Revolution 1848/1849 in the Duchy of Braunschweig

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In the Duchy of Braunschweig , the revolution of 1848/1849 led to a partially renewed government, freedom of the press and some other reforms. However, the revolution of 1830 and the reforms that followed had already fulfilled many of the wishes of the population, especially the bourgeoisie . The impetus for the revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig came primarily from Berlin; the duchy also sent more moderate representatives to the Frankfurt National Assembly .

The Duke took advice from Prussia , but, on the advice of his government, had to accommodate the revolution more than was right. Braunschweig adopted the Frankfurt Imperial Constitution in 1849 , after which Prussia's union policy of 1849/1850 followed the establishment of a small German federal state on a more conservative basis. The reaction in Braunschweig was milder than elsewhere.

Principality of Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel, 1789. After the French era, the state was restored to its old borders.
The Duchy of Braunschweig on a map from 1839, outlined in brown

Starting position

Ruins of the Braunschweig Castle after the uprising of 1830

The stubborn and despotic Duke Charles II had brought much resentment to himself. When the July Revolution broke out in Paris in 1830 , not only was a (new) constitution introduced in the Duchy of Braunschweig, as in some other German states, but the Duke was spectacularly expelled during the Braunschweig popular uprising on September 7, 1830. Gerhard Schildt : "This is where the only German revolution of the 19th century took place, which, measured against its goals, was completely successful."

Although Karl's brother Wilhelm subsequently ruled as duke, the inheritance claims of any possible descendants of Charles continued to apply. This made it difficult for Wilhelm to find an equal wife. The actual winners of 1831 were the ministers Werner von Veltheim , Friedrich Schulz and Wilhelm von Schleinitz . In 1832 they put through a relatively modern constitution with the New Landscape Order.

Even if the population was already strongly politicized by the events of 1830/1831, the press laws of the German Confederation severely restricted political life in Braunschweig. Duke Wilhelm was conservative and only prepared to make a few concessions; but he left his government enough space for the inevitable adjustments to the times. The liberals in the assembly of estates (parliament) were in the minority; until 1848 the meeting of the estates did not meet in public. It was not until the beginning of the 1840s that Braunschweig joined the German Customs Union ; that the neighboring Hanover belonged to a different customs area, the tax association , until 1854 , damaged Braunschweig economically immensely.

Course of the revolution

March demands and riots

On February 28, 1848, Braunschweig heard of the revolution in Paris . The civic association elected a new, more energetic chairman, the lawyer Egmont Lucius , and on March 4 presented the duke with a series of demands:

  • The people should be armed in general.
  • The meetings of the assembly of estates, the assemblies of representatives, the magistrate's meetings and court hearings in the duchy should be public.
  • Freedom of the press , abolition of censorship.
  • A representation of the peoples in the German Confederation, not just the princes.
  • Economic unity for all of Germany.

In the following days there was a request from the city council of Braunschweig and petitions from Helmstedt and Wolfenbüttel with similar demands. The Helmstedter also called for the abolition of the unequal right to vote, which favored the most highly taxed, although the most capable and capable are not always to be found among them. The Wolfenbüttelers also wanted the military to be sworn in to the constitution. Duke Wilhelm replied evasively. He rejected the demand for an imperial parliament as impracticable.

In Prussia and Hanover, the repression remained intact until March 13th, movement initially came from the south politically, for example through the Heidelberg assembly on March 5th. The Braunschweiger took over their foreign policy ideas and set up principles for a general arming of the people at a citizens' meeting on March 9th. The people's armed forces should have officers elected annually to prevent an aristocracy. It should be permanent and protected by the constitution.

The government announced that it would meet on April 25 and proposed laws for freedom of the press and the public at meetings. There should be a communication from the government about the armament of the people. The population saw this as a delaying tactic. The succession question from the Braunschweig city director caused further unrest: The aged incumbent wanted to resign after 48 years of service. The left-liberal MP August Hollandt , whose brother was a major in the Civil Guard, stood up against the candidate from leading members of the Assembly of Estates . His opponent received an anonymous death threat.

