Armed conflict in Colombia

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Armed conflict in Colombia
Colin Powell visits Colombia as part of US support for Plan Colombia.
Colin Powell visits Colombia as part of US support for Plan Colombia .
date May 27, 1964 - September 26, 2016
place Colombia
output Peace treaty between government and FARC
(broken or dissolved in 2019)
Parties to the conflict

Flag of AUC.svg Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (until 2006) successor organizations

Drug cartels

ColombiaColombia Colombia

United StatesUnited States United States

Drug cartels

Farc-logo.jpg FARC-EP (until 2016) ELN M-19 (until 1990) EPL
Flag of ELN.svg
Flag of M-19.svg
Flag of the EPL.svg

Supported by: Venezuela Cuba (until 1991) Soviet Union (until 1991) Belarus (since 2008)
Flag of Venezuela.svg
Flag of Cuba.svg
Flag of the Soviet Union.svg
BelarusBelarus 

Drug cartels

Commander

Carlos Castaño Gil
Rodrigo Tovar Pupo
Diego Murillo Bejarano

Iván Duque
Padilla León
Montoya Uribe

Timoleón Jiménez
Joaquín Gómez
Iván Márquez
Antonio García


An armed conflict took place in Colombia for around fifty years , the beginning of which is dated between 1964 and 1966. On June 22, 2016, the Colombian government agreed a definitive ceasefire with the largest guerrilla, the FARC-EP .

The peace treaty was approved by the Colombian Senate and the House of Representatives at the end of November 2016 after a previous draft was rejected by a narrow majority in a referendum. More than 6,500 FARC guerrillas surrendered their weapons by June 2017 and were supposed to be enabled to live in civil society in disarmament zones. For his efforts in the peace process, Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2016 .

In September 2019, part of the FARC announced the rearmament , as a fight against poverty and an end to the persecution of former FARC members had not been kept despite promises.

Parties involved

Mounted Carabineros of the Policia Nacional

The drug mafia is allied not an independent party in this conflict, but with one or more of these parties, or it has wholly or partially decomposed, as guerrillas and paramilitaries since the early 1980s, reinforced by the cultivation and sale of drugs , particularly cocaine , finance . For this reason, at least the Colombian government subsumes the successor organizations of the AUC under the term BACRIM ( bandas criminales emergentes ) and GAO ( grupos armados organizados ).

Chronicle of the Conflict

Since the country's independence there have been several civil wars, which, in addition to conflicts over the land question, resulted from the traditional rivalries between the liberal and conservative parties. Important dates in conflict are:

  • 1860-1862 civil war in Granada Confederation , of establishing the United States of Colombia led
  • 1899–1902 War of the Thousand Days , forcible appropriation of small farms by large landowners in the course of the coffee boom with an estimated 100,000 victims in the Middle Andes
  • 1928 Industrial action on the banana plantations of the United Fruit Company , massacre in Ciénaga / Santa Marta
  • 1948–1952 civil war between conservatives and liberals, triggered by the murder of the liberal presidential candidate Jorge Eliécer Gaitán and his announced agrarian reform and the subsequent bloody unrest in the capital (also known as Bogotazo ). The violence continued in more rural areas in the years that followed and is now known as La Violencia .
  • 1960–1970 "Emerald War" (Guerra de las Esmeraldas) in the Boyacá region, which led to the formation of the Cartel de Esmeralderos .
  • Since 1983 drug war and establishment of paramilitary units that pursue the elimination of opposition groups (also known as the " dirty war ")
  • 2012–2016 peace talks between the FARC-EP and the Colombian government. Agreement on a definitive ceasefire. On September 26, the FARC and the government signed the peace treaty. A (non-binding) referendum took place on October 2nd, in which the voters rejected the peace treaty, contrary to forecasts, with just over 50% of the votes. Contrary to previous announcements, both sides gave hope that they would adhere to the armistice. An open question remained how long the FARC could be financially sustained without resuming its criminal activities. In November 2016, a new peace treaty with concessions from the FARC was signed in Havana, which was approved by both chambers of Congress on November 30th without a dissenting vote. The opponents had boycotted the vote and the bill was no longer submitted to the people.

Structures of conflict

Map coca cultivation in Colombia 2001

The left-wing guerrilla groups are fighting the Colombian military. The right-wing paramilitary groups are in conflict with the guerrilla groups. Both parties also carry out attacks on civilians and violate human rights .

