Sinti

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Sinti (also Manouches in the French-speaking area ) are a sub-group of the European Roma . They live in central and western Europe and in northern Italy . They are considered to be the longest living in Central Europe and the largest Roma group living in Germany .

Designations

Sinti (also: Sinte ; Sg. M. Sinto , Pl. Sinti ; Sg. F. Sintiza or also Sinteza , Pl. Sintizas ; there is no derived adjective either in Romani or in German) is the self-designation of a subgroup of the diverse and from Romance-speaking Roma minority made up of numerous different groups .

The ethnonym Sinti has been documented since the late 18th century. It appears in 1787 as “Sende” in the Sulzer Gypsy List , then in 1793 as “Sinte” a second time in a representation of Prussian “ Gypsies ” (subordinate to “Roma” and equal to “Kale”, all three with the same content). It is there based on a speaker statement two or three decades before this point in time. The ending "-iza" in sintiza is a Slavic suffix that occurs in feminine forms, so it connects the name with the Slavic language area in Europe.

The word is often derived from the Indian river Indus . Sindhu is the Sanskrit name of the Indus river and "Sinti" means "people from Sindhu". This is an unprovable and completely improbable assumption in the context of the Indian myth of origin of the Roma. Linguists support the assumption that the Roma come from the Indian subcontinent, but neither they nor historians locate the genesis and naming of the subgroup there. The derivation of the name of the former Indian landscape Sindh , which today belongs to Pakistan, is just as mythical, but not to be understood in terms of real history.

The alternative self-designation Manusch (as it can still be found in Manouches ) seems to be much older. It is first documented for 1597.

Many Sinti make a point in their independent culture and its particular variety of the novel to be recognized and distinguished from other Roma groups. However, this need for demarcation exists reciprocally. It is particularly pronounced today between the German Sinti on the one hand and the south-east European Roma who came to Germany since the 1960s as migrant workers and later as refugees from war and displacement on the other. If the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, as the central organization of the minority in Germany, uses a double term, which it has expanded to include the attribute “German”, contrary to the generic term “Roma” recommended by the International Roma Union and which is widely established internationally, this means that it has been restricted to generations Holders of German citizenship resident in Germany . “German Roma” is intended to refer exclusively to the German descendants of the Eastern European Roma who migrated to Central Europe in the mid-19th century after their liberation from serfdom in the Habsburg Empire , although many migrants of the younger generations are now German citizens. It is also questionable whether, after more than 150 years of coexistence between “German Sinti and Roma” in Central Europe, groups are still mutually exclusive.

history

Middle Ages and Early Modern Times

It is generally assumed that the ancestors of today's Roma left their original Indian settlement areas in different groups and at different times, migrated further west via Persia and Armenia between the 5th and 10th centuries and reached Central and Western Europe via south-east Europe. Their presence in Hungary has been documented since the late 14th century and in Central Europe since the early 15th century (1407, Hildesheim ). The language of the Sinti indicates that they are the oldest sub-ethnic group of Roma that immigrated to the German-speaking area.

Sebastian Münster, Cosmographia universalis, Basel 1544 or 1550: Family of "Gypsies" / "Heyden"

After emperors, sovereigns and cities first issued letters of protection to immigrants in the 15th century so that they could move around unhindered , similar to the Jewish minority , the diets in Lindau (1496–1497) and Freiburg (1498) presented them as alleged traitors to Christianity and allies of the Muslim Turks, as a magician and a carrier of the plague outside the law, decreed their social exclusion and declared it for free as a bird , "when ... was yemandts furnemen in deed against inen Hanndel who have sol it nit sinned yet done wrong" (1498 ).

Jacques Callot, Bohémiens, detail: soldiers on foot and on horseback, ca.1621

This initiated a fundamental reversal of the Reichsverband, the Reichskreis and the states in their attitude towards the minority, which, however, was not represented uniformly. Duldung papers continued to be issued. The Reichstag in Augsburg (1551) criticized this and again issued a general ban on tolerance and the destruction of all existing passports. Nevertheless, as soldiers with sought-after competence and sometimes also in the role of officers in the contemporary mercenary armies, “pagans” were under both imperial and sovereign protection. In the armies of the 17th and 18th centuries up to the introduction of standing subject armies, they were a natural element. Some of them are known as high police officers ("Landesvisitator", "Landleutnant" etc.) (18th century). Since the end of the 17th century, on the other hand, the defensive regulations, which had only been announced occasionally, increased in number and escalated in severity. A general persecution of the minority began in Central and Western Europe, which reached its peak in the 1720s, with regular patrols, with numerous bans on residence, entry and support, and draconian threats of punishment. It aimed at "extermination".

Execution of a "gypsy gang" in Gießen, 1726, as a public spectacle

A tiered system of penalties developed, according to which the first expulsion and the blow of the distemper should be branded the second time the border was crossed and the execution was carried out the third time. In the case of “Gypsies”, the authorities often used “summary” processes to dispense with the prescribed, regulated procedures. Children were forced to face their parents' execution - u. U. “at the next tree” - to watch them before they were driven across the border or families of the majority population were handed over. All "homeless rabble" was legally excluded, but the sanctions against "gypsies" and "vagabonds" were the most repressive. At the same time, there were Sinti in the role of high police officers in some territories.

