novel by Jean Vautrin .
One of the first cinematic receptions is the silent film from the Soviet Union in 1929 ( Das neue Babylon (Новый Вавилон), 129 min., Directors: Grigori Kosintsew , Leonid Trauberg ). In 1966, the GDR produced the theater recording Die Tage der Commune von Brecht. More recent examples are the documentary from France in 2000 ( La commune (Paris, 1871) , 345 min. Director: Peter Watkins ) and the documentary (88 min.) "The Damned of the Paris Commune", directed by Raphaël Meyssan, France 2019 on ARTE.
The ideas of the Communards had a great influence on Luigi Nono's Azione scenica ("Scenic Action") with the title Al gran sole carico d'amore ( Loaded with love under the great sun ) from 1972/74, which brought them into the tradition of the socialist Revolts and revolutions.
In the 1970s, the Austrian folk rock band Butterflies worked on the history of the Paris Commune in the fourth section of their political oratorio Proletenpassion (text by Heinz Rudolf Unger ), a kind of review on the history of the revolutionary movements of modern times . The work was premiered in 1976 as a staged theatrical version, recorded as a concert version on three LPs in 1977 and performed in a new version in Vienna in 2015. Inspired by the butterflies, the double album Die Pariser Commune followed in 1977 by the political rock band Oktober , which dealt exclusively with the Paris Commune in its work.
- Jean Bruhat, Jean Dautry, Émile Tersen: The Paris Commune of 1871 . Editor of the German edition by Heinz Köller. German Science Publishing House, Berlin 1971.
- Florian Grams: The Paris Commune , Papyrossa, Cologne 2014, ISBN 978-3-89438-530-9 .
- Sebastian Haffner : In the shadow of history. Historical-political variations from 20 years , DVA, Stuttgart 1985, pp. 70–121, ISBN 3-421-06253-6 ; as a paperback under the title Historische Variationen , dtv, Munich 2003, ISBN 3-423-34010-X .
- Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, Karin Hausen: The Paris Commune. Success and Failure of a Revolution Campus, Frankfurt am Main 1979, ISBN 3-593-32607-8 .
- Irmgard and Paul Hartig: The Paris Commune 1871 , Klett, Stuttgart 1971, ISBN 3-12-429300-2 .
- Alistair Horne : The Fall of Paris: The Siege and the Commune 1870–71 , 1965, (German edition: The Prussians probably crossed the Rhine ), p. 416, Scherz, Munich 1970; 2nd edition, Lübbe, Bergisch Glattbach 1978, ISBN 3-404-00860-X .
- Heinrich Koechlin: The Paris Commune of 1871 in the consciousness of its followers , Don-Quichotte-Verlag, Basel 1950, Dissertation at the University of Basel , Philosophical-Historical Faculty, under the title: The Paris Commune of 1871 in consciousness of their followers ). (At the same time:
- Bernd Kramer (Ed.): Life - Ideas - Struggle. Louise Michel and the Paris Commune from 1871. Kramer, Berlin 2001, ISBN 3-87956-263-6 .
- Pyotr L. Lavrov : The Paris Commune of March 18, 1871. Events - Influence - Teachings , Unrast, Münster 2001, ISBN 3-89771-905-3 .
- Henri Lefebvre : La Proclamation de la Commune , Paris (Gallimard) 1965 (= Collection Trente Journées). Lefebvre , accessed July 6, 2013.
- Karl Marx : The Civil War in France . Marx-Engels-Werke Volume 17. Dietz Verlag, Berlin 1962, pp. 313–365.
- Louise Michel : The Paris Commune. Translated from the French by Veronika Berger, Mandelbaum Verlag, Vienna 2020, ISBN 978-3-85476-882-1 .
- Thankmar von Münchhausen : 72 days. The Paris Commune in 1871 - the first “dictatorship of the proletariat” . Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Munich 2015, ISBN 978-3-421-04440-2 .
- Dieter Marc Schneider (Ed.): Paris Commune 1871 , 2 volumes, Rowohlt, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1971:
- Kristin Ross : Communal luxury: the political imaginary of the Paris Commune . London: Verso, 2015
- Helmut Swoboda (Ed.): Die Pariser Kommune 1871 , dtv, Munich 1972, ISBN 3-423-00734-6 .
- Bertolt Brecht : Resolution , 1934. In: Svendborger Gedichte , 1939, set to music by Hanns Eisler .
- Bertolt Brecht: The days of the Commune , Suhrkamp, Frankfurt 1993, ISBN 3-518-10169-2 .
- Jutta Ditfurth : Die Himmelsstürmerin , Marion von Schröder Verlag, Düsseldorf 1998, ISBN 3-547-72108-3 .
- Dieter Forte: Jean Henry Dunant or The introduction of civilization, Frankfurt am Main 1978, ISBN 3-596-22301-6 .
