Sarit Thanarat

Sarit in his uniform as Field Marshal (ca.1957)

Sarit Thanarat ( Thai ส ฤ ษ ดิ์ ธ นะ รัช ต์ , pronunciation: [sàʔrít tʰáʔnáʔrát] , contemporary also transcribed as Srisdi Dhanarajata ; *  June 16, 1908 in Bangkok ; †  December 8, 1963 ibid) was a Thai army officer and politician. After 1954 he was commander in chief of the army, from 1956 on with the rank of field marshal . After a coup he was Prime Minister of the country from 1959 until his death. Sarit ruled Thailand in an authoritarian manner and persecuted communists and other political opponents. On the other hand, he promoted the development of the country, which under his leadership experienced rapid economic growth. The Sarit government can be characterized as a development dictatorship.

origin

Relief showing Sarit as a child with his family at the monument in Khon Kaen

Sarit was born as the son of Major Luang Rueangdechanan (civil Thongdi Thanarat) and Chanthip Thanarat. He spent his childhood in the province of Mukdahan , on the border with Laos. This was the home of his mother, who was of Lao descent. The connection to the Lao-speaking Isan (north-east Thailand) brought him lasting sympathy in the economically backward and until then politically disadvantaged region. A second degree Laotian nephew of Sarit was Phoumi Nosavan , who later became a general and leader of the right wing in the Lao Civil War .

Military career

When he was eleven, Sarit started attending military school. After graduating from the Chulachomklao Military Academy , he was promoted to lieutenant in 1928 and served in an infantry battalion in the royal bodyguard . In 1933, Sarit was involved in the suppression of the Boworadet rebellion.

In January 1942, while Thailand was involved in World War II , he was appointed commander of the 33rd Infantry Battalion in the Northern Army's 12th Infantry Regiment. He was under the middle of 1942 Burma campaign with the riot at Salween entrusted to the border between Thailand and Burma. He made a name for himself as a capable and stern commander of his troops who had no qualms about having captured enemy agents executed. The 33rd Battalion participated in the capture of the Burmese Shan State and was subordinated to the 3rd Division under General Phin Choonhavan . Later, Sarit was given command of a machine gun battalion in Lampang in northern Thailand, and in April 1945 he became the province's military commander.

In November 1947, as a 39-year-old colonel and commander of the First Regiment of the First Army Division, he played a decisive role in the putsch that led to the return to military rule under Field Marshal Phibunsongkhram (Phibun). Then his career accelerated. In 1948 he became major general and commander of the First Division stationed in the capital, Bangkok. In this position he was responsible for combating the general staff coup in 1948 and the palace rebellion of Pridi Phanomyong in 1949. The following year he became lieutenant general and was given command of the strategically important First Army region. In 1951 he became the deputy commander in chief of the army. He was responsible for the force's brutal crackdown on the "Manhattan coup" by naval officers in 1951. He then took over command of the Chulachomklao Military Academy , whose curriculum he reformed based on the model of the United States Military Academy at West Point.

"Triumvirate" (1951–57)

In December 1951 he became deputy defense minister in Phibun's government after the “radio coup”, which increased the military's control over politics. In the following years he held power in a kind of triumvirate with Phibunsongkhram and Police General Phao Siyanon . In 1952 he received the rank of general. In 1954 he succeeded Phin Choonhavans as Commander in Chief of the Land Forces. In 1955 he was given the ranks of Admiral and Air Force General, and in 1956 that of Field Marshal. At the age of 47, he was the youngest holder of this rank since the revolution of 1932 and the youngest ever who was not a descendant of the royal family.

From the 1950s onwards, Sarit was also heavily involved economically. After his death, his fortune was estimated at 150 million US dollars, of which he is said to have embezzled 30 million from the state budget. When Prime Minister Phibun allowed parties again in 1955 and himself founded the Seri Manangkhasila party , Sarit formed a wing in it with which he wanted to secure his power base and became the party's deputy chairman. However, he was reluctant to participate in party politics and did not call on the troops under his control to vote for the party.

Relief for the 1957 coup on the monument to Sarit in Khon Kaen

After the rigged election in February 1957 (as a result of which he was made defense minister) and corruption scandals, Sarit distanced himself from Phibun and joined the protests against the prime minister and police chief Phao. In August he resigned as defense minister and left the Seri Manangkhasila party. In September he gave the government an ultimatum to resign.

