Liber selectarum cantionum

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Title page of the Liber selectarum cantionum

The Liber selectarum cantionum ( RISM A / IS 2804, RISM B / I 1520 4 , VD16 S 5851, vdm 18) is a collection of motets that was printed in Augsburg in 1520 in the workshop of Sigmund Grimms and Markus Wirsungs . Its full title is Liber selectarum cantionum quas vulgo mutetas appellant sex quinque et quatuor vocum , Latin for "book of selected chants that are commonly called motets, for six, five and four voices". The print is dedicated to the cardinal and Salzburg prince-archbishop Matthäus Lang von Wellenburg . The afterword was written by the humanist Konrad Peutinger . Ludwig Senfl selected the music, prepared it for printing and possibly also worked as a proofreader .

introduction

The Liber selectarum cantionum is the first motets anthology that the Alps north went to press. It is researched by musicology , print research and art history primarily because of three extraordinary properties:

  1. The imposing dimensions of 44.5 cm × 28.5 cm are an extreme exception for printed products with mensural music in the 16th century.
  2. The sheet music types are the largest ever made for mensural music and not used again in any other print.
  3. Some of the specimens contain a full-page woodcut of a coat of arms in seven colors, including gold, which is one of the most elaborate of the entire sixteenth century. These peculiarities were so innovative that they raised the possibilities in printing technology to a new level.

Twenty copies of the Liber selectarum cantionum have been preserved, which is an extraordinarily high number for a music print of this century. There is also a fragment in the British Museum in London, which consists only of a sheet with a colored woodcut of the coat of arms and the first half of the dedication letter . It is integrated into a print of Wiguleus Hund's Metropolis Salisburgensis , which was made in Ingolstadt in 1582.

Social background

Several people were connected to the pressure of the Liber selectarum cantionum and direct or indirect connections can also be demonstrated between them.

Grimm worked as a doctor and pharmacist in Augsburg from 1507. In 1513 Grimm married Magdalena Welser . This marriage had two important consequences for him. On the one hand, he advanced to the top of society, as he now gained access to the Augsburger Herrenstube , the closed circle of the urban elite. On the other hand, there was an important connection for Grimm, because Magdalena Welser was a second cousin of Margarete Welser , the wife of Konrad Peutinger. Thus, Grimm and Peutinger were distantly related. Peutinger was one of the best-known and most authoritative representatives of humanism in Upper Germany . He took part in Augsburg's city policy and supported Emperor Maximilian I as an imperial councilor . He helped the Welser family business by advising them on legal matters. He was also a keen advocate of printing, which he particularly supported in Augsburg. Due to his commitment, printing projects for the emperor were also undertaken there.

Matthäus Lang von Wellenburg, Prince Archbishop of Salzburg

The Sodalitas litteraria Augustana , which was founded by Peutinger in 1500, was essential for linking contacts . This is a company based in Augsburg with the aim of bringing humanists together, exchanging ideas and realizing them. Among the members was also Matthäus Lang von Wellenburg, to whom the Liber selectarum cantionum was dedicated. Some Augsburg printers also belonged to the association, including Grimm and Wirsung. Presumably it was due to both the family relationship and the sodalitas that Peutinger connected with the two printers that he wrote the epilogue to the music book.

Wirsung worked as a pharmacist in Augsburg from 1496 (similar to Grimm), but he became extremely wealthy through his main occupation as a merchant in long-distance trade. From 1502 at the latest he was also active in the book trade. Wirsung married Agathe Sulzer for the second time in 1501, who, like his first wife, came from a wealthy merchant family. Wirsung also got access to the Augsburger Herrenstube and thus officially became a member of the local upper class. This marriage arose, among others, from Christoph Wirsung .

Grimm and Wirsung were long-time friends when Grimm founded a Druckoffizin in 1517 , which Wirsung joined in the same year as an equal partner . In contrast to Grimm, this company was only a sideline for Wirsung. However, the latter was able to provide the capital necessary to set up and maintain a printing plant. The printing program is characterized by the extremely high level and the efforts to produce something innovative. Both also apply to the Liber selectarum cantionum . For the woodcuts of this and other prints, Grimm and Wirsung repeatedly hired the Petrarca master from 1518 to 1522 , whose identity could not yet be clarified more precisely.

Lang was a native of Augsburg who was born into an impoverished patrician family. He was largely related to Wirsung, because his wife's great-great-grandfather was also Lang's great-grandfather. Although Lang was a cleric, his real legacy lies in his role as the “right hand man” of Maximilian I, which made him the second most powerful man in the empire in his day. He and Peutinger knew each other well, not only through the Sodalitas litteraria Augustana . This is shown materially in the dedication of Peutinger's Sermones convivales from 1504 to Lang.