The Sinto Anton (Antoine) La Grave, land lieutenant in Kurmainz, around 1730

While in France in the first half of the 18th century the state switched to domiciling the Bohémiens ou Egyptiens due to the unsuccessfulness of its previous security and regulatory policy, the concept of "extermination" that was widespread in the states of the Old Kingdom continued into the first half 19th century. It should be noted, however, that there was a considerable difference between norm setting and norm implementation. Even in the years of the most ruthless regulations, there was always the issue of passports and certificates of conduct and the basic possibility of switching to the majority society as a “pardoned gypsy”. After “heathens” had played an extraordinary role in the first half of the 18th century, given the small size of the minority, the interest in security and regulatory policy declined sharply in the second half of the century to largely prevail in the last third of the century disappear.

Younger story

With the fall of the Old Reich and the emergence of civil legal relationships in the German states, the Sinti who were born and living there received the respective citizenship and were legally equal to all other citizens. With the dissolution of the traditional professional associations, the generalization of wage labor and the introduction of freedom of trade, new opportunities for access to traditional and new fields of activity opened up. On the other hand, industrial production of goods and the forms of distribution that went with it destroyed opportunities to earn a living. With the reform of the settlement law around the middle of the 19th century, it was, on the one hand, at least formally legally possible to end permanent migration. On the other hand, the freedom of movement made migration easier. At the same time, it generally increased mobility and intensified competition among migrant workers. Many families changed - increasingly in the later course of the century and not least in view of increasing repression - more or less inconspicuously to a fixed or partially fixed way of life. In Prussia, the Roma and Sinti were “predominantly sedentary” in the mid-1880s.

The founding of the empire in 1871 was followed by a rediscovery of what is now known as the "gypsy plague" and a "turnaround" (Fricke) to renewed and escalating persecution. There was a strong resurgence of antigypsy content in the media and politics. A distinction was now made between “domestic” and “foreign gypsies”. While the first were mainly the Sinti who had long lived in Germany, the second were to a large extent those Roma who had left south-eastern Europe in the wake of the gypsy liberation in the Habsburg Empire and migrated to Central Europe after the middle of the century. In 1899, an imperial center for the "fight against gypsies" was set up in Munich as a police data collection point. In 1926 she had the biographical data, photos and fingerprints of 14,000 people. After the turn of the century, open special law ended the phase of legal equality. In Prussia on February 17, 1906, the restrictive and repressive "Instruction to Combat the Gypsies" was issued, which was adopted by other German countries. While “Gypsies” without German citizenship had to be expelled, the Germans were to be made settled. Measures such as the transfer of children to welfare education, the refusal of migrant trade licenses or restrictions on camps served this purpose. The “Instructions”, renewed in 1924, remained an authoritative guideline for decades.

“Gypsy mission” of the Berlin city mission with the biblical saying “The Gentiles will walk in its light” Isaiah 60: 3, photo around 1913

On July 16, 1926, the “Law to Combat Gypsies, Rural Drivers and Workers shy” was passed in the Free State of Bavaria. Implementing regulations and contemporary specialist comments prove its crime preventive function, i. H. the groups of cases mentioned were per se criminal. The distinction between “gypsies” and “rural travelers” was based on a racist and ethnic basic understanding, a new element in the standardization: “Racial studies provide information about who is to be regarded as a gypsy.” A circular issued by the Prussian Ministry of the Interior on November 3, 1927 ordered the taking of fingerprints from "all non-sedentary gypsies and people wandering gypsy fashion". Anyone over the age of 18 had to be photographed for a "certificate" that was given the function of a special ID. Further photos with the fingerprints were sent to the said "Gypsy Police Station Munich". The Bavarian law of 1926 was used as a template for the "Law to Combat the Gypsy Fault", which was presented by the Social Democratic Interior Minister Wilhelm Leuschner of the People's State of Hesse and passed on April 3, 1929. In this case, as in general, the exclusion measures against "gypsies" and "rural drivers" - there was no mention of "work-shy" in Hesse - supported by all parties with the exception of the KPD, which rejected the law as unconstitutional.

In many places there were initiatives by citizens or the authorities who, in their measures, invoked appeals to either displace “Gypsies” or to place them under police surveillance. In Cologne, where numerous “wild settlements” had arisen during the global economic crisis, often in the form of caravan sites, the police suggested a gypsy meeting place in 1929 . This is to counter the "general uncertainty and disfigurement of the street scene". In Frankfurt am Main in Prussia, the city set up a “concentration camp” for “gypsies” on the initiative of the social democrats. Until then, in German political parlance, the term had been reserved for camps for “Eastern Jews” to be deported.