The main instrument of the lower class ( domestic workers , day laborers ) were petitions to the authorities, especially with demands for leased land at subsidized lease prices. In the end, this would have been a land reform in which the formal owners could no longer dispose of their land and would have received a lease price below market value. The government saw the need to accommodate a social revolution, but did not want to encroach on property rights either and therefore left it with urgent appeals to the landlords to lease it. The houseboy protested their conservative sentiments and trusted the government as long as the lease question was still open. On the side of the duke, the peasants in particular saw themselves, who would have liked to see the unrest being suppressed by force of arms. The rural residents, who were usually counter-revolutionary , made up at least 70 percent of the total population.

New government and concessions

Werner von Veltheim, who headed the government, resigned on March 16, 1848. The new minister, Johann Georg Christian von Koch , had to resign after just two days because he had persecuted Duke Karl's legitimist supporters at the time and had made mistakes in the customs negotiations with Hanover. The vigilante leader Gustav Langerfeldt , who was popular in Wolfenbüttel , refused to become a minister because Duke Wilhelm refused to dismiss Minister Schulz. Finally, August von Geyso , the liberal finance director , became a member of the government.

The new government convened the meeting of the estates on March 31, 1848. The Duke thanked the Civil Guard for helping to contain the unrest and dismissed the commanding general of the regular troops, Gustav von Normann , who had allegedly demanded heavy artillery against the rebels.

Due to the sometimes violent events in Vienna and Berlin, the Braunschweig government believed that it could only avoid similar turmoil through great indulgence. The vigilantes patrolled the streets, the military were concentrated in the barracks. On March 19, 1848, the government announced the concessions of the Prussian king (freedom of the press, German federal state) and joined them. The enthusiastic population cheered the duke, a popular meeting planned for this day together with the Wolfenbüttlers was canceled because there was no longer any reason to do so. The Wolfenbüttler Bürgergarde prevented a crowd from freeing prisoners from the prison. The incoming news of the acts of violence in Berlin were factually reproduced in a people's assembly on March 21, 1848. Black, red and gold could be seen everywhere , including on the Brunswick residential palace .

Duke Wilhelm of Braunschweig

Duke Wilhelm followed his entire troop contingent to Schleswig-Holstein in April to support the German population there against the Danish king . He was one of the few German monarchs who saw the theater of war; in doing so he wanted to avoid the hassles at home that Minister Schleinitz was supposed to take care of. When defeats in Schleswig-Holstein became known in Braunschweig on April 11, 1848, the citizens urged the assembly of estates to quickly approve 240,000 thalers for the war, which it did.

Reforms

Typically for a small state, the Duchy of Braunschweig had a parliament with only one chamber, in which the class elements were integrated, which in larger states had their own chamber. The new landscape regulations and the electoral law of October 6, 1832 provided: men were allowed to vote if they were over 25 years old, if they paid a direct tax and had citizenship (in the cities; in the flat countryside, the free-movement right applied accordingly or similar). They chose electors who then chose the actual MPs; Electors and MPs had to be highly taxed. 16 MPs were appointed by electors, of these 16 six had to be higher clergy. In addition, the knighthood elected 10, the cities 12 and the flat country 10 members.

The extraordinary state parliament, which was convened on March 31, 1848, passed, among other things, provisional electoral regulations for a state assembly that was supposed to amend the constitution and pass a final electoral law. The right to vote was now all in all direct (without electors) and without prerogatives for clergy. 10 urban and 16 rural districts each elected two MPs, one of which had to belong to the highest taxable population (the rich thus retained a privilege); there were also two rural districts with one MP each (54 in total). All male residents of the country who were over 25 years of age were free to vote and be elected, innocent and without the support of poor funds.

The state assembly was opened on December 18, 1848. The majority was moderate-liberal, the minority left-liberal or moderate-left. In addition to a reform of the judiciary and the municipal code, the results also included a new version of the electoral law (November 22 and 23, 1851). In the spirit of reaction, class elements were reintroduced and the rich were given further advantages. Accordingly, the municipalities elected 10 members, the rural communities 12, the highest taxed 21 and the Protestant clergy three members. There were special provisions for the electoral bodies, including three-tier voting rights in the cities. The right to stand for election was also more strictly regulated, with an increase in the minimum age to 30 years and a minimum stay in the country of 12 months. This right to vote remained in effect in Braunschweig until 1899.