Just four days after the Liber selectarum cantionum , another work was published in Grimms and Wirsung's presses that is dedicated to Lang: La Celestina . This was a translation of the originally Spanish drama into German with the title Ain Hipsche Tragedia . The work was translated by Christoph Wirsung, Markus Wirsung's son, based on an Italian version. In the dedication letter to Lang, Christoph Wirsung recalls the common family relationship several times. Lang probably got the drama and the motet collection exactly or almost simultaneously.

When Maximilian I died, his will did not regulate how his heir to the throne, Charles V, should deal with the court employees. The imperial court orchestra , to which Ludwig Senfl belonged, was also affected . Since Karl already had his own court orchestra in Spain, all of Maximilian's singers were threatened with unemployment. It is not entirely clear where they stayed after Maximilian's funeral, but it is believed that many of them - including Senfl - went to Augsburg. It was probably during this time that Senfl began to work for Grimm and Wirsung on the Liber selectarum cantionum .

While Lang's position under Karl was still unclear, Leonhard von Keutschach , Archbishop of Salzburg, died on June 7, 1519 , as his successor Lang had been appointed in 1512. The wealth of the archbishopric gave him the opportunity to build a courtly life that almost matched that of the emperor. On September 25, 1519, Lang was ordained bishop and thus became both spiritual and secular head of Salzburg. He founded his own chapel, which should meet the highest standards. To this end, he tried to bring Maximilian's former musicians to his court, probably including Senfl. The repertoire of the Liber selectarum cantionum was probably not chosen by chance, because it was taken from the former court orchestra, the level of which Lang was aiming for.

On October 28, 1520, the Liber selectarum cantionum was finally published, which was printed in the Grimm and Wirsungs workshop with a dedication to Lang, an afterword by Peutinger and Musik, selected and prepared by Senfl.

Client

It is not yet clear who initiated the Liber selectarum cantionum printing project. Connected with this is the question of what intentions one pursued with him. However, a few theories have been put forward trying to explain this issue.

According to the first theory, Emperor Maximilian I commissioned the book to be made, and it was only his unexpected death that put the project in a critical position. Instead of abandoning the project, everything was adapted to Lang as the dedicatee. Such a rededication of a book was neither unique nor questionable in the 16th century.

Maximilian's enthusiasm for printing technology speaks for himself. In one of the 130 books he planned to print, which were to praise him and the House of Habsburg , a “Musica-Puech” is recorded. Another argument for him is the seeming unprofitability of the Liber selectarum cantionum , which can also be seen in imperial prints. If Grimm and Wirsung were permanent employees, profitability didn't matter to them. Another thing they have in common with the Maximilian prints is the medieval-looking aesthetic despite the use of the latest printing techniques. There are also two versions of some imperial prints - a simpler one and a more representative one. The prayer book and the thanksgiving were printed on parchment and on paper. Such a differentiation also applies to the Liber selectarum cantionum (see “Contents”). Ultimately, the colored coat of arms can be used, because it is the only German woodcut of the 16th century that used gold and for which no direct connection with the Habsburgs has yet been proven.

Another, albeit unlikely, possibility is that Senfl himself was the investor. A large amount of capital was required for printing of this kind, which Senfl could not have raised. In the paratexts (the preface and epilogue) it would play a central role, while it is actually mentioned rather briefly. In addition, he was not looking for a job in Salzburg with Lang, but instead moved to Munich, where he served under Duke Wilhelm IV of Bavaria .

There are two ways in which Grimm and Wirsung can be imagined as initiators. One is similar to the variant described by Maximilian. After the emperor died, they took the project into their own hands with their own financial means. According to the other option, they began to print the book to gain Lang's favor and / or to sell the copies on a regular basis. For this theory one can cite La Celestina , whose dedication, like the music book, should flatter Lang. It is entirely possible that they aspired to become court printer of the newly enthroned archbishop. Entries in the copies by Jáchymov and Berlin support the thesis that the prints should be sold . They contain prices for purchase and binding. However, they do not prove that all prints were actually sold. Against this thesis it must be stated that they did not expect a large profit from the sale of the Liber selectarum cantionum . The cost of producing the large types of notes was considerable. The repertoire would also be inadequate, as it could only be sung by highly professional choirs , whose demand was low, as they were usually able to take care of themselves by copying them by hand.

