Oktoberfest attack

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New memorial at the site of the attack , inaugurated in September 2008

The Oktoberfest attack was a right-wing extremist terrorist attack on September 26, 1980 at the main entrance of the Oktoberfest in Munich. The explosion of a self-made bomb killed 13 people, including the assassin, and injured 213, 68 of them seriously. The attack is considered to be the most serious terrorist act in German post-war history.

Gundolf Köhler , who himself died in the attack, was identified as the alleged individual perpetrator . At times he had been a supporter of the neo-Nazi military sports group Hoffmann , which was banned on January 30, 1980. Investigators finally wrote in 1982 that Koehler had planned, prepared and carried out the attack on his own.

This has been questioned again and again since then. A possible complicity by right-wing extremist groups seemed obvious in view of the testimony of the time and has been supported by new finds since 2008. In September 2014, new testimony became known; In December 2014, the Federal Public Prosecutor at the Federal Court of Justice resumed the investigation, which was discontinued on July 7, 2020 with the result that it was an act of right-wing extremist terrorism. This revised the investigative authorities' original assessment that the act was not politically inspired, the motives of a purely personal nature.

Course of the attack

On September 26, 1980 at 10:19 p.m. a bomb exploded in a waste paper basket near the main entrance south of the shower bath island. According to the investigation, it consisted of a deflated British mortar shell , cut open at the top , into which a propellant gas bottle from a fire extinguisher had been inserted. The spaces in between had been filled with a hot-melted military explosive. The explosion shredded the trash, killing seven people instantly. Five more died of serious injuries in the following days. 213 other people were registered as injured. Some victims had limbs amputated.

Political reactions

Commemoration event and demonstration march for 25 years of the Oktoberfest attack, Munich

The festival continued (after considering breaking it off). The bomb attack occurred in the last days of the federal election campaign , which Federal Chancellor Helmut Schmidt waged with the slogan “Security for Germany”. On September 27, 1980, the Bavarian Prime Minister and candidate for Chancellor Franz Josef Strauss ( CSU ) gave the then Federal Minister of the Interior Gerhart Baum (FDP) complicity in the attack: The act shows "where it comes when political crimes are demoralized". Baum constantly unsettled and demoralized the security services and thus prevented potential perpetrators from being clarified in advance. He also played down terrorism.

At that time it was determined that Köhler had been a supporter of the military sports group Hoffmann. For years, Strauss had described this neo-Nazi group as a group of less “weirdos” and “crazy people”, in March 1980 criticized their ban as disproportionate and denied the danger of attacks from this environment. The Bavarian Interior Minister Gerold Tandler had spoken of a "shadow threat". SPD politicians and media reports at the time interpreted the chancellor candidate's polemics as an attempt to diversify.

In return, Helmut Schmidt criticized the fact that Tandler had rejected the ban on the military sports group. Hans Langemann , the head of the department responsible for the Bavarian constitutional protection, issued an affidavit on September 29, 1980 : Strauss had always considered the military sports group Hoffmann to be banned and even wanted to ban it in Bavaria before the Minister of the Interior Baum. Schmidt's accusation is "completely incorrect".

Investigations

The Bavarian State Criminal Police Office formed a special “Theresienwiese” commission, initially with 50 officials, who carried out the securing of evidence and questioning witnesses. The investigators found the federal identity card of Gundolf Köhler with his residence in Donaueschingen and his student ID near the explosion center . His name was recorded in the Intelligence Information System (NADIS) as a supporter of the military sports group Hoffmann. In 1977 he had written to Karl-Heinz Hoffmann that he wanted to found a local branch of the WSG in Donaueschingen.