Frankfurt Imperial Institutions 1848/1849

Pre-parliament and elections to the National Assembly

Former and current members of the German state parliaments were invited to a meeting in Frankfurt am Main, the so-called pre - parliament from March 31 to April 2, 1848. The MPs Eduard Trieps , Hollandt and Aßmann and the right-wing liberal pastor Carl Heinrich Juergens came from Braunschweig from Stadtoldendorf . In the Fifties Committee , Jürgens excelled in opposing the radical left.

On April 11th, the Brunswick Assembly of Estates passed a law on elections to the Frankfurt National Assembly. Accordingly, every resident of the state of Braunschweig who was at least 25 years old and received no support from the public poor institutions had the right to vote. The choice was indirect; there was one voter for every 500 inhabitants. It was also possible to vote who was resident in another German state. Since there were as yet no different parties in the country, chances could only be calculated by those who were already known in public life.

At the beginning of May 1848, on the occasion of the election results for the Frankfurt National Assembly: Caricature by Hans von Veltheim about the left-leaning Aronheim, Hollandt and Lucius ("Ungeure butchery of the bloodhounds, barricade").

As a rule, the candidates recommended themselves. For example, August Hollandt wrote about himself on April 20, 1848, that he was striving for a constitutional monarchy for Germany. The introduction of the republic against the majority of Germans would "lead to heavy battles, which could easily transform our beautiful hopes for unity and power into empty dreams." Assmann, von Campe, Trieps, Aronheim, von Cramm, Juergens, Langerfeldt, Räcke and Vieweg traded. The right-wing liberals supported Hofrat Liebe.

The lawyer and democrat Adolf Aronheim , the first Jewish member of the State Assembly of Braunschweig, was also exposed to anti-Semitic attacks during the revolution.

But the first constituency not only included the city, but also the district of Braunschweig . The peasant electors remembered statements by the right-wing liberals about the political immaturity of the people. Therefore, they helped the left-wing liberal Hollandt to make a surprising election. The Weser circle also chose a more left-wing candidate, Friedrich Stolle , Wolfenbüttel-Schöppenstedt and Helmstedt, on the other hand, the right-wing liberals Gustav Langerfeldt and Carl Jürgens. Thereupon it was said in the newspaper for the German people that Hollandt was elected because of his popularity, not because of his qualifications. Hans von Veltheim published a caricature, against which an anonymous supplement of the Volksfreund appeared, which was furious about the denigration of the left-wing liberals and the people. On April 30, a crowd in front of the art shop made sure that the caricature was removed from the window, then they threw in the windows of Veltheim's apartment.

Frankfurt MP from Braunschweig

In the National Assembly, Jürgens first joined the right-wing liberal casino , then the greater German right in the Parisian court . He advocated a strong federalism and the involvement of the governments of the individual states in the constitutional work. With his polemics against moderates, he created many enemies. Jürgens belonged to the important constitutional committee and also to the central electoral committee. The quiet official Langerfeldt, however, remained in the casino faction, where he was a member of the faction board. The small German was committed to a Germany under Prussian leadership. At the end of 1849 he joined the Braunschweig government.

Hollandt joined the left-wing liberals and was elected to the workers, trade and commerce committee. He later became secretary of this committee. He stood up for the monarchy, but also for popular sovereignty and strong imperial power. Also on the left wing was Stolle, who represented the poorest areas of Braunschweig. Stolle was a rather reserved person who did not feel comfortable in the National Assembly. In his place, Finance Director Wilhelm Erdmann Florian von Thielau was elected to the National Assembly in December 1848 , who joined the casino.

Around 900 Braunschweig journeymen from 24 trades sent a petition to the National Assembly on August 9, 1848. They complained that they had not been invited to the Frankfurt Craftsmen Congress and demanded that a trade congress be convened.

Central power

The right-wing liberal Friedrich Liebe, who was defeated in the election for the National Assembly in his constituency to August Hollandt, remained politically active. The government sent him on April 30, 1848 as a legation councilor to the German Confederation to represent Braunschweig. Liebe saw the shortcomings of the Bundestag and wanted to reform the federal government, for example by no longer having to make unanimous decisions. Dear proposal to leave the Bundestag as upper house (or house of states) next to the national assembly (as lower house), could have given the development a better turn, so the constitutional historian Jörg-Detlef Kühne . In June 1848 the National Assembly created a German central power that recognized love as one of the first representatives of a member state. On July 27th, the Braunschweig government appointed Liebe as a proxy for the central authority.