It is also highly unlikely that Sodalitas litteraria Augustana was behind the pressure. Peutinger himself was in no way interested in music. In addition, the promotion of sodalitas was usually intellectual, not financial. Her focus was also on ancient literature, not newer music.

According to the last theory, Lang himself was the client. Accordingly, the Liber selectarum cantionum was a representative work, copies of which Lang presented as a thank you to his loyal followers and showed them his status of power. Against this assumption, the fact that some owner notices have been preserved in the surviving copies, but none of them has a verifiable relationship to Lang.

contents

First page of the motet Optimo divino date munere pastor by Isaac, f. 1v

The following table gives an overview of the content of the Liber selectarum cantionum :

  • Front page
  • Black and white coat of arms or table of contents
  • Table of contents or colored coat of arms
  • Two pages of dedication letter including printing privileges
  • Eight motets with six parts:
  • Two separator pages
  • Eight motets for five voices:
    • Miserere mei deus by Josquin
    • Inviolata integra by Josquin
    • Salve crux arbor vitae by Jacob Obrecht
    • Lectio actuum apostolorum by Anonymous (actually: Viardot)
    • Stabat mater dolorosa by Josquin
    • Missus est Gabriel angelus by Jean Mouton
    • Anima mea liquefacta est from Anonymous
    • Gaude Maria virgo from Senfl
  • Two separator pages
  • Eight motets for four voices:
    • Ave sanctissima Maria by Isaac
    • De profundis clamavi ad te by Josquin (actually: Nicolas Champion )
    • Prophetarum maxime by Isaac
    • Deus in adiutorium meum by Anonymus (actually: Nicolas Champion?)
    • O Maria mater Christi of Isaac
    • Discubuit Hiesus et discipuli by Senfl
    • Usquequo domine of mustard
    • Beati omnes qui timent dominum by Senfl
  • Epilogue to the reader by Konrad Peutinger
  • Riddle canon Salve sancta parens by Senfl

Conventionally, a more luxurious and a simpler version of the print are distinguished. This differentiation is made exclusively on the basis of the first four pages, the sequence of which differs slightly depending on the version. In the more valuable it reads: Title - Table of Contents - (colored) woodcut - first page of the dedication. In the simpler one, however, it is: Title - (black and white) woodcut - table of contents - first page of the dedication.

The title of the book is given on the first page, with the words in a triangle. In the two versions, the title pages differ only in the first letter, which is slightly larger than the rest of the letters in the more luxurious version.

Colored coat of arms woodcut in Liber selectarum cantionum

The woodcuts show Lang's coat of arms , whose shield is divided into four. Lang's personal coat of arms can be seen at the top right and bottom left, and the coat of arms of the Salzburg Archbishopric at the top left and bottom right. It is surrounded by a legate's cross and a red cardinal's hat, which can be identified by the ten tassels hanging down on each side. In the simple version, only black was used. The color woodcut, on the other hand, makes the luxury of the more splendid frame. The exact fitting of the wooden sticks was extremely difficult. While six colors were printed in the usual way, the procedure for the seventh color had to be different. An adhesive was "printed", which then served as the basis for the gold leaf. The complexity of this woodcut was not to be exceeded in the German-speaking area until the late 19th century. In particular, the colored woodcut seems to have aroused great interest, as it was removed from some copies.

The table of contents is also available in two versions. The headings are different, but the details of the motets remain the same. The riddle canon at the end of the book is not given. While only simple letters are used in the simple version, ligatures , abbreviation symbols and letters enclosed in counters also appear in the more luxurious version .

The dedication letter to Lang consists of two pages. There are also two versions of the first. In the simpler variant of the text begins after the salutation ( Salutatio ) with a simple large C initial , while in the more stately version of the letter surrounded by floral elements. Regardless of the two conventionally differentiated versions, the second page of the dedication is also available in two versions, one of which Senfl expressly describes as Swiss. It is unclear whether and why the printers removed the designation of origin or added it separately during production. This is also where the foiling begins , i.e. H. each right side is numbered.

The printers Grimm and Wirsung themselves address the dedication to Lang. It is written in Latin at the highest level. Following the praise for the music, they emphasize that only Lang deserves such a work as Liber selectarum cantionum . May he enjoy them and show them his benevolence. In the text, Senfl is mentioned as an employee, but the nature of his work is not specified in more detail. The printing privileges of the Pope and the Emperor are mentioned under the dedication: “Sub privilegio summi Pontificis et Caesaris”. They protected Grimm and Wirsung from reprinters who could have imitated and sold the Liber selectarum cantionum at lower cost without the great expense of selecting and preparing the works .