Due to the well-founded suspicion of a terrorist group act, Attorney General Kurt Rebmann took over the lead of the investigation on September 27, 1980. On May 13, 1981, the Special Commission issued a “closing note” of 187 pages. Rebmann had the investigation continued and ended on November 23, 1982 with a final report of 96 pages. From both reports it emerged that the investigators had found no traces of the military explosives used or a bomb construction in Koehler's living quarters and his car parked in Munich. They had monitored a truck convoy that four former WSG members wanted to take abroad on September 27, 1980, arrested and interrogated these and 16 other WSG members, but had to release them after four days. Although they found explosives and weapons in some of them, they had no concrete evidence of involvement. On one of Hoffmann's address lists, which was found on WSG member Odfried Hepp's , there was Koehler's name and the note that he had participated in two military sports exercises and that he was last in contact with the WSG on May 19, 1977. WSG member Walter Ulrich Behle said in a private conversation in Damascus at the beginning of October 1980 about the attack: “That was us.” Behle was arrested on the basis of the testimony of his interlocutor in July 1981, but said that he was under the influence of alcohol and only cut open want.

The investigators finally considered it to be proven that Köhler planned the act alone and assembled the bomb himself and deposited it at the scene. They assumed that the explosive device ignited too early, so that Koehler died. How it came to ignition is unclear. Remains of a detonator and tail unit of the explosive device could not be found in thousands of fragments around the crime scene; a fuse was suspected. The final report stated that Köhler probably acted as a single perpetrator. Traces of those who knew about it and those involved in the crime had not been confirmed. Private relationship problems and failures in his training were suspected as Köhler's motive. This assessment was based on a lengthy statement by Peter Wiegand, a school friend of Köhler's, whom the investigators classified as credible.

Indications of possible accomplices

The single perpetrator thesis has repeatedly been publicly questioned since 1980. From 1980 to 1982, some witnesses gave investigators evidence of possible accomplices. The witness Frank Lauterjung stated in at least five interviews that he had seen Köhler talking to two men in green parkas around 30 minutes before the explosion near the crime scene and then observed him for minutes in the entrance area of ​​the Oktoberfest. Koehler carried a white plastic bag with a heavy cylindrical object and a small suitcase and put the bag in a wastepaper basket. He, Lauterjung, threw himself to the ground because of an "uncomfortable feeling". Then the bomb exploded. Lauterjung was able to identify the dead Koehler from the remains of clothing. As a reason for his close observation of the perpetrators, he cited that he had been looking for sexual partners as a homosexual . Other witnesses confirmed that they saw a small suitcase a few meters away after the explosion. This remained undetectable. In 1982 Lauterjung died of heart failure at the age of 38. In 2010, letters became known according to which Lauterjung had been "Second Federal Leader" and "Location Leader" at the right-wing extremist Bund Heimattreuer Jugend (BHJ) around 1965 . He had been suspected and excluded by other BHJ leaders as a provocateur smuggled in by the protection of the constitution. He then became a member of the Berlin SDS . Journalists then suspected that he could have had an official order in 1980 to shadow Koehler. The investigators had not followed up on his evidence of possible accomplices or his own connections to the right-wing extremist scene.

A witness testified that Koehler and another man had stood face to face shortly before the explosion, both with their hands on a white object, and apparently tugged at it. The object had blown up, then it exploded. At the same moment she saw the legs of one of the men running away. Shortly after the explosion, she heard a dialogue between two men near Koehler's corpse, in which one of the participants shouted: "I don't want it, I can't help it, it kills me."

On September 27, 1980, two imprisoned right-wing extremists confessed to the investigators: The right-wing extremist weapons expert Heinz Lembke had shown the "German Action Groups" in August 1980 military explosives and detonators and offered to train them in their use. He also spoke of weapons depots in the forest. After an unsuccessful house search near Lembke on September 29th, this trace was not followed up. Lembke was not interrogated and was not mentioned in the 1982 final report on Köhler. Lembke was arrested only after an accidental weapon discovery in October 1981 and revealed more than 20 of his weapons depots. A depot that he did not want to reveal was not found. In November 1981 he committed suicide.