Putsch and "Revolution" (1957–58)

On September 16, 1957, he launched a coup against Phibun's government. The coup was supported by a broad alliance of opponents of the Phibun government, which included students, protesters from the Hyde Park movement, the palace, and the opposition Democratic Party . He first installed the non-party diplomat Pote Sarasin as prime minister and had new elections held in December. In this, however, the Sarit supporting "Unionist Party" (Sahaphum) disappointed . He founded the "National Socialist Party" (Chat Sangkhomniyom) to win the support of previously independent MPs for the government. Pote no longer offered himself as head of government and Sarit made his pupil and defense minister Thanom Kittikachorn prime minister.

Sarit had to go to England to treat cirrhosis of the liver . Thanom's government did not get a stable grip on the country and proposed higher tariffs and taxes in vain. After returning from England, Sarit took power himself on October 20, 1958. He suspended the constitution, placed the country under martial law and ruled by enacting his " Revolutionary Council ".

The idea of ​​calling the takeover a "revolution" came from Wichit Wichitwathakan . He had previously been the chief ideologist and propagandist of Phibun. He now wrote Sarit's speeches and developed the ideology of his regime around the terms kan phatthana ("development") and khwam riap-roi ("order and decency").

Sarit issued decrees against the opium trade , which had flourished under the previous government thanks to the protection of Police Chief Phao, and against prostitution . He had prostitutes brought to reform schools, where they were to be trained and prepared for a "decent" life. He also ordered a tough crackdown on petty and gang criminals. Men suspected of being "crooks" (anthaphane) were arrested en masse and also taken to correctional institutions. He also banned cycle rickshaws , most of which were driven by young migrant workers from the rural northeast, from the capital because he saw them as "untidy" and harmful to the economy and the health of the drivers themselves. Sarit regularly had the streets of the capital cleaned, beggars evicted or arrested, street dogs killed and lepers isolated and fined for throwing rubbish on the streets. He personally led the investigation into a number of arson cases in November and December 1958. After interrogating them, he sentenced the alleged perpetrators to death on the spot and without trial and had them publicly executed.

Term of office as Prime Minister (1959-63)

Sarit as Prime Minister in civilian clothes

On January 28, 1959, Sarit had an interim constitution (called the "Statute on the Administration of the Kingdom") with 20 articles put into effect. The most important of these was Article 17, which read:

"Whenever the Prime Minister deems it appropriate to prevent acts, whether of domestic or foreign origin, which undermine the security of the kingdom or the throne or endanger law and order, the Prime Minister is empowered to issue orders by resolution of the Council of Ministers take appropriate action. Such orders or steps are considered lawful. "

- Article 17 of the 1959 Statute of the Administration of the Kingdom of Thailand

This article gave the head of government practically unlimited powers and laid the foundation for his dictatorial rule. On February 9, 1959, King Bhumibol appointed Adulyadej Sarit Prime Minister.

Characterization and style of government

Sarit did not belong to the group of “ supporters ” of the 1932 revolution , whose politicians and military leaders shaped the country's politics from 1932 to 1957. Most of them had studied in Europe and wanted to modernize Thailand culturally and socially. Sarit, on the other hand, pursued a political philosophy that was based on traditional Thai values ​​and institutions and rejected foreign models and ideas. Sarit abolished democratic institutions based on the western model, such as political parties, trade unions and free press, which his predecessor Phibun had introduced at the end of his rule from 1955. But he went even further and even repealed the constitution, dissolved parliament and stopped holding elections. Sarit also put an end to the restrictions introduced by Phibun, which discriminated against Chinese businessmen in economic life, and promoted market-based entrepreneurship instead of the state-owned companies preferred by his predecessor.

The Australian economist and Southeast Asia expert Thomas Silcock described Sarit's character as a “mixture of unscrupulous gangster, traditional generous oriental despot and shrewd connoisseur with expertise.” Sarit's paternalistic style, which could be authoritarian and benevolent at the same time, appealed to ordinary Thai people. Sarit also visited remote parts of the country as prime minister, slept in tents and sought conversation with the people there. This was not only for advertising purposes, Sarit wanted to find out firsthand about the needs of the population in order to prevent dissatisfaction with the government. The Thai political scientist Thak Chaloemtiarana, who devoted a detailed study to Sarit and his rule in 1979, described the principle of governance as "despotic paternalism". He also uses the term pho khun ("fatherly ruler"), a reference to the title of the kings of the early Thai Empire Sukhothai in the 13th century , for Sarit's style of leadership .