This is followed by the 24 motets, eight of six, five and four parts each. At the beginning of most of the works, the name of the composer to whom Senfl ascribed the motet was inserted in the header. Most likely it was one of Senfl's responsibilities to choose the compositions. All of the motets were written a few years earlier, so they were still relatively new. Half of them are directed explicitly to Mary or can be interpreted mariologically , which is due to the widespread devotion to Mary of the time. Josquin and Isaac had the greatest influence on Senfl and that is probably why their compositions are so strongly represented. As an expression of his admiration, he positioned them at the beginning of the three sections. He put his own works at the end, with which he showed himself somewhat contradictingly modest and at the same time staged himself as the climax of this genre .

On the penultimate printed page you will find the Latin afterword by Konrad Peutinger, which is a kind of counterpart to the dedication. Peutinger's addressee is the "inclined reader". He praised Grimm and Wirsung, Senfl and the elaborate printing, especially the specially made large note types. He dates his letter with the words “v. kal’s Nove [m] bris. Anno salutis. MDXX. ”, Which translates as October 28, 1520.

Riddle canon in Liber selectarum cantionum , f. 272r

A full-page black and white woodcut was printed at the end of the book. The coats of arms of Grimm and Wirsung are shown below. The main part, however, is the riddle canon Salve sancta parens by Senfl. Notes with syllables are entered in a grid of 6 × 6 fields. Above it is an intentionally cryptic instruction in Latin. Translated it reads: “Pay attention to the words and reveal the secret.” The conversation was that the right one could only be found by trying out different types of resolution several times. The canon may be influenced by Renaissance occultism . According to him, with a grid of this size (and other activities) one can turn the favor of the sun upon oneself, which would make the supplicant invincible and successful. Apparently happiness was supposed to be wished for so long in a magical way.

Printing process

The entire title page and the headings of the table of contents were printed with a type set of the Antiqua , which was considered improper for liturgical prints. The Liber selectarum cantionum is not explicitly intended for the mass , but it clearly contains sacred motets. The aim of the Antiqua seems to be to give the book a humanistic and learned feel. The far more prevalent part, on the other hand, was set with the rotunda , which was particularly popular in Augsburg and was considered the most noble of the fonts. It should make the print look very elegant. Both fonts appear combined in the index , which results in an elegant transition from one font to the other.

For the motets, Grimm and Wirsung used the so-called double printing process. First you printed the staves alone and only in the second step did the notes , the clefs , the text and any other elements follow . This technique was still relatively new. The first print of mensural music with movable types was made in 1501 in Ottaviano Petrucci's office .

It is extremely difficult to estimate how high the circulation may have been, as only a few specific figures have survived for comparable projects. In addition, it is not known how many presses Grimm and Wirsung had, how many workers they employed and exactly how long they printed the Liber selectarum cantionum . The print run may have been less than 500 copies, of which only a small part had the colored coat of arms.

In the 16th century there were various ways of dealing with errors in the printed image. In the case of the Liber selectarum cantionum , copies of a specific sheet were printed that would fit four pages. While the work went on, a trained professional called a proofreader took a finished sheet and examined it for blemishes. If he was able to find any, the presses were stopped, the printing forme corrected and printing continued. This is how a so-called press correction was created. The earlier and therefore faulty sheets were neither sorted out nor corrected by hand, but their form was included in the books. When the sheets were put together to make books at the end of the printing process, the sheets were chosen quasi-randomly. Some copies of the Liber selectarum cantionum have an earlier incorrect arc in one place and a later corrected one in another.

A comparison of all surviving specimens shows that two different styles predominated in the correction. From folio 1 to 24 there are changes on each page, the differences are numerous and there are both interventions that substantially change something and those that only change the aesthetic appearance. From Folio 25 to the end of the motets (Folio 271 r ) there are pages that have only been preserved in one version, considerably fewer changes, and those only in the form that something has been substantially modified. The motivation for this change remains in the dark. It is obvious that the first pages were edited by a proofreader - possibly Senfl himself - and that from folio 25 onwards another proofreader took over the task.

If there are several versions of a page, their number is usually two. More rarely, there are three or even four versions. In several cases there are definite errors, e.g. B. misspelled words or incorrectly set custodes . With their help, however, by comparing all copies, it is also possible to classify variants before and after the proofreading, the accuracy of which has been controversial at first glance. The fact that one sheet has always been corrected as a whole is particularly useful here. If you find a definite error on one page, the variants on the remaining pages of the same sheet must also be incorrect.