Love also worked for the central authority , as a representative in the Netherlands . A skilled mediator was needed to settle the conflict over Dutch Limburg, which was a Dutch province on the one hand and a member state of the German Confederation on the other. In August, Liebe gave the Dutch king his certification. The unproductive mission convinced Liebe that central authorities needed to work more with state governments to strengthen themselves. Instead, he saw the distance between the two grow larger.

Military policy and decree of homage

The duchy followed a decision of the National Assembly of July 15, 1848 that the strength of the contingents should total two percent of the country's population. On April 14, 1848, the Duke ordered an increase from 2,445 to 5,380 men. Half of this should consist of the Landwehr : its members were only trained for eight weeks and were only mobilized in the event of war. The active armed forces were only increased by 245.

On November 9, 1848, the National Assembly decided that states with fewer than 6,000 men in their contingent would lose their military independence. They should subordinate their contingent to a larger state. Even the formal manpower of the Braunschweiger remained below. Duke Wilhelm refused subordination and tried to merge his troops with those of Lippe-Detmold , Schaumburg-Lippe and Waldeck . The negotiations failed and Braunschweig concluded a military convention with Prussia. The convention of April 1, 1850 was, however, insufficiently followed up by Braunschweig and was in contradiction to the war constitution of the German Confederation. On September 16, 1854, it became ineffective, to the satisfaction of Braunschweig.

The Reich Minister of War determined that by August 6th all troops in the Reich should pay homage to the Reich Administrator. Duke Wilhelm strictly rejected this decree of homage and saw his position confirmed by consultations with Prussia and Hanover. The population in Braunschweig reacted bitterly, but several deputations could not change the Duke's mind. It was only on August 5th that the government succeeded in persuading the Duke to give in. The next day the military and the vigilante group moved to the large parade ground and gave the imperial administrator a hurray. The Duke appeared, but his expression betrayed his reluctance.

Imperial Constitution

Plenipotentiary Friedrich Liebe had reservations about the person of Friedrich Wilhelm IV , but he represented the small German-Prussian line. He considered the imperial constitution of March 28, 1849 weak. But the Braunschweig population wanted a German Empire , so Liebe recommended that the government recognize the constitution. That calms public opinion. After all, most states would reject it anyway. Minister Schleinitz, however, agreed, precisely because he considered the constitution to be entirely suitable for achieving the goal of the German nation-state. Despite the Prussian rejection, Braunschweig remained loyal to the National Assembly.

The Duke of Braunschweig recognized the imperial constitution, but expressed concerns about having his troops, mostly in Schleswig-Holstein, sworn in on the constitution. On request, the Prussian Foreign Ministry advised him to ignore the swearing-in because there was no corresponding order from the central authority. When at the end of May the radicals in the meeting of the estates demanded the swearing-in, the motion was rejected with 42 to eight votes.

In coordination with Prussia, the Braunschweig government wrote on May 16, 1849 to the other German states that had recognized the imperial constitution that they should act jointly on the constitutional question under the leadership of Württemberg, work towards the election of the Reichstag and agree on constitutional changes. The letter could not achieve anything, except that the Braunschweig government showed its own people that it was sticking to the goal of German unity.

Erfurt Union 1849/1850

Prussia started another attempt at unification in May 1849, while it was actively fighting the National Assembly. The authorized representative Friedrich Liebe left Frankfurt on June 7, 1849. Braunschweig concluded a military convention with Prussia, despite protests from Hanover, because Prussia was seen as a partner in preventing the mediatization of the small states . The country also participated in the Erfurt Union .

In August 1849, the meeting of the estates dealt with the question of whether Braunschweig should join the three kings alliance of May, which, under Prussian leadership, aimed at what would later become the so-called Erfurt Union. The government had asked the assembly of estates to prepare a vote on this through a commission. On August 9th, the majority of the commission recommended joining the Epiphany. A minority around Hollandt and Aronheim refused to join because Braunschweig was bound by the Frankfurt constitution. The meeting of the estates approved on August 11th with 31 to 21 votes, whereupon some left-wing MPs around Aronheim resigned from their seats.