The racist redefinition of the minority overlapped with the traditional sociographic definition: on the one hand, a “racial” distinction was made between supposedly non-German “gypsies” and German rural travelers, and on the other hand only case groups with the cultural characteristic of a “traveling” way of life, which the permanent residents no longer had , subject to exclusion. A distinction in favor or to the detriment of this or that subgroup of the Roma ethnicity was made neither by the authorities nor by the prejudice of dominance society. They basically did not differentiate. “Gypsies”, insofar as they apparently “nomadic” corresponded to the antiziganist stereotype, were all indiscriminately undesirable, regardless of their self-perception.

National Socialism

Deportation of south-west German members of the minority in Asperg , May 22, 1940 (photo by RHF )
Memorial plaque for murdered Sinti in the Höherweg camp in Düsseldorf-Lierenfeld
Ravensburg , memorial to the memory of 29 Sinti from Ravensburg who were murdered in Auschwitz

The state anti-Gypsy norms and practices of the pre-Nazi era were initially continued under National Socialism . Then they were gradually tightened and expanded. Initiatives from the lower level of the state hierarchy played an essential role. As before, the measures were generally directed against German and non-German Roma and Sinti. All “gypsies” were persecuted for reasons of both racial hygiene and ethnicity. The label classified those affected as both collectively “anti-social” and “foreign race”. The classification drew a racial or ethnic dividing line between "Gypsies", namely "full gypsies" and "Gypsy half-breeds" on one side and a large number of mainly sub-proletarian social groups "deutschblütiger antisocial " on the other side.

The employees of the Race Hygiene and Population Biology Research Center in the Reich Health Office developed a detailed system of genetic-genealogical qualification as "Gypsies" and as "non-Gypsies". They categorized each and every one of those recorded by their alleged "blood". In this way, they created the prerequisites for regulating the Gypsy question based on the nature of this race - according to Himmler's circular of December 8, 1938 - as the decisive course in the direction of genocide (see Porajmos ). On December 16, 1942 and after the work on a “Gypsy genealogical archive” had been largely completed, Himmler then issued the Auschwitz decree to deport “Gypsy hybrids, Roma Gypsies and non-German-blooded members of Gypsy clans of Balkan origin” to the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp .

While "non-gypsies" i.e. H. “German-blooded anti-socials”, who did not belong to the case groups that the Auschwitz decree named as being deported, should, according to the implementation regulations of January 29, 1943, “pure-bred” Sinti and Lalleri or “good half-breeds in the Gypsy sense” of these two groups of the decree according to its exception provisions. The number of those spared was “vanishingly small”. It was “less than one percent” of the 30,000 or so “Gypsies” living in the German Reich when the war began .

The Sinti living in Alsace were expelled to central France after the occupation of Alsace, unless they had already fled there. Those who stayed in the Vichy zone after France's surrender were interned in a camp in the Pyrénées-Orientales department . Insofar as they were interned in one of the camps set up by the French authorities in occupied France, their living conditions deteriorated. However, since registration and internment were in French hands, nomades and similar groups were not differentiated and categorized according to racial criteria, and no eliminatory objectives existed, they largely survived the Nazi occupation. Over 25,000 Roma from eleven European countries, the majority from Germany and Austria and the majority Sinti, were deported to Auschwitz, at least 17,000 of them murdered there. “A total of around 15,000 people from Germany were killed as 'Gypsies' or 'Gypsy hybrids' between 1938 and 1945,” including around 10,500 in Auschwitz-Birkenau .

present

Up to 60,000 Sinti with German citizenship live in Germany as descendants of historical immigration 600 years ago. As early as 1982, the federal government determined that “contrary to popular belief (...) almost all of them are settled”.

The Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, founded in 1982 as the successor to the Association of German Sinti and based in Heidelberg, is generally recognized as the top representation of the minority . Its long-time chairman Romani Rose was one of the leading activists of the civil rights movement of the 1970s and 1980s and has been chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma since 1982. Nine regional associations and other regional member associations are united in the Central Council.

Smaller groups of the minority came together in the Sinti Alliance Germany, which was formerly in the Rhineland (seat in Cologne), now in Lower Saxony (seat in Göttingen), and in the Rome and Cinti Union (Hamburg), each of which has primarily regional importance and they share with the regional organizations of the Central Council. The State Association of Sinti in Hamburg takes a much less demarcated attitude towards the majority population and society than the Sinti Alliance, in addition to the Association of German Sinti of Lower Saxony, which is also apart from the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma. V. represents Sinti interests.

Important associations supported jointly by Roma and people from the majority population with a focus on socio-political and social work, which, including migrant workers and refugees, address all Roma groups and thus also the group of Sinti, are regionally the Rom e. V. (Cologne) and the Förderverein Roma (Frankfurt a. M.).

The language of the Sinti, as a Sintitikes , occasionally as Sintikanes / Sintikenes and as sintengeri tschib (= language of the Sinti ) Marked variety of the novel , is strong because of the more than 600-year stay in the German-speaking region of Germans coined.