In 2008, the journalist Tobias von Heymann reported on two members of the banned military sports group Hoffmann, who probably or proven to belong to Köhler's environment and who had alleged that they were involved in the attacks. One person was a certain Stefan Wagner, about whom von Heymann explained in an interview: “On August 2, 1982, after a shooting and hostage-taking, he was chased for hours with the police. He made a kind of confession to hostages and accused himself of participating in the Munich attack. Then he shot himself - similar to a rampage. ”The other man was Walter Ulrich Behle , an undercover agent for the Office for the Protection of the Constitution in North Rhine-Westphalia, who at the time of the bomb explosion was working on an all-terrain vehicle transfer to the Middle East , apparently for the PLO , participated. He left for Damascus in October 1980 and said the following in a credibly testified conversation with Karl-Heinz Hoffmann , founder of the military sports group Hoffmann : "Yes, that's why I can't go back to Germany, we were that ourselves." For the attack, the investigative author Tobias von Heymann suspects that the perpetrators intended a false flag action : They might want to blame the attack on left-wing extremist terrorists and thus make the policies of the social-liberal coalition vulnerable in the federal election on October 5, 1980 . The beneficiaries would have been the Union parties and their candidate for Chancellor Franz Josef Strauss . Corresponding political reactions quickly subsided when, in the course of the investigation, it became clear that Koehler could be considered a perpetrator and belonged to the right-wing extremist scene.

In June 2009 the Bundestag parliamentary group Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen put a small inquiry in the Bundestag with the title Oktoberfest attack - Stasi notes and evidence regarding the involvement of the "Wehrsportgruppe Hoffmann" as well as connections to " Gladio ". In their 48 individual questions, the MPs referred in particular to notes in the archives of the Federal Commissioner for the Stasi files , which had become public through the book Die Oktoberfest-Bombe by journalist Tobias von Heymann. Among other things, they ask the Federal Government whether there is any evidence that suggests a connection between this attack and the attack in Bologna on August 2, 1980 . In addition, questions were asked about the Wandervogel campaign , in which, according to Stasi records, the constitutional protection offices of three federal states (Bavaria, Baden-Württemberg and Hesse) had been closely monitoring the suspected military sports group Hoffmann 22 hours before the bomb attack. On June 22nd, 2009, the Federal Government replied to most of the individual questions to the effect that it was aware of the relevant facts, but that it had no new information. In addition, the answer to numerous questions affecting the secret service area was refused, with the note that, as a matter of principle, no questions were answered that concern the work of the federal intelligence services - or that only the parliamentary control body responsible for this would be answered. In addition, one does not comment on matters of the federal states.

In 2010, lawyers asked victims to carry out new DNA analyzes of evidence from the crime scene; this included fragments of the bomb and parts of a hand that could not be assigned to any of the victims and therefore was considered an indication of an accomplice. The Federal Criminal Police Office then announced that all evidence had been destroyed in 1997. This procedure is common because the case had been resolved and all investigations into complicity remained inconclusive. The destroyed evidence also included 47 cigarette butts from the ashtrays of Koehler's car, which belonged to six different types - some with and some without filters; this suggests that someone else smoked in Koehler's car.

In October 2011, Der Spiegel reported , citing 46,000 sheets of previously unpublished investigation files, that the authorities had already known at that time that Köhler was “firmly rooted in a militant neo-Nazi milieu”, which “for their part maintained intensive contacts with CSU functionaries. "The files would" also prove a right-wing terrorist motive of the perpetrator ":" He apparently wanted to help the then Chancellor candidate Franz Josef Strauss to power shortly before the Bundestag election. "Before the attack, Köhler had said about the upcoming Bundestag election that a bomb attack could be carried out perpetrate in Bonn, Hamburg or Munich. After the attack, "you could shoved it into the shoes of the left and then the bouquet would be chosen."

In July 2013, Minister of the Interior Herrmann announced that the victim's lawyers would be able to inspect the files. In June 2014, Herrmann admitted for the first time that the authorities subordinate to him had not yet evaluated files on the attack and the military sports group.