According to the majority decision, the duchy was represented in the Erfurt Union Parliament from 1850. The government sent Wilhelm von Schleinitz and the assembly of estates Johann Wilhelm Oesterreich to the House of States. The people of Brunswick elected to the Volkshaus according to three-class voting rights: Eduard Vieweg (1st constituency, Braunschweig), Gustav Langerfeldt (2nd constituency, Schöningen ) and Wilhelm von Thielau (3rd constituency, Eschershausen ). All five parliamentarians from the Duchy of Braunschweig belonged to the liberal-constitutional station party, like the majority in both houses of parliament.

Friedrich Liebe wanted to run for office, but his government provided him as a government representative. The executive body of the Union, the Board of Directors , then elected him as one of four plenipotentiaries who represented the governments of the individual states before Parliament. Love should cultivate contacts with the State House.

The conflict between Prussia and Austria came to a head; Braunschweig followed Prussia and sent Schleinitz to a prince congress in Berlin (where Liebe Lippe-Detmold and Waldeck represented). The middle states, and above all Austria, which was supported by Russia, ultimately caused the Union to fail, as did the fickle attitude of the Prussian king. Brunswick politicians like von Geyso and Langerfeldt, as well as the Duke, lost confidence in the Union. Eventually the German Confederation was restored.

Individual aspects of the revolution

Assembly democracy and actions

During the revolution there were popular assemblies almost every evening, both the Patriotic and the People's Association met in the hall of the Medical Garden. It was located on the site where the pharmacists had planted their medicinal herbs and where the Braunschweig Oberpostdirektion later stood.

At a popular assembly on March 16, the armament of the people was again called for; During this gathering, the crowd believed they had discovered an opposing side spy who was beaten up. As a result, a crowd of young boys, apprentices and henchmen moved to the house of the unpopular City Councilor Mack and demolished it. Masked people in the background cheered on the crowd. During these days there were several gatherings and attacks against unpopular citizens. The government was reluctant to use the military because it could have created even greater discontent.

It was the People's Army that prevented worse that evening. Something similar happened on the following days. The rioters covered several houses and pelted the people's armed forces with roof tiles from above. Finally, several rioters were arrested and locked in the monastery. The contemporary journalist Eduard Heusinger commented:

“None of these street fights had a political purpose. They were never directed towards public buildings or state property. Most of them were demonstrations against people whose outward appearance was displeasing to the people. "

On April 3, a rally of the guilds and trades with 5000 people took place on Braunschweig's Burgplatz , which demanded electoral reform and moved to the chamber building. There the masses were stopped by the vigilante group, who threatened to nip violent acts in the bud. A small delegation was admitted and received in response from the meeting of the estates that electoral reform was being considered. Nevertheless, the craftsmen went back to their inns in peace and quiet. In April, laws then regulated the public at meetings of the Estates' Assemblies and other bodies. On May 4th a law on freedom of the press was promulgated, and finally on August 22nd a provisional law on the people's armed forces.

Aegidienkirche in Braunschweig

A funeral ceremony for those who fell in March , the victims of the revolutionary events in Berlin, showed the bond between the people in Germany, including in Braunschweig. At the end of March, a black catafalque was set up in the choir of the Brunswick Aegidienkirche , with candles and ether flames. Thousands of people took part in the celebration in front of the crowded church; many donated for the bereaved. Aronheim and Lucius gave funeral speeches.

Also worth mentioning is the festival for the emperor's deputation , i.e. those members of the National Assembly who visited the Prussian king in 1849 to accept the imperial crown. On the way from Frankfurt to Berlin, they stopped in Braunschweig. Their train drove into a train station decorated with German flags and floral threads under trumpets and trumpets. The Brunswick ministers also greeted them. There were celebratory speeches and a large celebratory meal, the aged poet and MP Ernst Moritz Arndt was almost overwhelmed by expressions of thanks.

societies

In Braunschweig there was previously the citizens' association and the humanitarian association. The citizens' association was founded shortly after the revolution of 1830 and then became known abroad, partly through religious discord. One of his achievements was the establishment of a community aid fund for those in need. In the citizens' association, citizens practiced public speaking and created an assembly public. In the Humanitarian Society, philanthropic proposals for improving social conditions were discussed , which had brought him into disrepute with the police authorities.