Current studies on the social situation of the Sinti are not available. Such emerged in the 1980s. The focus was on Sinti, but all those who placed value on being and remaining unknown as "Gypsies" fell out of view. In addition to this, the case groups remained unrecognized, firstly, the “guest worker Roma” from Spain or Yugoslavia, and secondly, later, the members of Eastern European Roma groups, as they have been since the system change and the resulting social emergencies and wars. a. migrated to Germany. The studies carried out in the 1980s placed Sinti in an economic, social and educational marginalized position. In retrospect, a study from 2001 came to the conclusion that, as evidenced by these studies, then and “to this day, a larger proportion of the Sinti and Yeniche in relation to the population average lived and continue to live in poverty”. The “aggressive expulsion policy” since the late 1940s “and the fearful control and probation policy” of the 1960s would have “socially and economically marginalized” them. They would still have fewer opportunities in the labor market, in social status, in schooling and in participating in political decision-making processes.

A study published in 2011 on the educational situation of "German Sinti and Roma", which in real terms only refers to Sinti in the restricted definition of the German umbrella organizations, i.e. to group members with German citizenship and "autochthonous" origin, but excludes Roma of other origins, shows above-average proportions not attending school, when attending special schools and in the absence of vocational training. In many cases, “literacy was seen as sufficient formal education”. There were also “fears about one's own children if they were in the majority.” Alexander von Plato , co-author and academic companion of the study, explained: “The Nazi policy led to a break in education.” There was a general school ban given for "gypsies" and only a small part of the minority survived at all. At the same time, the study states that "especially in the third generation [after the end of National Socialism] there is increasing support for educational efforts by the family, combined with a higher level of education in the parents' generation." Experts see a lag compared to Germany living Eastern European Roma, who had to do with the former training opportunities and career opportunities "in the former socialist states".

In the continuing shortage of the generation of parents and grandparents in particular, there is a difference to the corresponding age groups of Eastern European migrant Roma, who had comparatively good educational opportunities until the system change at the beginning of the 1990s. The difference is now closing because many Eastern European Roma - like members of the lower social classes in general - have since then also been severely impaired in their economic, social and educational opportunities.

Legal and state-political recognition

There is no separate recognition of the Sinti as a minority apart from other Roma groups. If explicitly named, they are each seen as a subgroup of a “national” overall minority with different names.

Germany

Since 1997, with the ratification of the Framework Convention of the Council of Europe for the Protection of National Minorities by the Federal Republic of Germany, along with Danes , Frisians and Sorbs, “the German Sinti and Roma”, insofar as “traditionally at home for centuries” and also in possession of German citizenship, are considered “ national Minority "recognized. The minority languages ​​(as well as the regional language Low German), including Romani , are protected under the European Charter of Regional and Minority Languages ​​of 1998. The Eastern European Roma immigrants of the 1950s, the Southeast and Southern European “guest worker Roma” who had made their home since the 1960s and the Eastern European Roma who immigrated as war and poverty refugees since the 1990s, many of them from, were therefore not included in the protection of nationalities they have also lived in the Federal Republic for a long time or since their birth and are German citizens.

In 2005 the state of Rhineland-Palatinate and the Association of German Sinti and Roma Landesverband Rheinland-Pfalz e. V. a framework agreement. In 2012, the federal state of Bremen followed suit with a framework agreement with the Association of German Sinti and Roma, Landesverband Bremen eV Since 2012, the protection and promotion of members of the national minority has been included in the state constitution of Schleswig-Holstein. Since 2013, a state treaty has regulated the relationship between the state of Baden-Württemberg and the members of the national minority living there. A “Council for the Affairs of the German Sinti and Roma” was established.

Austria

As part of the Roma, the Austrian Sinti are recognized as a minority under the National People's Group Act , and Roman (es) is a recognized minority language in Austria .

They had immigrated from the later 18th century, but mainly around 1900, from (then still Austrian) Bohemia and Moravia, and occasionally also from southern Germany, and like the other Roma were badly hit by the Nazi genocide. A number of the Sinti living in Austria are not known. They are now considered to be well integrated but isolated. The Austrian Sinti had reservations about being legally recognized under the collective term "Roma". Initially, associations with the term Sinti in their name were threatened with legal action. Today the ethnic group organized in the Austrian Roma Cultural Association describes itself as (Austrian) Roma or Roma and Sinti .

Switzerland

In 1998 Switzerland joined the European Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. This affected “the traditional linguistic minorities” (the German, French, Italian and Romansh-speaking population) as well as “the Jewish community and travelers”. The prerequisites for recognition of belonging to the minority of “travelers” are “Swiss citizenship” and “maintaining long-standing, firm and permanent ties to Switzerland”. What is meant are the two subgroups of the Sinti and the Yeniche . A real way of working and living that could be described as “driving” is not a requirement for inclusion in this minority category. At least the sub-group of the Yeniche does not pursue any traveling occupations as, for example, market feeder or traveling showman and has lived localized for generations. Corresponding information is not available on Sinti, but there is no reason to assume that Swiss Sinti lived differently from their European neighbors, that is, as "traveling people". The Yenish is protected as an independent “sociolect”, as a special language or also as a special vocabulary, whereas the Romani of the Sinti is not. Roma who migrated to Switzerland from other European countries in the past few decades are not included in the national minority, regardless of their Swiss citizenship.