Jean Vautrin : Le Cri du Peuple , Roman, Paris 1999. Adapted as a comic novel by Jacques Tardi . Translated into German in this form:
- Jacques Tardi & Jean Vautrin: The Power of the People. A comic novel in four volumes , Edition Moderne, Zurich:
Arthur Rimbaud : Complete Works , Insel-Verlag, Frankfurt / Leipzig 1992, ISBN 3-458-33098-4 :
- The Parisian orgy or Paris fills up again , (French: L'orgie parisienne ou Paris se repeuple ).
- The hands of Jeanne-Marie , (French: Les mains de Jeanne-Marie ).
- Paris war song , (French: Chant de guerre parisien ).
- Jules Vallès : Jacques Vingtras. The child. The education. The revolt , March at two thousand and one , Frankfurt 1979; again: Area, Erftstadt 2004, ISBN 3-89996-029-7 (autobiographical trilogy) and other editions; also with title variants, see the author's article.
- Émile Zola : The Collapse (La débâcle), 1892.
- Christian Koller : 150 years ago: The Paris Commune . In: Social Archive Info 2/2021
- Marlis Meergans, Eberhard Noll: The Paris Commune - The 72 days of the Paris Commune. as an html version on glasnost.de (first of 12 subpages) , and as a PDF file on treibsand.servus.at , accessed on July 6, 2013.
- Voices of the Proletarian Revolution: Karl Marx: The Civil War in France , accessed July 6, 2013.
- Antje Schrupp: Women in the Paris Commune (1871)
- Journal officiel (facsimile), available at http://classiques.uqac.ca/classiques/commune_de_paris/Journal_officiel_Commune_de_Paris/Journal_officiel_Commune_de_Paris.doc
- The days of the Commune 150 years of the Paris Commune: From March 18 to May 28, 2021 we will remember the 72 days of the “Commune”!
- Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Department, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more often, pp. 185, reproduction of a telegram from Gambetta to the Prefects, Sub-Prefects, Generals, the Governor General of Algeria and all the telegraph offices of September 4, 1870, 6:00 p.m.
- Helmert, Heinz / Usceck, Hansjürgen: Prussian-German Wars from 1864 to 1871. Military history , Berlin: Militärverlag der DDR, 1988. ISBN 978-3-327-00222-3 , p. 245 and p. 286.
- Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Section, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more, p. 188.
- Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Section, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more, p. 189f.
- Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Section, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more, p. 339, p.341, p.351.
- Reiners, Ludwig: Bismarck founds the empire. Munich: CH Beck, 1957, ISBN 3-423-01574-8 , p. 495.
- Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Section, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more, p. 353
Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Department, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more often, pp. 359 to 361 with communication of the draft of a contract between the city of Paris and France, which was probably first published
on April 7, 1871 in Vallés' Cri du peuple
- We, who published the program “Paris as a Free City” on March 19th, propose the following treaty to our fellow citizens and the country:
- Article 1: Paris is henceforth a Free City. The French government recognizes the legality of the community upheaval that took place on March 18th. For the future it renounces any power intervention in this city and for now any investigation of the facts that will result from this revolution.
- Article 2: The territory of Paris includes the department of the Seine, excluding the communes of that department, which by a majority of votes will refuse to enjoy communal freedom. This area can be enlarged by all the communes of neighboring departments who declare that they want to fraternize with the commune of Paris and enjoy the same advantages. [...]
- Article 3: Paris and the allied communes remain French cities under the terms set out in the present treaty. Paris pays its share of the general expenditure of France, but only in so far as it concerns the equipment of the fortresses, the expenses for land and waterways, the instruction, the navy, the public works; it does not participate in the budget of the interior, finances, cult or the standing army. In times of war it provides a contingent of mobilized national guards, which are organized for this purpose and provided with their artillery.
- Article 4: Paris sends MPs to the legislative assemblies. It accepts their resolutions and motions as long as they do not conflict with the municipal constitution. It adopts the general principles of the Civil Code, with the reservation that its articles may be amended according to the interests and needs expressed by vote.
- Article 5: Paris governs and administers itself according to the municipal regime, without any interference from the French government. It elects its servants and officials at all levels. It has its own budget. [...]
- Article 6: Since every standing army is a danger to the city, the government of France may not set up a camp or garrison within 25 hours of the city or the confederation of Paris, except in the case of national war. In this case, the government must contact the Paris Commune to override this condition.
- Article 7: Since Paris contributes its share to the total expenditure, it cannot pay it twice by paying the import duties. As a result, goods arriving from abroad with the destination Paris, France must pass through duty-free and only pay the tax set by the municipality.