The comparison shows that there is not only a more luxurious and a simpler version of the Liber selectarum cantionum . If you do not only include the first four pages but the entire book, you will find that none of the copies that have been preserved are the same as any other. At the level of printing alone, each copy is unique.

Subsequent changes

There are a number of changes that were made after the actual printing.

One of the obvious traces of later interventions are the bindings , as none of them are like any other. Many specimens still come from the first owners. From this it can be deduced that the Liber selectarum cantionum was handed over unbound, as was customary among booksellers in the 16th century. The binding mostly took place locally. Usually one put a blank sheet before and after the printed part. These sheets are called flying front and back pages . Many copies of people have immortalized themselves as owners, especially on the flyleaves (occasionally also on the endpaper or the printed pages). In most cases these are historically identifiable and can be assigned to the social elite. However, they were not so wealthy and influential that they had their own chapel. The motivation to buy a copy was therefore not to provide a singing ensemble with music. Rather, the incentive must have been the extraordinary properties of printing mentioned at the beginning. This thesis is supported by the many press corrections found, because Grimm and Wirsung neither corrected the previously printed and incorrect pages nor did they put an errata list at the end of the book. Practicality was therefore not so important to them or to the buyers. The names cannot be related to Lang, which speaks against the theory that he commissioned the print. Some people were even committed Protestants, to whom Lang would certainly not have given a book as a gift.

With additional manual entries and stamps, a trend can be recorded in the history of the owner ( provenance ). A man from the upper class bought a copy. It remained in the family for a while before someone donated it to a spiritual institution. As a result of the ongoing secularization , the property fell into the hands of the state and the copy ended up in a public library . In recent times, some have digitized their copy and made it publicly available on the Internet.

While owner entries are usually kept short, there are two noticeable exceptions. In the Regensburg copy there is a two-page handwritten foreword. In 1560, Stephan Consul addressed the Regensburg Senate. He worked with Primus Truber to translate the New Testament into Croatian . If the councilors continued to support him, they would share the divine reward with him. Similarly, two pages of a dedication were added by hand in Jáchymov's copy. In Latin poems, Matthias Gucchanius gives the book Dr. Wolfgang Gortelerus, whose musical abilities he praises.

Two copies of the price notes have been preserved. The one from Berlin sets a price of two and a half guilders for the purchase and three quarters of the guilders for the integration. The Jáchymov copy records the cost of the acquisition in two guilders. This shows that some of the copies - imaginably all of them - were for sale.

Most of the errors in the motet section were not corrected. However, there are sometimes entries that suggest that the specimens actually found practical use. In some motets, numbers have been added via ligatures (combinations of notes) that dissolve their values. Occasionally there are corrections to the notes or the text that do not necessarily correspond to the versions printed later, i.e. those corrected by Grimm and Wirsung. Such changes are more likely to be described as selective, while there are few large-scale interventions. In the Tübingen copy, a scribe added an optional part for Josquin's Miserere mei deus . Due to the new conception of Mary in Protestantism , someone has adapted texts in the copies of Fulda and Cambridge, Massachusetts, so that Mary is no longer directly worshiped as an advocate.