Sarit's character is often described by the term nak-leng , which in Thai refers to a tough, daring, decisive and male leader who is kind and generous to his friends and subordinates, but shows mercilessness towards his enemies. In rural Thailand in particular, this type of leadership is seen as an ideal. Sarit also embodied characteristics in his private life that are considered typically masculine in Thailand: He spoke strongly to alcohol and held out numerous concubines , including several winners and finalists of Miss Thailand and other beauty pageants as well as movie stars.

Foreign policy

Sarit continued the close alliance between Thailand and the USA and even deepened it. The country was one of the most important partners in the pro-American and anti-communist alliance SEATO . In contrast, he put an end to the opening up of foreign policy towards the People's Republic of China that began under Phibun and Phao .

In December 1959, Sarit supported the coup of his second nephew, General Phoumi Nosavan , in Laos. Sarit used his good relations with the United States to urge them to support Phoumi. He wanted to increase the influence of Thailand on the neighboring country. From 1961, Sarit invited the US armed forces to build and use air force and naval bases in Thailand as starting points for their missions in Vietnam and Laos during the Second Indochina War . In return, Thailand received an average of 1 billion baht ($ 40 million) in military aid annually, 12% of the value of the country's export earnings at the time. In addition, the two foreign ministers Thanat Khoman and Dean Rusk signed an informal communiqué (“Rusk-Thanat Agreement”) in Washington, DC, in which the USA promised Thailand support and protection against any communist aggression beyond its multilateral obligations within SEATO.

Sarit also hoped for economic benefits, since the US financed an expansion of the infrastructure in the regions around these bases, which brought a boom for the Thai construction industry. Thailand, especially the capital Bangkok, was designated as an area for rest & recreation (R&R "rest and relaxation") for the US soldiers stationed in Southeast Asia, which laid the foundation for the current importance of the country's tourism industry , but also an expansion of prostitution (superficially concealed behind the facade of nightclubs, massage parlors, etc.), which contradicted Sarit's illegalization of the sex trade.

Domestic politics

Development projects for rural regions initiated under his leadership contributed to its popularity in the province. Development (in Thai kan phatthana ) was Sarit's motto, which he became obsessed with. This probably also showed his belief, influenced by traditional Buddhism, that the religious merits of the ruler show in the well-being and economic success of the people. In fact, the economic growth during the Sarit-Thanom era was enormous: With an average increase in the gross national product of 7% per year, Thailand belonged to the top group worldwide, also in comparison with other developing countries. Industrialization and the expansion of the service sector advanced considerably. In 1970 agriculture only contributed 30% to national economic output, compared to over 50% in the early 1950s. Sarit presented himself as a child of the rural north-east region (Isan) , even if his father was a central Thai officer. As prime minister, he initiated political programs to help solve the “Northeast Problem”. In doing so, he wanted to prevent the political dissatisfaction of the north-east Thais based on the region's economic backwardness from turning into separatist or communist endeavors.

The premier operated a strong expansion of the education sector. In 1960 compulsory schooling was extended from four to seven years. The proportion of young people attending secondary schools increased by 69% between 1958 and 1962. The training of new teachers increased by 79%. Under Sarit, the universities that had previously specialized in art and agriculture ( Silpakorn and Kasetsart universities ) were upgraded to full universities in 1962 . In addition, Sarit initiated the establishment of the first universities outside of Bangkok in the interests of developing the province: Chiang Mai University in the north and Khon Kaen University in the northeast .

In contrast to his predecessor Phibunsongkhram, Sarit was an ardent royalist. He had excellent relations with the young King Bhumibol Adulyadej . The two complemented each other: On the one hand, Sarit was able to derive the legitimacy of his rule from the support of the king; on the other hand, he gave the monarchy a meaning in public that it had not had since the end of absolute monarchy in 1932. She has kept this more active role to this day. He saw the monarch as a supporter and most important ally and - unlike Phibun - not as a potential threat to his rule. The prime minister and the king shared enthusiasm for rural, economic and infrastructure development and Sarit left Bhumibol to patronize important projects, which contributed to his popular reverence. During Sarit's reign, elaborate royal events that had been abolished with the transition to constitutionalism, such as the Kathin ceremony and the royal barque procession, were reintroduced. In 1960, Sarit moved the national holiday from the anniversary of the "Siamese Revolution" to the king's birthday. He encouraged Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit to make extensive trips to the various parts of the country and to make a series of state visits to Europe and North America. These should not only contribute to the popularity of the royal couple, but also to improve the regime's reputation at home and abroad.