Culture

German Sinti feel “strongly connected” with the “regional cultures” of the areas in which they have lived for generations. Traditional specific peculiarities are in addition to the Romany language z Sometimes more comprehensive forms of family organization go beyond the “coherent three-generation family”, which, unlike the Sinti, now only represents a remnant in the local society. “Family history, group rules and demarcation from other family associations” hold these large family subgroups together, each with “strong regional ties”. Reinhold Lagrene , Sinto, speaks of a special “respect for the elderly”, which is “a matter of course to this day”.

As before, among traditionally oriented Sinti, such as those found in the "Sinti Alliance", there are internal forms of standardization and conflict regulation, traditional avoidance rules and behavioral rules. "In a weakened form" is to be classified here as "the institution of the judiciary". This includes that everything that has to do with death and blood is "unclean". This results in a ban on becoming a doctor or nurse. Weddings with “Gadsche” (= non-Roma) are undesirable, and children from such connections - according to the former spokeswoman for the Sinti alliance Natascha Winter - “bastards”. Women should particularly restrain themselves in the presence of older men and in public. All of them, however, had to pay special respect to the elderly and “respected persons”. This traditionalism is controversial within the Sinti community. What significance it still has today in the daily life of the members of the minority cannot be said.

Obviously, it has similarities with the patriarchalism and denominational, national, regional or social demarcation that has long prevailed in the European dominant society and is still today - often very pronounced - as can be seen in the condemnation of " mixed marriages ". It is not known how much approval it still finds among the minority today. Katrin Reemtsma emphasizes that the prerequisites for the preservation and continuation of traditional cultural forms are even more unfavorable than in the surrounding regional and socially specific cultures. Not only the general socio-economic changes, but above all “the persecution during National Socialism destroyed the traditional livelihoods and social structures of most families. The majority of the elderly, mediators of culture and guardians of observance of social norms had been killed. "

A majority of the Sinti are Catholic, a minority Protestant, another minority has turned to groups such as the Pentecostal movement or other free church associations. In addition, there are specific forms of popular belief, such as the notion of the “black and white mulo” (spirits of the dead, dead) and a specially developed veneration of ancestors, as there are dissident forms of popular belief in the regional majority cultures.

Today, Sinti mainly name three subject areas as characteristic of Sinti culture: their language, in connection with it the culture of oral tradition and storytelling, and the music, which is spread over a wide spectrum of variants and, above all, made listener-oriented, i.e. not peculiar Has "ethnic" characteristics. As far as language is concerned, Reinhold Lagrene assumes a “strong tradition and folk culture in storytelling”. The oral tradition is not unusual, but the Sinti “may have preserved it to this day more than the majority population”. At the same time, Reinhold Lagrene states that "unlike the Roma in other European countries ... the previous attitude of the German Sinti towards writing their language is predominantly negative". The central council as an umbrella organization respects that. Nevertheless, the awareness within the minority of the importance of the language must be strengthened if it is to continue. Evidence that not all Sinti are arrested in the same way traditional avoidance laws is that of the Romanes-Arbeit-Marburg e. V. , to which Sinti also belong, worked out a translation of the New Testament into German Romanes. The cultural achievements of members of the minority include contributions to general culture. A large number of Sinti have made outstanding contributions to music, for example Manouche Django Reinhardt on swing and Alsatian Manouche Biréli Lagrène on modern jazz, Latin American music and classical music. Marianne Rosenberg is one of the greats of German popular music . Her father Otto Rosenberg and her sister Petra Rosenberg are known from the civil rights movement.

Some Sinti families have long affiliations with the traveling entertainment industry. Many circus companies and many families of high wire artists have Sinti origins or are closely related to members of the minority.

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  • Susan Tebbutt (Ed.): Sinti and Roma in German-speaking society and literature. (= Research on literary and cultural history. 72). Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main a. a. 2001, ISBN 3-631-35349-9 .
  • Rüdiger Vossen: Gypsies. Roma, Sinti, Gitanos, Gypsies. Between persecution and romanticization. Catalog for the exhibition "Gypsies between Romanticization and Persecution: Roma, Sinti, Manusch , Cale in Europe." Hamburgisches Museum für Völkerkunde . Ullstein, Frankfurt am Main 1983.
  • Michael Zimmermann : Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". (= Hamburg contributions to social and contemporary history. Volume 33). Christians, Hamburg 1996, ISBN 3-7672-1270-6 .