literature

  • Angelika Bator: The choir book printing Liber selectarum cantionum (Augsburg 1520). A typographical comparison of the copies from Augsburg, Munich and Stuttgart . In: Music in Bavaria. Half-yearly publication of the Society for Bavarian Music History eV No. 67, 2004, pp. 5–38.
  • Kenneth Creighton Roberts: The Music of Ludwig Senfl: A Critical Appraisal. With Vol II: Appendix D. The Liber Selectarum Cantionum of 1520 (A Complete Transcription) . 2 volumes, Dissertation University of Michigan 1965.
  • Elisabeth Giselbrecht and Elizabeth Upper: Glittering Woodcuts and Moveable Music. Decoding the Elaborate Printing Techniques, Purpose, and Patronage of the Liber Selectarum Cantionum . In: Stefan Gasch, Sonja Tröster and Birgit Lodes (eds.): Senfl Studies I (= Vienna Forum for Older Music History. Volume 4). Hans Schneider Verlag, Tutzing 2012, ISBN 978-3862960323 , pp. 17-67.
  • Dieter Haberl: 'CANON. Notate verba, et signate mysteria '- Ludwig Senfl's riddle canon Salve sancta parens, Augsburg 1520. Tradition - resolution - interpretation . In: New Musicological Yearbook . No. 12, 2004, pp. 9-52.
  • Ernst Hintermaier and Andrea Lindmayr: LIBER SELECTARVM CANTIONVM QVAS VVLGO MVTETAS APPELLANT SEX QVINQVE ET QVATVOR VOCVM . In: Ernst Hintermaier (Ed.): Salzburg at the time of Paracelsus. Musicians, scholars, princes of the church. Catalog for the 2nd special exhibition of the Johann Michael Haydn Society in collaboration with the Archabbey of St. Peter “Music in Salzburg at the time of Paracelsus” . Selke Verlag, Salzburg 1993, ISBN 978-3901353000 , pp. 117-123.
  • Andrea Lindmayr-Brandl: A riddle canon for the Salzburg Archbishop Matthäus Lang: Ludwig Senfl's 'Salve sancta parens' . In: Lars E. Laubhold and Gerhard Walterskirchen (eds.): Sound sources. Festschrift for Ernst Hintermaier on his 65th birthday. Symposium report (= publications on the history of music in Salzburg . Volume 9). Strube Verlag, Munich 2010, ISBN 978-3-89912-140-7 , pp. 28-41.
  • Martin Picker: Liber selectarum cantionum (Augsburg: Grimm & Wirsung, 1520). A Neglected Monument of Renaissance Music and Music Printing . In: Martin Staehelin (Ed.): Form and emergence of musical sources in the 15th and 16th centuries (= Wolfenbütteler Forschungen . Volume 83; Source studies on the music of the Renaissance. Volume III). Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden 1998, ISBN 978-3447041188 , pp. 149-167.
  • Raimund Redeker: Latin dedicatory speeches to mass and motet prints of the first half of the 16th century (= writings on musicology from Münster . Volume 6). Verlag der Musikalienhandlung Karl Dietrich Wagner, Eisenach 1995, ISBN 978-3889790668 , in particular the chapter Siegmund Grimm and Konrad Peutinger. Humanist dedications to the Liber selectarum cantionum from 1520 , pp. 73–85.
  • Stephanie P. Schlagel: The Liber selectarum cantionum and the 'German Josquin Renaissance' . In: The Journal of Musicology . No. 19, 2002, pp. 564-615.
  • Torge Schiefelbein: Same Same but Different. The surviving copies of the Liber selectarum cantionum (Augsburg 1520) . Dissertation University of Vienna 2016, DOI 10.25365 / thesis.43236 .
  • RISM 1520 4 . In: Stefan Gasch, Sonja Tröster and Birgit Lodes (eds.): Ludwig Senfl (c.1490–1543). A Catalog Raisonne of the Works and Sources . Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 2019, ISBN 978-2503584799 , Volume 2, pp. 156-157.

Web links

Digital copies

Scientific databases

  • Entry in RISM Online
  • Entry in VD16
  • Entry in VDM16
  • Entry by Christoph Wirsungs Ain Hipsche Tragedia ( = La Celestina ) in the VD16 with links to digital copies