Sarit was attached to the symbolic trinity of nation, religion and monarchy. He also transferred his authoritarian-paternalistic leadership style to the Buddhist monastic community (Sangha) of Thailand. As a result of an amendment to the law on the Buddhist order ( Sangha law ) of 1962 (which is essentially still in force today) , it was reorganized in a centralized and strictly hierarchical manner and placed under the national Supreme Patriarch . He sent monks to the border provinces and to the mountain peoples to do missionary work for Buddhism and to help implement the government's development programs. In doing so, they should also prevent the spread of communist ideas. On the other hand, he had monks persecuted who were said to be close to communism or who rejected the centralization policy.

Death and inheritance

King Bhumibol blesses the dying Sarit

Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat died on December 8, 1963. He is the only Thai Prime Minister who held the post until his death. King Bhumibol had visited him on his deathbed and put his hand on his forehead, which was taken as a sign of blessing, closeness and the greatest respect. He ordered an official mourning period of 21 days, which had never been seen before for a politician. His body was laid out for 100 days before being cremated in a king-led ceremony and buried in a gold urn under a five-fold umbrella.

To avoid succession disputes, the king appointed Sarit's deputy and protégé Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn as the new prime minister one day after Sarit's death. Together with his deputy General Praphas Charusathien , who had also been a favorite of Sarit, he continued his authoritarian rule, pro-American and anti-communist policies and promotion of economic development until they were overthrown by the popular uprising in October 1973 .

After Sarit's death it became clear to what extent he had enriched himself. In addition to a brewery and 51 private cars , he left behind a fortune of US $ 150 million and land holdings of 3,200 hectares, many of which were intended as gifts to numerous mistresses. Newspaper reports after his death listed over 80 women who were alleged to have been Sarit's mistresses or "concubines". In November 1964, the cabinet decided to recover the equivalent of 32 million US dollars that Sarit allegedly embezzled from public funds, especially from the state lottery monopoly.

Aftermath

Monument to Sarit Thanarat in Khon Kaen

In 1984, a monument in honor of Sarit was erected in the north-eastern Thai provincial capital of Khon Kaen . The city profited greatly from his development policy, was largely rebuilt according to his plans in the 1960s and developed into an unofficial capital of the northeast region. The memorial consists of a life-size statue and a series of bas-reliefs added in 1993 illustrating scenes from the field marshal's life. It is the only memorial to a Thai Prime Minister in this form. Unlike comparable monuments of local heroes, patron saints (above all the Thao Suranari monument in Nakhon Ratchasima ) as well as city or university founders in other Thai provinces, it hardly attracts admirers.

The politics of Sarit experienced a critical examination in a detailed study by the political scientist Thak Chaloemtiarana entitled "Thailand: The Politics of Despotic Paternalism", which was published in 1979. It is considered a standard work in Thai political science.

In addition, the role of Sarit in the Thai public is often rated uncritically or even positively to this day. For example, the former president of the Thai central bank, Pridiyathorn Devakula , wrote in a column for The Nation newspaper in 2009 that he longed for the "influential figures" who led Thailand in the "good old days", to which he specifically said Field Marshal Sarit counted.

literature

• Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. The Politics of Despotic Paternalism. Cornell Southeast Asia Program, Ithaca (NY) 2007, ISBN 978-0-87727-742-2 .
• Donald F. Cooper: Thailand. Dictatorship Or Democracy? Minerva Press, Montreux WA 1995, ISBN 1-85863-416-4 .
• Daniel Fineman: A Special Relationship. The United States and Military Government in Thailand, 1947–1958. University of Hawai'i Press, Honolulu 1997, ISBN 0-8248-1818-0 .
• Volker Grabowsky : A Brief History of Thailand , CH Beck, Munich 2010.
• Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian: Kings, Country and Constitutions. Thailand's Political Development, 1932-2000. Routledge Shorton, London / New York 2003, ISBN 0-7007-1473-1 .