Web links

Commons : Sinti people  - collection of pictures, videos and audio files
Wiktionary: Sinto  - explanations of meanings, word origins, synonyms, translations

Remarks

  1. As broadcast in: Georg Jacob Schäffer: Sulzer Zigeunerliste…. Sulz 1787, cit. after: Friedrich Kluge: Rotwelsch. Sources and vocabulary of rogue language and related secret languages. Strasbourg 1901 (ND Berlin et al. 1987), p. 252; Sinte : Zippel: About the gypsies; especially in the Kingdom of Prussia. In: Berlinische Monatsschrift, ed. by Johann Erich Biester, Vol. 21, 1793, pp. 108–165, 360–393, here: pp. 364 ff., see also: [1] .
  2. See e.g. B. with the female first names Barica, Danica, Dragica, Ljubica, Marica, Slavica.
  3. See e.g. B. Michail Krausnick: We wanted to be free! Beltz and Gelberg, Weinheim 1983, ISBN 3-407-80642-6 , p. 178.
  4. See from a linguistic and linguistic historical perspective: Yaron Matras: The Role of Language in Mystifying and Demystifying Gypsy Identity. In: Nicholas Saul, Susan Tebbutt: The Role of the Romanies: Images and Counter-images of "Gypsies" / Romanies in European Cultures. Liverpool University Press, Liverpool 2004, ISBN 978-0-85323-679-5 , p. 70.
  5. See: Yaron Matras: The language of the Roma. A historical outline. In: Yaron Matras, Hans Winterberg, Michael Zimmermann : Sinti, Roma, Gypsies. Language - history - present. Berlin 2003, pp. 231–261, here: p. 233.
  6. Bonaventura Vulcanius Brugensis: De Literis et Lingua Geatarum sine Gothorum. Leiden 1597, cit. after: Kluge, p. 114.
  7. Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma: "Sinti" denotes "those members of the minority who live in Western and Central Europe, Roma those of Eastern and Southeastern European origin. Outside of the German-speaking area, Roma is used as a name for the entire minority ”, see: [2] .
  8. See: Regional Association of German Sinti and Roma NRW . There also: "The members of the minority in Eastern Europe also call themselves Roma."
  9. Martin Ruch: On the history of science of German-language "Gypsy research" from the beginnings to 1900. Freiburg 1986, p. 52. The entire decision there on p. 363.
  10. Thomas Fricke: "Gypsies" in the age of absolutism. Balance of a one-sided tradition. A socio-historical investigation based on southwest German sources. Pfaffenweiler 1996; Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: “Don't be a goat tuna, but an imperial cornet”. Sinti in the 17th and 18th centuries. An investigation based on archival sources. Berlin 2007.
  11. Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: "That they take off the gypsy habit". The history of the "Gypsy colonies" between Wittgenstein and Westerwald. Frankfurt am Main u. a. 1997, 2nd ed .; Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: “Don't be a goat tuna, but an imperial cornet”. Sinti in the 17th and 18th centuries. An investigation based on archival sources. Berlin 2007.
  12. Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: “Don't be a goat tuna, but an imperial cornet”. Sinti in the 17th and 18th centuries. An investigation based on archival sources. (Series of Documents, Texts, Materials; Vol. 65), Berlin: Metropol, 2007; a general description of the presence of the Lagrave family association can be found in: Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: On the situation of the "Gypsies" in the territorial states between the Main, Lahn and Sieg in the first half of the 18th century. Three cases in comparison. In: Udo Engbring-Romang, Wilhelm Solms (Ed.) On behalf of the Society for Antiziganism Research e. V .: “Theft in view?” On the criminalization of the “Gypsies”. (= Contributions to Antiziganismusforschung, Vol. 2), Seeheim 2005, pp. 64–115.
  13. Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: “Don't be a goat tuna, but an imperial cornet”. Sinti in the 17th and 18th centuries. An investigation based on archival sources. Berlin 2007.
  14. See Karola Fings : Race: Gypsies. In: Herbert Uerlings, Iulia-Karin Patrut (ed.): "Gypsies" and Nation. Representation - inclusion - exclusion. (= Inclusion / exclusion. Studies on strangeness and poverty from antiquity to the present, vol. 8), Frankfurt am Main et al. 2008, pp. 273-309, here p. 274.
  15. The attribute "plague" is also used by the National Socialists, e.g. B. as the title of the "Execution Instructions" from March 1, 1939 to the decree of December 1938 "re. Combating the Gypsy Plague ”. "Gypsy mischief" occurs equally often in Nazi jargon, e. B. in Robert Ritter's writings on selection in the context of the Racial Hygiene Research Center, or in the police jargon of the Reich Criminal Police Office
  16. The following especially after: Rainer Hehemann: The "Fight against the Gypsy" in Wilhelminian Germany and in the Weimar Republic, 1871-1933. Frankfurt am Main 1987 .; Thomas Fricke: Between education and exclusion. On the Württemberg history of the Sinti and Roma in the 19th century. Frankfurt am Main u. a. 1991.
  17. ^ Rainer Hehemann: The "Fight against the Gypsy" in Wilhelminian Germany and in the Weimar Republic, 1871-1933. Frankfurt am Main 1987, p. 294 ff.