The moderate-liberal Patriotic Association was founded on March 27th. Head teacher David Gifhorn said that the association should not be a party, but should unite all classes as possible. The more educated and prudent people should belong to the association, not a large crowd. Tasks were a mediator role between the people and the government as well as the education of the people about his (the people's) just demands. The vigilante group and the citizens' association, in writing, the newspaper for the German people should serve for oral discussions . With its 13 branch associations, the Fatherland Association in Braunschweig became a center of constitutional liberals in Northern Germany and contacted corresponding associations in Cologne, Berlin, Leipzig and elsewhere with the (unsuccessful) goal of founding a national party.

On March 28, a Democrat gave a speech to the Humanities Association. He did not trust the monarchs (except for Wilhelm) and wanted a republic. But he did not succeed in founding a corresponding association. In August, however, the left-wing liberals split off from the Patriotic Association and formed a people's association. According to the organization plan of July 1848, the Republicans in Germany wanted to set up the seat for the Lower Saxony district committee in Braunschweig. The Volksverein in Braunschweig could not cope with this task, but it joined the democratic Central March Association by March 31st .

In the transition from Prussian union policy to pure reaction, the third Democrats' Congress took place in Braunschweig in June 1850 . He was supposed to establish an organization of the democrats in non-Prussian northern Germany. Because of the state repression, only about 40 of the 120 people invited could come. An association to support the democratic press evidently did not come about, personal contacts were the only result of the meeting.

An association for assistants, journeymen, workers and worker friends, briefly also called journeymen’s association, was founded on July 2nd, 1848 in the Braunschweig local town of Bremen . There was also a machine storm during the construction of the Neustadtmühle on Wollmarkt. A machine used to make mortar was destroyed, as was a pump system. Eleven construction workers involved were sentenced to a total of 90 months in prison and forced labor.

Publications

On March 3, 1848, the Bundestag surprisingly decided to lift censorship, but with the restriction that the abuse of freedom of the press must continue to be combated. On March 6th they heard about it in Braunschweig. The rulers tried to give the moderate liberals a voice by founding a suitable body, but not the radical democrats. The publisher Eduard Vieweg ran the newspaper for the German people since March 20 (since July 1, Deutsche Reichs-Zeitung ).

Eduard Trieps , Braunschweig lawyer and member of the Pre-Parliament and the National Assembly, here in 1862. He later became Minister of State in Braunschweig.

The newspaper supported the government in its first few weeks, so that it could be regarded as downright semi-official. The extremely moderate newspaper avoided the word "revolution" and sought a middle path between indifference and excitement; she advocated constitutional monarchy and indirect suffrage. The four editors were Eduard Trieps, Johann Wilhelm Oesterreich, Friedrich Liebe and W. Assmann.

Eduard Heusinger has been publishing a decidedly liberal organ for several years, the Allgemeine Deutsche Volksfreund. During the revolution, the Tageblatt and the sharply satirical, Braunschweig-oriented papers of the time were founded .

Numerous pamphlets appeared, including a brochure in March entitled “No more comedy. A shout to German men ”. She recalled that the Prussian king had said in 1847 that he was against a constitution. He has shed so much blood that he cannot be at the top of Germany. Another leaflet called standing armies a bodyguard for despotism; a soldier sworn in on the sovereign would even shoot his own father. Above all, however, revolutionary leaflets arrived from abroad and were reprinted by Braunschweig residents.

outlook

The small state of Braunschweig could not do much against the will of Prussia and Hanover. But in the reaction era things were a little milder here than elsewhere. Moderate leftists like August Hollandt and the republicans Lucius and Aronheim were not persecuted by the Volksverein. In 1855 the duchy, suspected by its neighbors as the headquarters of the communists, banned a journeyman's association with sympathy for the revolution. Of the democratic publications of the German revolutionary era, the Braunschweigische Blätter der Zeit (1848–1855) remained the longest . Ultimately, this publication from Braunschweig also gave up because of the high bail that a publisher had to leave under the Federal Press Act of 1854.