It is assumed that around 20,000 people fought on the side of the guerrillas and - even after their supposed demobilization - around 8,000 to 9,000 people on the side of the paramilitaries. Some guerrilla groups were so influential that they controlled parts of the country, even after the disarmament of the FARC in 2017 there were still areas over which the state had no control.

According to the guerrillas, the areas that were not under the control of the state were half of Colombia's territory in the early 2000s. In the border areas with Ecuador , Venezuela and Panama , where a lot of coca is grown, the guerrillas and armed gangs are still strongly represented. Until the beginning of the peace process with the FARC, the Colombian government had claimed that the guerrillas would be tolerated or even supported by Venezuela and Ecuador. However, the governments of the countries denied this.

Paramilitaries are tolerated and in some cases even supported by parts of the Colombian military. The final report of the Special Public Prosecutor's Office for Peace and Justice also names senators, members of the House of Representatives, governors, mayors and city councilors as commissioners of the paramilitary crimes. These worked directly with the paramilitary groups and belong almost exclusively to the conservative parties that support President Alvaro Uribe. There was also evidence of direct support from transnational companies, including Chiquita . Since those affected were not interested in disclosing these connections, there are many speculations here. Since 2002 the groups united in the AUC have announced their disarmament. In return, they can expect a reduced sentence. The paramilitaries are also largely financed by growing and trafficking coca. Many drug barons bought their way into the paramilitary structures or committed themselves to them in order to be able to enjoy the reduced sentences granted to the paramilitaries and to avoid extradition to the USA. Although the demobilization was officially completed in April 2006, paramilitary groups still exist in Colombia. The UN Commissioner for Human Rights for Colombia even assumed in 2006 that the demobilization had not led to a reduced paramilitary presence. Paramilitarism had infiltrated parliament, the police and the armed forces. Paramilitaries claim they bought 35 percent of parliamentarians. In 2007 parliamentarians had to stand trial for their links with paramilitaries. The allegations were conspiracy, extortion, kidnapping in particularly serious cases and money laundering. Other politicians are said to have reached an agreement with paramilitaries.

The US supports the Colombian government with arms deliveries, helicopters, pilots and instructors. This is done with the aim of combating drug cultivation and drug crime, with the guerrilla groups in particular, who describe themselves as left-wing, being referred to by the USA as Narcoterroristas ("drug terrorists"). A central role in the armed conflict in Colombia is played by the Colombian government's Plan Colombia from 1999, which made it possible for the army to become active internally in areas of police activity. The USA is supporting Plan Colombia with several billion dollars in military aid financially, personally and with arms deliveries. Part of the personnel support is provided by private security and military companies . An important part of the Plan Colombia is the destruction of drug cultivation fields by spraying them with herbicides as part of the fight against drug trafficking.