Remarks

1. ^ In the English original: “a combination of the ruthless gangster, the traditional lavish oriental despot and the shrewd judge of expertise” , TH Silcock: The Economic Development of Thai Agriculture. Australian National University Press, Canberra 1970, p. 21.
2. ↑ Usually subjects are not allowed to touch the king at all.
3. ↑ In traditional Thai palace ceremonies, multi-tiered umbrellas show the rank of a person, a nine-fold umbrella is the symbol of the king.

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Marco Bünte: Problems of Democratic Consolidation in Thailand. Institute for Asian Studies, Hamburg 2000, p. 27.
2. ↑ Field Marshal Sarit Dhanarajata ( Memento of the original from March 21, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The  archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , Brief biography of the former Prime Minister from the Secretariat of the Thai Cabinet.
3. ↑ ^{a b} Grabowsky: Brief history of Thailand. 2010, p. 172.
4. ^ ^{A b} Daniel Fineman: A Special Relationship. 1997, p. 243.
5. ^ Cooper: Thailand. 1995, p. 175.
6. ^ Cooper: Thailand. 1995, p. 176.
7. ^ Grabowsky: Brief history of Thailand. 2010, p. 169.
8. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 63.
9. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 252.
10. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 72.
11. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, pp. 78-79.
12. ↑ ^{a b} James Ockey: Making Democracy. Leadership, Class, Gender, and Political Participation in Thailand. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu 2004, p. 13.
13. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 88.
14. ^ Frank C. Darling: Marshal Sarit and Absolutist Rule in Thailand. In: Pacific Affairs Vol. 33, No. 4, 1960, pp. 347-360.
15. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, pp. 116-119.
16. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, pp. 125-127.
17. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 122.
18. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 121.
19. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, pp. 105-106, 122.
20. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, pp. 122-123.
21. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, pp. 123-124.
22. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. The Politics of Despotic Paternalism. Cornell Southeast Asia Program, Ithaca (NY) 2007, ISBN 978-0-87727-742-2 , pp. Xi, 127-128.
23. ↑ Tyrell Haberkorn: In Plain Sight. Impunity and Human Rights in Thailand. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison (WI) / London 2018, ISBN 978-0-299-31440-8 , pp. 55-57.
24. ^ Charles Keyes: Opening Reflections. Northeastern Thai Ethnoregionalism Updated. In: Tracks and Traces. Thailand and the Work of Andrew Turton. Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 2010, pp. 17–28, at p. 23.
25. ^ Grabowsky: Brief history of Thailand. 2010, p. 173.
26. ↑ Craig J. Reynolds: Seditious Histories. Contesting Thai and Southeast Asian Pasts. University of Washington Press, Seattle 2006, p. 114.
27. ^ Ruth McVey: Of Greed and Violence and Other Signs of Progress. In: Money and Power in Provincial Thailand. NIAS Press, Copenhagen 2000, pp. 1-29, at p. 9.
28. ^ Cooper: Thailand. 1995, p. 201.
29. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. X.
30. ↑ Keyes: Northeastern Thai Ethnoregionalism Updated. 2010, p. 22.
31. ↑ James Ockey: Crime, Society and Politics in Thailand. In: Gangsters, Democracy, and the State in Southeast Asia. Cornell Southeast Asia Program, Ithaca NY 1998, pp. 39-53, at p. 42.
32. ^ McVey: Of Greed and Violence and Other Signs of Progress. 2000, p. 8.
33. ^ ^{A b} " Chang Noi ": A basic course in Sarit Studies. In: The Nation , August 6, 2001.
34. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 225.
35. ↑ ^{a b} Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 238.
36. ↑ Penny Van Esterik: The Politics of Beauty in Thailand. In: Beauty Queens on the Global Stage. Gender, Contests, and Power. Routledge, New York / London 1996, pp. 203-216, at p. 212.
37. ^ Daniel Fineman: A Special Relationship. 1997, p. 244.
38. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 161.