See also

literature

  • Gerd Biegel : 150 years ago. Braunschweig and the revolution of 1848/49. Braunschweigisches Landesmuseum , Braunschweig 1998, OCLC 258017985 .
  • Otto Böse: The Revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. (= Sources and research on Brunswick history. Issue 13). August Lax Verlagbuchhandlung , Hildesheim 1948, OCLC 6773660 .
  • Andreas Düwel: Social revolutionary protest and conservative sentiment. The rural population of the Kingdom of Hanover and the Duchy of Braunschweig in the revolution of 1848/49. P. Lang, Frankfurt am Main 1996, ISBN 3-631-30313-0 .
  • Gerhard Schildt : From the restoration to the time of the founding of the empire. In: Horst-Rüdiger Jarck, Gerhard Schildt (ed.): The Braunschweigische Landesgeschichte . A region looking back over the millennia. Appelhans Verlag , Braunschweig 2000, ISBN 3-930292-28-9 , pp. 751-786.
  • Eberhard Rohse : Literary “March achievements”. The revolution of 1848 in the works of Brunswick writers. In: Herbert Blume, Eberhard Rohse (Hrsg.): Literature in Braunschweig between the pre-March period and the early days. (= Braunschweiger Werkstücke. Volume 33. The entire series, Volume 84). Braunschweig 1933, ISBN 3-87884-037-3 , pp. 55-110.