massacre

This article or the following section is not adequately provided with supporting documents ( e.g. individual evidence ). Information without sufficient evidence could be removed soon. Please help Wikipedia by researching the information and including good evidence.
Unfortunately, the situation of the information given here is very vague from 1999 onwards - Anidaat ( discussion ) 13:03, 24 Mar. 2018 (CET)
  • Ciénaga massacre: Massacre of banana workers from 1928 (“Matanza de las Bananeras”) on December 6, 1928 in Ciénaga near Santa Marta . Triggered by a strike by the banana workers against the United Fruit Company , General Cortés Vargas ordered machine guns to be fired at the striking banana workers after Sunday mass. The number of victims is controversial: 47 to 2,000 victims. ( Garcia Marquéz processed the subject literarily in his work " Hundred Years of Solitude ".)
  • Urabá massacre: 20 banana workers were murdered by paramilitaries during strikes in 1988.
  • Segovia massacre: In 1988 the Bomboná battalion of the XIV Brigade killed 43 people with submachine guns and hand grenades in a park in Segovia / Antioquia .
  • Trujillo massacre: Between 1988 and 1991, 107 to 300 people in Trujillo / Valle del Cauca were killed and mutilated with chainsaws by members of the Cali cartel and the AUC .
  • Villatina massacre: In 1992, 8 children and 1 adult were executed by the police in Medellín in revenge for several police murders by youth gangs .
  • Riofrio massacre: 13 people were murdered by the army and paramilitaries in 1993.
  • La Gabarra massacre: AUC and FARC killed 43 people in 1996 .
  • El Aro massacre: In 1997, 15 FARC supporters and their families were murdered by right-wing paramilitaries near Itanguo / Antioquia .
  • Mapiripán massacre: In 1997 the AUC infiltrated the Meta department into areas conquered by the army and killed the villagers of Mapiripán with machetes and chainsaws. The number of victims is unknown as the bodies were thrown into a river.
  • Villanueva massacre in 1998: 11 dead from AUC purges .
  • Santo Domingo Massacre: In 1998 the army killed 17 villagers.
  • Playón de Orozco massacre: 27 people were murdered in 1999.
  • Macayepo Massacre: In 2000, an AUC liquidation wave cost 15? People's life.
  • El Salado massacre: In 2000, 40 small farmers were murdered by paramilitaries.
  • Chengue Massacre: In 2001, 27 people died in a cleanup operation .
  • Alto Nay massacre: In 2001 120 people from the rural population near Alto Naya were murdered.
  • Bojayá massacre: In 2002 the FARC killed 119 people in the province of Chocó who had sought refuge in the village church of Bojayá.
  • Bahia Portete Massacre: In 2004 the AUC murdered 12, maybe even 30 farmers.
  • Tibú massacre: In 2004 the FARC massacred Wayuu indigenous people in various villages near Catatumbo in the Guajira department .
  • Candelaria massacre: In 2004, 11 people were murdered by paramilitaries in Candelaria in the Valle del Cauca in the drug war.
  • San José de Apartadó massacre in 2005: In February 2005, 8 people, including the leader of the San José de Apartadó peace community, and 5 children were brutally murdered and dismembered. In November 2007, a senior officer was convicted.

Victim

Between 1958 and 2012, around 218,000 people died in the Colombian conflict, 81% of them civilians. The United Nations accused the paramilitaries of being responsible for 80% of the deaths in 2008. In general, however, all those involved - paramilitaries, guerrillas and state forces - are charged with serious human rights violations.

By 2012, around 23,000 people were the victims of selective murders (including 35.4% by paramilitaries, 16.8% by guerrillas and 10.1% by state forces). Around 11,700 people died as a result of massacres (56% by paramilitaries, 17% by guerrillas and 8% by state forces). In addition, up to 2012, especially to finance the conflict, but also partly to destabilize the political system, 27,000 people were kidnapped by the armed illegal groups (90, 6% by guerrillas and 9.4% by paramilitaries). In addition, around 25,000 people were enforced disappearances . It is estimated that between 4.7 and 5.7 million people had been displaced by 2012.

Well-known hostages include Íngrid Betancourt and Pablo Moncayo . Moncayo's father, Gustavo Moncayo , drew attention to himself and the fate of his kidnapped son in 2007 by walking in 46 days from his home village of Sandoná to Bogotá , more than 1,000 kilometers away , to demonstrate for the release of the FARC hostages. Íngrid Betancourt was freed by the Colombian armed forces in a commando operation on July 2, 2008 after being held hostage for six years, together with three Americans and eleven Colombian military personnel.

German organizations also work for the victims and for reconciliation in the regions of civil war. For example, the Hope Bearers Foundation (Leonberg), together with its partner Confraternidad Carcelaria de Colombia, is building so-called villages of reconciliation , in which former guerrillas work with residents to create an intact infrastructure for civil war victims. They build or renovate houses and schools, set up workshops and make agricultural land usable. The aim is to pave the way back to life for FARC rebels and villagers.

Regionalization of the conflict

The neighboring countries are also badly affected by the domestic political conflicts in Colombia. Colombian guerrillas, paramilitaries and government forces often do not respect national borders and Colombian drug traffickers export a large part of their supplies for the US and Europe via neighboring countries. Many refugees, people displaced from their villages or neighborhoods, seek refuge in neighboring countries.

Brazil

In 1998, Colombian warplanes violated Brazilian territory while helping to retake the border town of Mitú , which the FARC had occupied for days.

Panama

In the border region of Colombia and Panama, there were repeated attacks by paramilitaries against the civilian population, including on Panamanian territory, and fighting between guerrillas and paramilitary groups. The Colombian paramilitaries of the AUC robbed several helicopters in Panama in 2002.