Speculation

The Swiss historian Daniele Ganser claims in his book NATO Secret Army in Europe (German edition 2008) that a German stay-behind organization was involved in the Oktoberfest attack , to which the right-wing extremist Heinz Lembke may have belonged. Ganser refers to the unexplained origin of the Lembke weapons depot discovered in 1981, its references to other right-wing extremists in the vicinity of Gundolf Köhler and the deficits in the police investigation.

In 2008 Tobias Heymann referred to documents from the GDR State Security , according to which the radio station of a group 27 with lively contacts with the Federal Intelligence Service (BND) was located near Lembke's place of residence . That seemed to reinforce Ganser's assumption of a stay-behind group involved in the Oktoberfest attack. In 2014, however, the investigative journalist Ulrich Chaussy warned against corresponding conclusions from a mere “vague possibility”: “The more unclear who exactly worked together, the more unchecked conspiracy theories sprout about an attack whose perpetrators did not admit to their act and not even of it it is clear whether it went as it was planned. "

A con man claimed in 2013 that his father built the bomb on behalf of the BND and was involved in attacks in Luxembourg .

In their investigation The Partisans of NATO. Stay-behind organizations in Germany 1946–1991 , Erich Schmidt-Eenboom and Ulrich Stoll found after evaluating newly accessible documents in 2015 that “to this day there is no reliable evidence of a connection between the stay-behind organization and the assassins of Munich ”there. In addition, it is "unlikely, according to the files, that Heinz Lembke was an SOO agent managed by the BND".

Resumption of the investigation

Known critic of that investigation are the former SPD - Federal Justice Minister Herta Däubler-Gmelin , the assassination victims Ignaz Platzer, who lost two children in the blast, the journalist Ulrich Chaussy and the lawyer Werner Dietrich, who fought on behalf of bombing victims for a resumption of the investigation . His application for resumption was rejected by the Attorney General Rebmann in Karlsruhe in 1984.

An alliance of organizations, unions and individuals, including several Munich city councilors as well as state and federal politicians of the SPD, campaigned for the investigation to be restarted on the 25th anniversary of the attack in 2005. One of their main points of criticism is that numerous testimonies that indicated the involvement of other people were not taken into account in the final reports of Soko Theresienwiese and the Federal Prosecutor's Office. However, the efforts did not find a political majority and were rejected by the BKA .

On the basis of new testimonies that the lawyer Werner Dietrich had collected and made known, the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office examined the resumption of the investigation in September 2014. Federal Minister of Justice Heiko Maas spoke out in favor of this and pointed out that there had been a failure to investigate the NSU murders. The parliamentary groups of the SPD and the Greens in the Bavarian state parliament considered setting up a committee of inquiry should the reopening of the investigation be rejected again. Dietrich also tried to get a resumption on the anniversary of the attack on September 26, 2014.

On December 11, 2014, Attorney General Harald Range ordered the investigation to be restarted. The investigation was transferred to the Bavarian State Criminal Police Office ( Soko September 26).

In January 2015, the Federal Prosecutor asked the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution and the Federal Intelligence Service to disclose their files about the Oktoberfest attack.

In February 2015, the Group of asked left in a small request, referring to the records requirements of the Federal Attorney General whether the federal government could rule out that members of the paramilitary group Hoffmann before or after the attack as a V-people have been working for German intelligence. The federal government refused to answer these questions, but from the answer to other questions it became clear that both the Federal Intelligence Service and the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution had so-called source reports, i.e. reports by informants, relating to the Oktoberfest attack.

In February 2015, the testimony of a new witness became known. The nurse remembered that a man was treated in Hanover who had a shattered forearm and no more hand. A hand that could not be assigned to anyone was found at the site of the attack. According to the witness, the man did not respond to questions and later disappeared.