supporting documents

  1. ^ Gerhard Schildt: From the restoration to the time of the founding of the empire. In: Horst-Rüdiger Jarck, Gerhard Schildt (ed.): The Braunschweigische Landesgeschichte . A region looking back over the millennia. Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, p. 761.
  2. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 7–9.
  3. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 9–11, p. 13.
  4. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 11-13.
  5. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, p. 15/16.
  6. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 17/18.
  7. ^ Gerhard Schildt: From the restoration to the time of the founding of the empire. In: Horst-Rüdiger Jarck, Gerhard Schildt (ed.): The Braunschweigische Landesgeschichte. A region looking back over the millennia. Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, pp. 780-782.
  8. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 19–21.
  9. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 23-25.
  10. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 36/37.
  11. ↑ Manfred Botzenhart: German Parliamentarism in the Revolutionary Period 1848–1850. Droste Verlag, Düsseldorf 1977, pp. 279-280.
  12. ↑ Manfred Botzenhart: German Parliamentarism in the Revolutionary Period 1848–1850. Droste Verlag, Düsseldorf 1977, p. 280.
  13. ↑ Manfred Botzenhart: German Parliamentarism in the Revolutionary Period 1848–1850. Droste Verlag, Düsseldorf 1977, pp. 280/281.
  14. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, p. 32.
  15. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, p. 41.
  16. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 42/43.
  17. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginnings to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 43/44.
  18. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, p. 50/51.
  19. ^ Jörg-Detlef Kühne: The imperial constitution of the Paulskirche. Model and realization in later German legal life. Habil. Bonn 1983, 2nd edition, Luchterhand, Neuwied 1998 (1985), p. 538.
  20. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 51/52.
  21. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 52–54.
  22. ^ Bernhard Kiekenap: Karl and Wilhelm. The sons of the Black Duke. Volume 1, Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, ISBN 3-930292-39-4 , p. 611.
  23. ↑ Heinz Kreutzmann: Love. Lower Saxony State Center for Homeland Service, o. O. 1956, p. 17/18.
  24. ^ Jörg-Detlef Kühne: The imperial constitution of the Paulskirche. Model and realization in later German legal life. Habil. Bonn 1983, 2nd edition, Luchterhand, Neuwied 1998 (1985), p. 39.
  25. ↑ Heinz Kreutzmann: Love. Lower Saxony State Center for Homeland Service, o. O. 1956, p. 17/18.
  26. ↑ Heinz Kreutzmann: Love. Lower Saxony State Center for Homeland Service, o. O. 1956, p. 19.
  27. ↑ Ralph Burmester: The armed forces of the Duchy of Braunschweig. Structure and organization during the time of the German Confederation 1815–1866. In: Braunschweigisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte. Volume 81 (2000), p. 144.
  28. ↑ Ralph Burmester: The armed forces of the Duchy of Braunschweig. Structure and organization during the time of the German Confederation 1815–1866. In: Braunschweigisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte. Volume 81 (2000), pp. 145/146.
  29. ^ Bernhard Kiekenap: Karl and Wilhelm. The sons of the Black Duke. Volume 1, Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, p. 631.
  30. ↑ Heinz Kreutzmann: Love. Lower Saxony State Center for Homeland Service, o. O. 1956, pp. 23-25.
  31. ^ Bernhard Kiekenap: Karl and Wilhelm. The sons of the Black Duke. Volume 1, Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, p. 648, p. 651.
  32. ^ Bernhard Mann: The end of the German National Assembly in 1849. In: Historical magazine. Volume 214, Issue 2, April 1972, p. 298.
  33. ^ Bernhard Kiekenap: Karl and Wilhelm. The sons of the Black Duke. Volume 1, Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, p. 649.
  34. ↑ Heinz Kreutzmann: Love. Lower Saxony State Center for Homeland Service, o. O. 1956, pp. 27/28.
  35. ^ Bernhard Kiekenap: Karl and Wilhelm. The sons of the Black Duke. Volume 1, Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, p. 651.
  36. ^ Jochen Lengemann: The German Parliament (Erfurt Union Parliament) from 1850: a manual: members, officials, life data, parliamentary groups. Urban & Fischer, Jena, Munich 2000, p. 355, p. 357/358.
  37. ^ Jochen Lengemann: The German Parliament (Erfurt Union Parliament) from 1850: a manual: members, officials, life data, parliamentary groups. Urban & Fischer, Jena, Munich 2000, p. 359.
  38. ↑ Heinz Kreutzmann: Love. Lower Saxony State Center for Homeland Service, o. O. 1956, p. 28.
  39. ↑ Heinz Kreutzmann: Love. Lower Saxony State Center for Homeland Service, o. O. 1956, pp. 30–33.
  40. ^ Bernhard Kiekenap: Karl and Wilhelm. The sons of the Black Duke. Volume 1, Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, p. 616.
  41. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 18/19.
  42. ^ Eduard Heusinger: Braunschweig in its participation in the German popular uprising. Reviews and time images. Friedrich Otto, Braunschweig 1849, pp. 153/154.
  43. ^ Bernhard Kiekenap: Karl and Wilhelm. The sons of the Black Duke. Volume 1, Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, pp. 608/609.
  44. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 40/41.
  45. ^ Eduard Heusinger: Braunschweig in its participation in the German popular uprising. Reviews and time images. Friedrich Otto, Braunschweig 1849, pp. 103-106.
  46. ^ Eduard Heusinger: Braunschweig in its participation in the German popular uprising. Reviews and time images. Friedrich Otto, Braunschweig 1849, pp. 233/234.
  47. ^ Eduard Heusinger: Braunschweig in its participation in the German popular uprising. Reviews and time images. Friedrich Otto, Braunschweig 1849, pp. 132/133.
  48. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 28/29.
  49. ↑ Manfred Botzenhart: German Parliamentarism in the Revolutionary Period 1848–1850. Droste Verlag, Düsseldorf 1977, p. 384.
  50. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 29/30.
  51. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, p. 39.
  52. ↑ Manfred Botzenhart: German Parliamentarism in the Revolutionary Period 1848–1850. Droste Verlag, Düsseldorf 1977, p. 357, p. 384, p. 403.
  53. ↑ Manfred Botzenhart: German Parliamentarism in the Revolutionary Period 1848–1850. Droste Verlag, Düsseldorf 1977, p. 384.
  54. ^ Bernhard Kiekenap: Karl and Wilhelm. The sons of the Black Duke. Volume 1, Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, ISBN 3-930292-39-4 , p. 611.
  55. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 14/15.
  56. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, pp. 38/39.
  57. ↑ See Bernhard Kiekenap: Karl and Wilhelm. The sons of the Black Duke. Volume 1, Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, ISBN 3-930292-39-4 , p. 620.
  58. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, p. 30.
  59. ^ Bernhard Kiekenap: Karl and Wilhelm. The sons of the Black Duke. Volume 1, Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, ISBN 3-930292-39-4 , p. 620.
  60. ^ Otto Böse: The revolution of 1848 in Braunschweig. From the beginning to the meeting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 18, 1848. August Lax Verlagsbuchhandlung, Hildesheim 1948, p. 26.
  61. ^ Gerhard Schildt: From the restoration to the time of the founding of the empire. In: Horst-Rüdiger Jarck, Gerhard Schildt (ed.): The Braunschweigische Landesgeschichte. A region looking back over the millennia. Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2000, p. 782.
  62. ^ Wolfram Siemann: 1848/49 in Germany and Europe. Event, coping, memory. Schöningh, Paderborn et al. 2006, pp. 194/195.