- Articles 8 and 9: […] (inter alia, activities of Parisian banks in the rest of France, banknotes in circulation)
- Article 10: Since Paris is a free city and governs itself, the present treaty cannot determine anything about the municipal constitution. [...]
- Article 11: Paris accepts the terms of the peace concluded between France and Prussia (sic!), Undertakes to respect it and to pay its share of the war indemnity.
- Article 12: The French government will pay an amount of money, determined by its representatives and that of the Paris Commune, at the cost of the war arising from the siege and from the conflict that arose on March 18th and ended by this treaty.
- Article 13: […] (final provision)
- We, who published the program “Paris as a Free City” on March 19th, propose the following treaty to our fellow citizens and the country:
- Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Department, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more often, pp. 354
- Helmut Swoboda (Ed.): Die Pariser Kommune 1871 , Munich 1972, (a) p. 59, (b) p. 225, (c) p. 172, (d) p. 252.
- Journal officiel, pp. 256 to 275.
- Wilhelm Oncken : The Age of Emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Section, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more, p. 357
- Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Department, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more often, pp. 363.
- Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Section, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more, p. 363/364, with quotations from Jules Simon : Le gouvernement de M. Thiers , Volume I, Paris 1879: Rossel then described the Commune as a "desperate economy in which everything gossiped and gossiped and no one obeyed" (Simon p. 371ff. ) and he described the officers of the commune as follows: “It is beggars, disguised as soldiers, who turn the uniform with which they have been disguised into rags; the trousers made of drill, the saber between the legs, the belt hanging from a too wide skirt, the greasy kepi as a crown on a greasy head, the eyes tearful, the language babbling: that was the nature of the droplets that wanted to free the country from it Saber regiment and could not replace anything but the 'regiment of the drunkard madness' ”(Simon p. 401).
- Gordon A. Craig: History of Europe 1815-1980. From the Congress of Vienna to the present . CH Beck, Munich 1984, p. 266.
- Helmert, Heinz / Usceck, Hansjürgen: Prussian-German Wars from 1864 to 1871. Military history , Berlin: Militärverlag der DDR, 1988. ISBN 978-3-327-00222-3 , p. 293.
- Helmert, Heinz / Usceck, Hansjürgen: Prussian-German Wars from 1864 to 1871. Military history , Berlin: Militärverlag der DDR, 1988. ISBN 978-3-327-00222-3 , p. 294.
- Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Department, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more often, pp. 365.
Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Department, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more often, pp. 366
- The order read: Citizen Milliêre will set 150 fireworks at the head of the suspicious houses and public monuments on the left bank. Citizen Dereure is entrusted with 100 fireworks for the 1st and 2nd district. Citizen Billioray with 100 men for the 9th and 10th district. The citizen Vésinier is in particular responsible for the boulevards from the Madeleine to the Bastille. The citizens must come to an understanding with the chiefs of the barricades to ensure that these orders are carried out.
- Paris 3rd Prairial of 79 Delescluze, Régère, Ranvier, Johannard, Vésinier, Brunel, Dombrowski .
- Wilhelm Oncken : The Age of Emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Department, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more often, pp. 368
- Wilhelm Oncken : The age of the emperor Wilhelm. (Individual edition: ISBN 978-3-8460-3638-9 ) in: Oncken, W. (ed.): General History in Individual Representations , Fourth Main Department, Sixth Part, Volume 2, Berlin: Grote, 1890 and more often, pp. 367.
- Sebastian Haffner : Von Bismarck zu Hitler , Munich, Droemer Knaur (1987), ISBN 978-3-426-78182-1 .
- Sandro Bocola : Die Kunst der Moderne , Prestel, Munich / New York 1994, p. 28, ISBN 3-7913-1889-6 , new edition in Psychosozial-Verlag, Gießen, Lahn 2013, ISBN 978-3-8379-2215- 8 .
- Amis de la Commune de Paris 1871: Les femmes et la Commune available online , accessed November 22, 2010. Michel published the book La Commune in 1898 . Paris (German-language edition: Die Pariser Commune. Translated from the French by Veronika Berger, Mandelbaum Verlag, Vienna 2020)
- Antje Schrupp (2002): The sensational life of Victoria Woodhull . New edition: Buch & Netz, Zurich 2015. ISBN 978-3-03805-040-7 , pp. 152f.
- Proletenpassion 2015 ff. , Accessed on April 11, 2015.
- Title list of the double album “ Die Pariser Commune ” by the October group , accessed on July 6, 2013.
- Translation of La Commune de 1871 . 2nd edition Editions sociales, Paris 1970.
- Sebastian Haffner's text is based on a series of articles published in Stern in 1971 , with Haffner consistently adhering very closely to the presentation of the British historian Alistair Horne, see The Fall of Paris .
- Rat at noon . In: Der Spiegel of April 15, 1968, last accessed on September 26, 2015.