In response to the German government's refusal to provide information about the use of V-persons in the military sports group Hoffmann by German secret services, the parliamentary groups of the Left and the Greens filed a complaint with the Federal Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe in May 2015 .

In December 2015, the Federal Prosecutor's Office announced in an interim report that these statements had not led to any concrete results of the investigation: One witness stated that she had seen a leaflet with the name of the assassin before the crime. However, this could not be confirmed, on the contrary, she probably only saw the leaflet in question a year after the attack, when Koehler's name was already well known. The investigation into the stranger with the forearm injury had also not revealed anything.

In April 2016, at the request of the Left MP Martina Renner , the Federal Government announced that so far only the Federal Intelligence Service, but not the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, had made its files available to the Attorney General, which, according to the Federal Government, had the majority of the reports in question .

Since December 19, 2016, a new boss has headed the Bavarian special commission. The Nuremberg public prosecutor's office is investigating the previous head and five other officials of the Bavarian State Criminal Police Office (LKA) because of possible connections to the rocker milieu.

As a result of May 17, 2017, the investigators turned to the public unsolved on the television program Aktenzeichen XY ... It was u. a. reports that the reference to the said leaflet, which a witness claimed to have seen before the publication of the name Koehler, could not be verified. The reference to an injured person who was being treated in a hospital in Hanover and who may have had injuries related to the attack has not yet brought any new investigative successes. Instead, the investigations focused on the origin of the explosives and possible contacts Koehler.

Attorney General Peter Frank closed the resumed investigation on July 7, 2020. As a result, the Federal Prosecutor announced that it had come to the conclusion that the original assumption that the perpetrator acted purely for personal motives and was not an offender of convictions was wrong. Rather, Gundolf Köhler acted out of “right-wing extremist motivation”, wanted to “influence the 1980 federal election ” and sought “a leadership state based on the model of National Socialism”.

compensation

According to information from the Bavarian Ministry of Family, Labor and Social Affairs, 128 injured received 500,000 Deutschmarks two and a half weeks after the attack. The amount represented a “compensation for pain and suffering in the broader sense”. The victims also received a total of one million D-Marks from the city of Munich in 1981 and 1982, including money from donations. In 2018, the city set up a fund into which 100,000 euros flowed. The money was supposed to go to the victims of the attack, for whom the support from the pension office was insufficient.

On July 8, 2020, Federal Justice Minister Christine Lambrecht (SPD) announced further financial aid for the victims of the Oktoberfest attack.

Commemoration

At the request of individual city councilors, the monument on Theresienwiese was redesigned in 2008 and inaugurated on the anniversary of the attack. The sculptor Friedrich Koller designed a steel wall shell, the surface of which has been destroyed as if after an explosion.

On the 40th anniversary of the attack on September 26, 2020, the city of Munich is planning to develop a new information center, “Documentation of the Oktoberfest Attack”, which is to be opened on the anniversary.

literature

Historical representations

  • Ulrich Chaussy : Oktoberfest - The assassination attempt. How the suppression of right-wing terror began. 2nd, updated and expanded new edition, Christoph Links, Berlin 2016, ISBN 978-3-86284-332-9 .
  • Klaus Pflieger : Against Terror. A prosecutor's memories. Verrai, Stuttgart 2016, ISBN 978-3-9818041-4-0 , pp. 98–114 ( The 1980 Oktoberfest attack - a right-wing lone perpetrator? )
  • Tobias von Heymann: The Oktoberfest bomb. Munich, September 26, 1980 - the act of an individual or a terrorist attack with a political background? NoRa, Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-86557-171-7 .
  • Florian Dering (Ed.): The Oktoberfest. 175 years of Bavarian national frenzy. Contributors: Munich City Museum, City Archives Munich, Association Munich Oktoberfest Museum. Bruckmann, Munich 1985, ISBN 3-7654-2028-X , p. 117 ff .: The Oktoberfest attack in 1980.