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Elisabeth Giselbrecht and Elizabeth Upper: Glittering Woodcuts and Moveable Music. Decoding the Elaborate Printing Techniques, Purpose, and Patronage of the Liber Selectarum Cantionum . 2012, p. 32 .
  2. ^ Elisabeth Giselbrecht and Elizabeth Upper: Glittering Woodcuts and Moveable Music. Decoding the Elaborate Printing Techniques, Purpose, and Patronage of the Liber Selectarum Cantionum . 2012, p. 29 .
  3. ↑ Christoph Reske: The book printers of the 16th and 17th centuries in the German-speaking area. On the basis of the work of the same name by Josef Benzing (=  contributions to books and libraries . No. 51 ). Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden 2007, p. 33 .
  4. ↑ Hans-Jörg Künast: "Printed to Augspurg". Book printing and book trade in Augsburg between 1468 and 1555 (=  Studia Augustana. Augsburg research on European cultural history . No. 8 ). Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen 1997, ISBN 978-3-484-16508-3 , p. 43, footnote 45 .
  5. ↑ Peter Geffcken: The Welser and their trade 1246-1496 . In: Mark Häberlein and Johannes Burkhardt (eds.): The Welser. New research on the history and culture of the Upper German trading house (=  Colloquia Augustana . No. 16 ). Akademie Verlag, Berlin 2002, ISBN 978-3-05-003412-6 , pp. 27–167 , here p. 164, family tree (4) Welser (excerpt) .
  6. ↑ Peter Geffcken and others: Welser . In: Günther Grünsteudel et al. (Ed.): Augsburger Stadtlexikon . 2nd Edition. Perlach-Verlag, Augsburg 1998, ISBN 3-922769-28-4 , p. 922-924 , here p. 923 ( wissner.com ).
  7. ↑ Hans-Jörg Künast: "Printed to Augspurg". Book printing and book trade in Augsburg between 1468 and 1555 (=  Studia Augustana. Augsburg research on European cultural history . No. 8 ). Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen 1997, ISBN 978-3-484-16508-3 , p. 99 .
  8. ^ Josef Bellot: Conrad Peutinger and the literary-artistic publications of Emperor Maximilian . In: Philobiblon . No. 11 , 1967, p. 171-189 .
  9. ^ Günter Hägele: Sodalitas Litteraria Augustana . In: Günther Grünsteudel et al. (Ed.): Augsburger Stadtlexikon . 2nd Edition. Perlach-Verlag, Augsburg 1998, ISBN 3-922769-28-4 , p. 821–822 , here p. 821 ( wissner.com ).
  10. ↑ Angelika Bator: The choir book printing Liber selectarum cantionum (Augsburg 1520). A typographical comparison of the copies from Augsburg, Munich and Stuttgart . In: Music in Bavaria. Half-yearly publication of the Society for Bavarian Music History eV No. 67 , 2004, pp. 5–38 , here p. 13 .
  11. ^ Günter Hägele: Sodalitas Litteraria Augustana . In: Günther Grünsteudel et al. (Ed.): Augsburger Stadtlexikon . 2nd Edition. Perlach-Verlag, Augsburg 1998, ISBN 3-922769-28-4 , p. 821–822 , here p. 822 ( wissner.com ).
  12. ^ Royston Gustavson: Grimm & Wirsung . In: Ludwig Finscher (ed.): Music in past and present . Person part. 2nd Edition. tape 8 . Bärenreiter-Verlag, Kassel et al. 2002, Sp. 43–44 , here col. 43 .
  13. ↑ Peter Geffcken and Ute Ecker-Offenhäußer: Wirsung . In: Günther Grünsteudel et al. (Ed.): Augsburger Stadtlexikon . 2nd Edition. Perlach-Verlag, Augsburg 1998, ISBN 3-922769-28-4 , p. 933-934 , here p. 933 ( wissner.com ).
  14. ↑ Wolfgang Reinhard (Ed.): Augsburger Eliten des 16. Century. Prosopography of economic and political leadership groups 1500–1620 . Akademie-Verlag, Berlin 1996, ISBN 3-05-002861-0 , pp. 974 .
  15. ^ Royston Gustavson: Grimm & Wirsung . In: Ludwig Finscher (ed.): Music in past and present . Person part. 2nd Edition. tape 8 . Bärenreiter-Verlag, Kassel et al. 2002, Sp. 43–44 , here col. 43 .
  16. ^ Norbert Ott: Early Augsburger Buchillustration . In: Helmut Gier and Johannes Janota (eds.): Augsburg book printing and publishing. From the beginning to the present . Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1997, ISBN 978-3-447-03624-5 , pp. 201-241 , here pp. 234-235 .
  17. ^ Ernst Hintermaier: Archbishop Matthäus Lang - A patron of music in the service of Emperor Maximilian I, musician and musician at the Salzburg prince's court from 1519 to 1540 . In: Ernst Hintermaier (Ed.): Salzburg at the time of Paracelsus. Musicians, scholars, princes of the church. Catalog for the 2nd special exhibition of the Johann Michael Haydn Society in collaboration with the Archabbey of St. Peter “Music in Salzburg at the time of Paracelsus” . Selke Verlag, Salzburg 1993, ISBN 978-3-901353-00-0 , p. 29–40 , here p. 29 .