  18. So the executive resolution according to: Hermann Reich: The Bavarian Gypsy and Work Shy Act of July 16, 1926. Comment. Munich 1927, p. 1.
  19. Werner Kurt Höhne: The compatibility of the German Gypsy laws and regulations with German law, in particular the Reich constitution. Heidelberg n. J. (1930), pp. 124-129.
  20. Udo Engbring-Romang: The persecution of the Sinti and Roma in Hesse between 1870 and 1950. Frankfurt am Main 2001, p. 119 ff.
  21. Karola Fings, Frank Sparing: The gypsy camp in Cologne-Bickendorf 1935-1958. In: 1999. Journal for Social History of the 20th and 21st Century. 1991, no. 3, pp. 11-40, here: p. 17.
  22. ^ Peter Sandner: Frankfurt. Auschwitz. The National Socialist persecution of the Sinti and Roma in Frankfurt am Main. Frankfurt am Main 1998, p. 40 ff.
  23. For this section see: Martin Luchterhandt: The way to Birkenau. Origin and course of the National Socialist persecution of the "Gypsies". Lübeck 2000; Romani Rose (Ed.): The National Socialist Genocide of the Sinti and Roma. Heidelberg 1995; Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996.
  24. Karola Fings: The "expert statements" of the race hygiene research center. In: Michael Zimmermann (ed.): Between education and destruction. Gypsy Policy and Gypsy Research in Europe in the 20th Century. Stuttgart 2007, pp. 427–459, here: p. 449.
  25. Michael Zimmermann (Ed.): Between Education and Destruction. Gypsy Policy and Gypsy Research in Europe in the 20th Century. Stuttgart 2007, pp. 238-246.
  26. ^ Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, p. 381. There further information for other countries from which deportations were made.
  27. The First Report of the Federal Republic of Germany in accordance with Article 25 Paragraph 1 of the Framework Convention of the Council of Europe for the Protection of National Minorities, Berlin 1999 ( online ( memento of the original from January 20, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this note. ), and the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma ( online ( memento of the original from July 17, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this note. ). @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.bmi.bund.de @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.sintiundroma.de
  28. Answer of the Federal Government to the major question on “Situation and demands of the Sinti, Roma and related groups”, German Bundestag, 9th electoral period, December 21, 1982, printed matter 9 / 2.360, p. 2.
  29. See e.g. B. Regional Association of the Sinti in Hamburg e. V., letter to gadze, - ( Memento of the original dated February 13, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.landesverein-hamburg.de
  30. It is customary to simply speak of “mari chib” = “our language”.
  31. See e.g. B. [romani] PROJECT at the Karl Franzens University Graz, [3] .
  32. Andreas Hundsalz in collaboration with Harald Schaaf: Social situation of Sinti in the Federal Republic of Germany (Final Report). (= Series of publications by the Federal Minister for Youth, Family and Health, vol. 129) Stuttgart / Berlin / Cologne / Mainz 1982; Andreas Hundsalz: Gypsy children . A socio-psychological investigation of school-relevant characteristics. Frankfurt / M. 1980.
  33. Peter Widmann: On the edges of cities. Sinti and Yeniche in German local politics. Berlin 2001, p. 196f.
  34. See Ester Quicker: Recent developments in the German-language specialist literature on Sinti and Roma issues. In: Esther Quicker, Hans-Peter Killguss (Ed.): Sinti and Roma between exclusion and self-assertion. Voices and background to the current debate. Cologne 2013, pp. 228–247, here 239.
  35. This and the following information, unless otherwise indicated: Daniel Strauss (Ed.): Study on the current educational situation of German Sinti and Roma. Documentation and research report. Marburg 2011, pp. 93f., 101.
  36. See: Bundestag, Documents, Text Archive 2011, [4] .
  37. ^ Ester Quicker: Recent developments in the German-language specialist literature on Sinti and Roma topics. in: Esther Quicker, Hans-Peter Killguss (ed.): Sinti and Roma between exclusion and self-assertion. Voices and background to the current debate. Cologne 2013, 228–247, here: p. 239.
  38. European Commission (ed.): Roma and Education. Challenges and opportunities in the European Union. Luxemburg 2012, p. 7: “As a result, the situation of the Roma [after 1989] has continued to deteriorate: Discrimination combined with extreme poverty has negative consequences in terms of education, employment, housing and health. In the most hopeless situations, poor Roma live in the most remote and impoverished rural areas, where they can survive with very little, or they migrate and settle on the outskirts of more affluent cities in the hope of better living conditions, work and shelter. ”See: [5] .
  39. Federal Ministry of the Interior: The National Minorities in Germany, December 1, 2014 .
  40. Framework agreement between the Rhineland-Palatinate state government and the Association of German Sinti and Roma Landesverband Rheinland-Pfalz e. V., July 25, 2005, see: [6] .