fiction

Movies

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Annette Ramelsberger: The Oktoberfest attack is now what it was: Terror. SZ.de, July 8, 2020 (accessed on the same day)
  2. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfestattentat , Berlin 2015, p. 167
  3. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfestattentat , Berlin 2015, p. 14.
  4. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfestattentat , Berlin 2015, pp. 99 and 274 f.
  5. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, p. 16
  6. ↑ With "Dumdum from the line of fire" . In: Der Spiegel . No. 41 , 1980 ( online ).
  7. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, p. 134
  8. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, p. 14
  9. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The Assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, p. 35 f.
  10. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The Assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, p. 39
  11. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, p. 11.
  12. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, p. 215
  13. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, pp. 40–42.
  14. ↑ a b Jan Friedmann, Conny Neumann, Sven Röbel, Steffen Winter: Crimes: The witnesses ' letters , Der Spiegel, September 13, 2010
  15. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, p. 9 f.
  16. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, p. 62.
  17. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, p. 21.
  18. ↑ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The Assassination: How the repression of right-wing terror began. Berlin 2014, pp. 216–217
  19. ↑ a b Reinhard Jellen: The Oktoberfest attack was not the work of a single perpetrator . In: Telepolis . July 26, 2010 (part 1 of an interview with Tobias von Heymann)
  20. ↑ a b c Small question from MPs Hans-Christian Ströbele, Jerzy Montag, Volker Beck (Cologne), Monika Lazar, Silke Stokar von Neuforn, Wolfgang Wieland, Josef Philip Winkler and the Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen parliamentary group. (PDF; 161 kB) In: Bundestag printed matter 16/13305. German Bundestag, June 4, 2009, accessed on June 23, 2009 (electronic advance version): "Oktoberfest attack - Stasi notes and evidence regarding the involvement of the" Wehrsportgruppe Hoffmann "and connections to" Gladio ""
  21. ↑ Answer of the federal government to the small question of the MPs Hans-Christian Ströbele, Jerzy Montag, Volker Beck (Cologne), other MPs and the parliamentary group BÜNDNIS 90 / DIE GRÜNEN. (PDF; 344 kB) In: Bundestag printed matter 16/13527. German Bundestag, June 22, 2009, accessed on April 17, 2010 : "Oktoberfest attack - Stasi notes and evidence regarding the involvement of the" Wehrsportgruppe Hoffmann "as well as links to" Gladio ", page 2"
  22. ^ Annette Ramelsberger : Oktoberfest assassination attempt - the evidence room is empty. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung , May 14, 2009
  23. ↑ Philipp Gessler: Many open questions. In: taz , August 7, 2009
  24. ↑ a b Florian Fuchs: New doubts about the single perpetrator thesis. Süddeutsche.de, September 8, 2014, accessed September 8, 2014 .
  25. ↑ Tobias von Heymann, Peter Wensierski : In the right network. In: Der Spiegel No. 43, October 24, 2011, pp. 48–52.
  26. ↑ "Interior Minister Herrmann wants to allow access to files" ( Memento from October 4, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) br.de from July 3, 2013
  27. ^ Ulrich Chaussy: Oktoberfest - The assassination. How the suppression of right-wing terror began. 2nd Edition. Christian Links, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-86153-757-1 , p. 221.
  28. ↑ Jürgen Roth : The deep state: The infiltration of democracy by secret services, political accomplices and the right-wing mob. Heyne, Munich 2016, p. 100 f.