39. ↑ Satayut Osornprasop: Thailand and the Secret War in Laos, 1960–1974. In: Southeast Asia and the Cold War. Routledge, Oxford / New York 2012, ISBN 978-0-415-68450-7 , pp. 186-214, at p. 193.
40. ↑ Arne Kislenko: A Not So Silent Partner. Thailand's Role in Covert Operations, Counter-Insurgency, and the Wars in Indochina. In: Journal of Conflict Studies , Volume 24, No. 1, 2004.
41. ↑ James Ockey: The Rise of Local Power in Thailand. Provincial Crime, Elections and the Bureaucracy. In: Money and Power in Provincial Thailand. NIAS Press, Copenhagen 2000, pp. 74-96, at p. 79.
42. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 164.
43. ↑ Louis J. Smith, David H. Herschler: Foundations of Foreign Policy, 1969-1976. Foreign Relations of the United States, Volume IUS Department of State, Office of the Historian, Washington DC 2003, pp. 181-182.
44. ↑ Arne Kislenko: The Vietnam War, Thailand, and the United States. In: Trans-Pacific Relations. America, Europe, and Asia in the Twentieth Century. Praeger, Westport CT 2003, pp. 217–245, at p. 224.
45. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, pp. 175-176, 232.
46. ↑ Wantanee Suntikul: Thai tourism and the legacy of the Vietnam War. In: Tourism and War. Routledge, Abingdon (Oxon) / New York 2013, pp. 92-105, at pp. 95-99.
47. ^ Grabowsky: Brief history of Thailand. 2010, p. 174.
48. ↑ Keyes: Northeastern Thai Ethnoregionalism Updated. 2010, pp. 22-23.
49. ↑ Jacques Amyot: I Remember Chula. Memoirs of Four Decades of Involvement in a Thai University, 1962-2002. Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute, 2003, p. 10.
50. ^ Grabowsky: Brief history of Thailand. 2010, p. 172 f.
51. ^ Reynolds: Seditious Histories. 2006, p. 118.
52. ↑ Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian: Kings, Country and Constitutions. 2003, p. 57.
53. ↑ Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian: Kings, Country and Constitutions. 2003, p. 217.
54. ^ Paul M. Handley: The King Never Smiles. A Biography of Thailand's Bhumibol Adulyadej. Yale University Press, New Haven 2006, p. 143.
55. ↑ Handley: The King Never Smiles. 2006, p. 145.
56. ↑ Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian: Kings, Country and Constitutions. 2003, p. 156 f., 193.
57. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 135.
58. ^ Susan M. Darlington: Buddhism and Development. The Ecology Monks of Thailand. In: Action Dharma. New Studies in Engaged Buddhism. Routledge Shorton, London / New York 2003, pp. 96-109, at p. 98.
59. ^ Darlington: Buddhism and Development. 2003, p. 99.
60. ↑ Martina Peitz: Tiger Leaping of the Elephant: Rent-seeking, Nation Building and catching-up development in Thailand , LIT Verlag, Zurich 2008, p. 232.
61. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 210.
62. ↑ Handley: The King Never Smiles. 2006, pp. 154-155.
63. ↑ Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian: Kings, Country and Constitutions. 2003, p. 161.
64. ↑ Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian: Kings, Country and Constitutions. 2003, pp. 161-162.
65. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 232.
66. ↑ Thailand: Sarit's Legacy. In: Time Magazine , March 27, 1964.
67. ↑ Sarit's assets revert back to government. In Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News Since 1946. Editions Didier Millet, Singapore 2009, p. 139.
68. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, p. 224.
69. ↑ Thak Chaloemtiarana: Thailand. 2007, pp. 252-257.
70. ↑ Michael Kelly Connors: Thailand. In: Patrick Heenan, Monique Lamontagne: The Southeast Asia Handbook. Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, London / Chicago 2001, pp. 41–55, at p. 55.
71. ↑ Gerald W. Fry, Gayla S. Nieminen, Harold E. Smith: Historical Dictionary of Thailand. 3rd edition, Scarecrow Press, Lanham (MD) / Plymouth 2013, chapter Bibliography , p. 517.
72. ↑ Pridiyathorn Devakula: Missing Field Marshal Sarit and Professor Sanya, I am. In: The Nation , January 5, 2009.
73. ↑ Federico Ferrara: Thailand Unhinged. The Death of Thai-Style Democracy. Equinox Publishing, Singapore 2011, p. 125.

Web links

• Kurzbiografie (English)
• History of Thai Prime Ministers (English)

Note on Thai names : This article addresses people by their first name.