  18. ↑ Inge Friedhuber: Emperor Maximilian I and the efforts of Matthew Lang to the archbishopric of Salzburg . In: Alexander Novotny and Othmar Pickl (eds.): Festschrift Hermann Wiesflecker for the sixtieth birthday . Historical Institute of the University of Graz, Graz 1973, p. 123-131 , here p. 123 .
  19. ↑ Petrus Eder OSB: The educated in Salzburg at the beginning of the Reformation . In: Ernst Hintermaier (Ed.): Salzburg at the time of Paracelsus. Musicians, scholars, princes of the church. Catalog for the 2nd special exhibition of the Johann Michael Haydn Society in collaboration with the Archabbey of St. Peter “Music in Salzburg at the time of Paracelsus” . Selke Verlag, Salzburg 1993, ISBN 978-3-901353-00-0 , p. 41–54 , here p. 234, footnote 77 .
  20. ^ Johann Sallaberger: Cardinal Matthäus Lang von Wellenburg (1468-1540). Statesman and prince of the church in the age of renaissance, reformation and peasant wars . Verlag Anton Pustet, Salzburg et al. 1997, ISBN 978-3-7025-0353-6 , p. 17, 87, 207 .
  21. ^ Rainer Birkendorf: The Codex Pernner. Source studies on a musical manuscript from the early 16th century (Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek, Proske Collection, Ms. C 120) (=  Collectanea musicologica . Volume 6 ). tape 1 . Wißner, Augsburg 1994, ISBN 978-3-928898-27-0 , pp. 172 .
  22. ↑ Walter Senn: Maximilian and the music . In: Land Tirol, Kulturreferat, Landhaus (Hrsg.): Exhibition Maximilian I. Innsbruck. Catalog . Tyrolia, Innsbruck 1969, ISBN 3-902112-03-4 , p. 73–85 , here p. 73 .
  23. ↑ Wolfgang Schmitz: Conditions of German-language text transmission from the end of the Middle Ages to the 17th century . In: Werner Besch ua (Hrsg.): Sprachgeschichte. A handbook on the history of the German language and its research (=  handbooks for linguistics and communication studies . Volume 2 ). 2nd Edition. tape 1 . Walter de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 1998, ISBN 978-3-11-011257-3 , p. 321 .
  24. ^ Elisabeth Giselbrecht and Elizabeth Upper: Glittering Woodcuts and Moveable Music. Decoding the Elaborate Printing Techniques, Purpose, and Patronage of the Liber Selectarum Cantionum . 2012, pp. 32, 39 .
  25. ↑ Birgit Lodes: Mustard . In: Ludwig Finscher (ed.): Music in past and present . Person part. 2nd Edition. tape 15 . Bärenreiter-Verlag, Kassel et al. 2002, Sp. 569-590 , here col. 571 .
  26. ^ Hans-Jörg Künast: Book printing and trading in the 16th century in the German-speaking area. With notes on sheet music printing and music trading . In: Birgit Lodes (Ed.): LevelNicheNimbus. The beginnings of music printing north of the Alps (=  Vienna Forum for Older Music History . Band 3 ). Hans Schneider Verlag, Tutzing 2010, ISBN 978-3-86296-004-0 , p. 149–165 , here p. 149 f .
  27. ↑ Hans-Jörg Künast: "Printed to Augspurg". Book printing and book trade in Augsburg between 1468 and 1555 (=  Studia Augustana. Augsburg research on European cultural history . Volume 8 ). Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen 1997, ISBN 978-3-484-16508-3 , p. 71 .
  28. ^ Elisabeth Giselbrecht and Elizabeth Upper: Glittering Woodcuts and Moveable Music. Decoding the Elaborate Printing Techniques, Purpose, and Patronage of the Liber Selectarum Cantionum . 2012, p. 24 .
  29. ↑ Dieter Haberl: 'CANON. Notate verba, et signate mysteria '- Ludwig Senfl's riddle canon Salve sancta parens, Augsburg 1520. Tradition - resolution - interpretation . 2004, p. 9-52 .
  30. ↑ Andrea Lindmayr-Brandl: A riddle canon for the Salzburg Archbishop Matthäus Lang: Ludwig Senfl's 'Salve sancta parens' . 2010, p. 28-41 .
  31. ↑ Christoph Reske: Erhard Ratdolts work in Venice and Augsburg . In: Klaus Arnold, Franz Fuchs and Stephan Füssel (eds.): Venetian-German cultural relations in the Renaissance. Files from the interdisciplinary symposium on November 8th and 10th, 2001 in the Centro Tedesco di Studi Veneziani in Venice (=  Pirckheim Yearbook for Research on Renaissance and Humanism . Volume 18 ). Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden 2003, ISBN 978-3-447-09345-3 , p. 25–43 , here p. 30 .
  32. ↑ Johannes Janota: From the manuscript to the print . In: Helmut Gier and Johannes Janota (eds.): Augsburg book printing and publishing. From the beginning to the present . Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1997, ISBN 978-3-447-03624-5 , pp. 125–139 , here p. 136 .
  33. ↑ Silvia Werfel: Establishment and operation of a printing company in the manual press era (1460 to 1820) . In: Helmut Gier and Johannes Janota (eds.): Augsburg book printing and publishing. From the beginning to the present . Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1997, ISBN 978-3-447-03624-5 , pp. 97–124 , here p. 97 .