  29. ↑ Erich Schmidt-Eenboom , Ulrich Stoll: Die Partisanen der NATO. Stay-behind organizations in Germany 1946–1991. Ch. Links, Berlin 2015, ISBN 978-3-86153-840-0 , p. 203. Quoted from Armin Pfahl-Traughber : History of the secret “stay-behind organizations”: The partisans of NATO. In: Humanistic Press Service , October 13, 2015.
  30. ↑ Markus Kompa: Erich Schmidt-Eenboom and Ulrich Stoll on the secret stay-behind organizations. Conversation. In: Heise online , October 25, 2015.
  31. ↑ Wolfgang Görl : The dubious witness ( Memento from February 15, 2001 in the Internet Archive ) . Southgerman newspaper. September 27, 2000
  32. ↑ 25th anniversary of the Oktoberfest attack: What really happened on September 26, 1980? In: haGalil . September 20, 2005, accessed May 17, 2013 .
  33. ^ Oktoberfest assassination attempt - witness was followed for six weeks . In: Süddeutsche Zeitung , September 26, 2014
  34. ^ Don't leave the victims alone: ​​Assassination attempt in Munich. In: haGalil . September 22, 2005, accessed May 17, 2013 .
  35. ^ Andreas Glas: Oktoberfest attack - justice reacts to new findings. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung , September 9, 2014
  36. ↑ Wiesn assassination in 1980 - investigations are resumed . In: Stuttgarter Nachrichten , December 11, 2014
  37. ↑ Press release No. 18/2015. In: generalbundesanwalt.de , accessed on September 20, 2015.
  38. ^ Resumption of the investigation of the Oktoberfest attack by the Bavarian State Ministry of the Interior, for Building and Transport , December 11, 2014
  39. ^ Federal prosecutor demands the release of secret service files. Zeit Online, accessed August 11, 2016 .
  40. ↑ Answer of the Federal Government to the small question of the MPs Martina Renner u. a., Drucksache 18/3810 - Alleged destruction of files in connection with the Oktoberfest attack and the military sports group Hoffmann at German secret services. (PDF) Retrieved August 11, 2016 .
  41. ↑ The man without a hand is wanted ( Memento from February 4, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) Johannes Mayer February 4, 2015. Bayerischer Rundfunk
  42. ^ Oktoberfest assassination attempt: Greens and leftists file a lawsuit. In: Spiegel Online. Retrieved August 16, 2016 .
  43. ↑ Klaus Hempel: Investigations into the Oktoberfest attack in 1980: No trace of possible accomplices , In: Tagesschau.de , December 11, 2015.
  44. ↑ Answer of Parliamentary State Secretary Christian Lange of April 18, 2016 to Question 21 by MP Martina Renner, p. 14. (PDF) Retrieved on August 11, 2016 .
  45. ↑ Answer of the Federal Government to the small question of the MPs Martina Renner u. a., printed matter 18/3810, alleged destruction of files in connection with the Oktoberfest attack and the military sports group Hoffmann at German secret services. (PDF) Retrieved August 11, 2016 .
  46. ^ Dn: The chief investigator of the Oktoberfest attack is now being investigated. In: Focus Online . December 26, 2016, accessed October 14, 2018 .
  47. ↑ The broadcast of May 17, 2017 - ZDFmediathek. New questions about the Oktoberfest attack. (No longer available online.) In: Aktenzeichen XY… unsolved. Archived from the original on May 24, 2017 ; accessed on May 28, 2017 .
  48. ↑ Fidelius Schmid: Oktoberfest attack - Federal Prosecutor General stops investigations. Spiegel Online , July 7, 2020, accessed July 7, 2020 .
  49. ^ Annette Ramelsberger : Federal Prosecutor's Office closes investigations into the Oktoberfest attack . In: Süddeutsche Zeitung . October 7, 2020.
  50. ↑ Ministry of Justice is considering compensation for victims of the Oktoberfest attack. Retrieved July 9, 2020 .
  51. ↑ n-tv NEWS: Federal government examines victim fund for Oktoberfest attack . Retrieved July 9, 2020 .
  52. ^ Annette Ramelsberger: Oktoberfest attack in Munich: Federal government compensates victims. Retrieved July 9, 2020 .
  53. ↑ Trailer for Attack on the Republic? The Oktoberfest attack in 1980. In: tvschoenfilm.com

Coordinates: 48 ° 8 ′ 9 ″  N , 11 ° 33 ′ 0 ″  E