  41. Framework agreement between the Senate of the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen and the Association of German Sinti and Roma, Landesverband Bremen eV (Bremer Sinti Verein eV and Bremerhaven Sinti Verein eV), July 17, 2012, PDF .
  42. Roma and Sinti are protected, in: taz, November 14, 2012, see: [7] .
  43. ^ State treaty regulates relations with Sinti and Roma, Welt-online, November 28, 2013, see: [8] .
  44. a b The Austrian Roma. In: Dieter Halwachs : [romani] PROJEKT , Karl Franzens University Graz (romaniprojekt.uni-graz.at, accessed on January 29, 2019).
  45. Sinti. In: Dieter Halwachs: [romani] PROJEKT - Rombase , Karl Franzens University Graz (rombase.uni-graz.at).
  46. Minorities (politics). Democracyzentrum.org (accessed March 31, 2016).
  47. Around 40,000 Roma and Sinti live in Austria. medienservicestelle.at, undated (accessed January 29, 2019).
  48. a b ops cit. The Austrian Roma. In: [romani] PROJEKT , section self-esteem .
  49. cf. z. B. Documentation u. Information center. Cultural Association of Austrian Roma (kv-roma.at), accessed on January 29, 2019.
  50. ^ Current website of the Federal Department of Home Affairs. Protection of national minorities, 2017, see: - ( Memento of the original dated February 4, 2017 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.edi.admin.ch
  51. ^ Federal Office for Culture. Travelers in Switzerland, February 27, 2012, see: http://www.bak.admin.ch/kulturschaffen/04265/04267/index.html?lang=de ( Memento from November 4, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) .
  52. ^ Federal Office for Culture. Travelers in Switzerland, February 27, 2012, see: http://www.bak.admin.ch/kulturschaffen/04265/04267/index.html?lang=de ( Memento from November 4, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) .
  53. ^ Katrin Reemtsma: Sinti and Roma. History, culture, present. Munich 1996, p. 65f.
  54. ^ Katrin Reemtsma: Sinti and Roma. History, culture, present. Munich 1996, p. 67.
  55. Reinhold Lagrene: Oral storytelling as folk culture. Considerations from the inside. In: Wilhelm Solms, Daniel Strauss (ed.): "Gypsy pictures" in German-language literature. Heidelberg 1995, pp. 95f.
  56. See the - now abandoned - old HP of the former Cologne “Sinti Alliance”, which is still available as a “blog” (2013): [9] ; also: Katrin Reemtsma: Sinti and Roma. History, culture, present. Munich 1996, p. 67.
  57. ^ Katrin Reemtsma: Sinti and Roma. History, culture, present. Munich 1996, p. 67.
  58. See: Bottom Line. Reflections on the "Gypsy Festival" in Cologne. In: Nevipe. News and articles from Rome e. V. No. 4, 2012, pp. 14–21, here: p. 16, see: [10] .
  59. ^ Katrin Reemtsma : Sinti and Roma. History, culture, present. Munich 1996, p. 66.
  60. ^ Katrin Reemtsma: Sinti and Roma. History, culture, present. Munich 1996, p. 67.
  61. See e.g. B. Elisabeth Tauber: You will not take a husband. Respect, meaning of the dead and refugee marriage of the Sinti Estraixaria. Berlin 2006, p. 34f .; Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: "That they take off the gypsy habit". The history of the "Gypsy colonies" between Wittgenstein and Westerwald. Frankfurt a. M. u. a. 1997, 2nd supplemented edition, p. 170.
  62. Reinhold Lagrene: The German Romanes. History of a non-codified language. In: Christel Stolz (Ed.): In addition to German. The autochthonous minority and regional languages ​​of Germany. Bochum 2009, pp. 87-102.
  63. ^ Reinhold Lagrene: The storytelling culture and storytelling art of German Sinti and Roma. In: Daniel Strauss (Ed.): The Sinti / Roma storytelling. Heidelberg 1992; Oral storytelling as a folk culture. Considerations from the inside. In: Wilhelm Solms, Daniel Strauss (ed.): "Gypsy pictures" in German-language literature. Heidelberg 1995. Excerpts from it on the subject in: [11] .
  64. Anita Awusosi (ed.): The music of the Sinti and Roma. Heidelberg 1996. The book does not refer to a large extent to music made by Sinti, but to music by members of other Roma groups.
  65. Reinhold Lagrene: Oral storytelling as folk culture. Considerations from the inside. In: Wilhelm Solms, Daniel Strauss (ed.): "Gypsy pictures" in German-language literature. Heidelberg 1995, pp. 95f.
  66. Reinhold Lagrene: The German Romanes. History of a non-codified language. In: Christel Stolz (Ed.): In addition to German. The autochthonous minority and regional languages ​​of Germany. Bochum 2009, pp. 87-102, here: p. 88.
  67. ^ Ulrich F. Opfermann: New Testament in Romanes. In: Nevipe. News and articles from the Rom eV No. 5, 2012, pp. 23–24, see: [12] . Two translations of the New Testament into Romanes - one the Kalderash , then the Sinti - are presented in the article .
  68. Pia Maria Medusa Lagrin: Life journey. ... memories of a life on a tightrope. Norderstedt 2011; see also: HP of the Documentation Center of German Sinti and Roma: [13] ; Michael Faber: Showman. Folklore study of a traveling professional group in the Cologne-Bonn area. Bonn 1982, 2nd, through. Ed., P. 172ff .; Karola Fings, Ulrich F. Sacrificial man (ed.): Gypsy persecution in the Rhineland and Westphalia. Paderborn 2013, p. 206ff.