Venezuela

The presence of Colombian paramilitaries in Venezuela was first officially confirmed in December 1997 after seven paramilitaries were arrested in Apure on suspicion of kidnapping. The then head and founder of the Colombian AUC paramilitary forces, Carlos Castaño , declared in 1997 that he had met with 140 entrepreneurs, ranchers and large landowners in Barinas , Táchira and Zulia in order to set up paramilitary structures in these states. In 2000, the AUC kidnapped the Venezuelan industrialist Richard Boulton. In 2002, Castaño confirmed that he would train a Venezuelan partner organization called AUV. Its commander "Antonio" declared in December 2003 that his group could count on 2,500 armed men. Their goal is to shoot Hugo Chávez and his vice-president José Vicente Rangel and to act soon in the cities. A high-ranking official of the Colombian secret service DAS said that his agency, right-wing death squads, the Uribe government and Venezuelan opposition members had worked together to bring about a violent overthrow of Chavez. It was a policy approved "from the very top".

In 2004, more than 100 Colombian paramilitaries wearing Venezuelan army uniforms were arrested in Caracas while they were preparing an armed uprising. According to the former director for information technology of the Colombian secret service DAS , Rafael García, the Colombian secret service planned not only the assassination of Hugo Chavez and his then vice-president José Vicente Rangel but also the assassination of the interior minister Jesse Chacón and the prosecutor general Isaías Rodríguez, as well as actions in Venezuela had the goal of disrupting the country's economy and unsettling the population. On the Colombian side, the then Colombian interior minister Fernando Londoño, the head of the secret service Jorge Noguera , a commander of the right-wing extremist paramilitary groups and a Colombian public prosecutor were involved in the preparations .

In December 2004, Rodrigo Granda , FARC's international affairs representative, was kidnapped in the Venezuelan capital and handed over to the Colombian authorities. It later became known that the kidnapping was organized by Colombia's police and army and carried out with the help of two corrupt officers from a Venezuelan special unit and three purchased members of the Venezuelan national guard GAES. Rodrigo Granda later reported that in Colombia he had been offered lots of money, freedom and passports for him and his family on condition that he compromised Chavez by claiming that Chavez was a patron of the FARC and that his government supported him. But Granda categorically refused. Chavez, in turn, attacked Colombia for kidnapping a man against whom an international arrest warrant was not available. His ambassador in Bogotá complained about the "violation of Venezuela's national sovereignty" and suspended the bilateral trade agreements.

According to a dispatch from the US Embassy in Bogotá published by WikiLeaks in April 2005, Colombia was secretly operating a 100-man anti-guerrilla unit of the Colombian army in the Venezuelan state of Zulia. Special units of the Colombian secret service had corrupted Venezuelan police units in the pursuit of 30 suspected members of the guerrilla.

Colombian paramilitaries were particularly present in Venezuela in the border area. They drove domestic crime out of activities such as usury , drug and human trafficking, and gambling . Other fields of activity include collecting protection money , smuggling gasoline and food into Colombia, kidnappings , money laundering and extortion . In some cases they collaborate with soldiers from the Venezuelan army and the Guardia Nacional. They are supported by Venezuelan ranchers and work with intimidation and deterrence measures and, according to Dario Azzellini, with "selective murders of farmers and revolutionary cadres".

Ecuador

Tensions had risen repeatedly between Colombia and Ecuador because Colombian troops and fighter planes crossed the border fighting with the guerrillas. The spraying of coca plantations from airplanes with the plant poison glyphosate in the border region also contributed to the poisoning of relations between the two countries , which led to severe damage to agriculture and persistent health problems for residents of the affected border region. Tens of thousands of Colombians fled to Ecuador from the fighting in Colombia and the glyphosate poisoning.

Location of the area in which the attack took place

On March 1, 2008, without the knowledge of the Ecuadorian authorities, the Colombian military carried out a night air raid on a FARC rebel camp on Ecuadorian territory, followed by an offensive by ground troops. The spokesman for the FARC High Command, Raúl Reyes , who was negotiating the release of abductees with international actors, and 23 other people, including FARC rebels and civilians, including an Ecuadorian citizen named Franklin Aisalla , whom the Colombian met, were killed Authorities mistook a longtime FARC member named Julian Conrado . Two of those killed, Raúl Reyes and Franklin Aisalla, were brought to Colombia by the Colombian military, the others were left at the scene. Three women survived the attack, which surprised the guerrillas in their sleep.

Protest in Mexico over the killing of five Mexican students in the bombing

The Organization of American States (OAS) prepared an investigation report. Nicaragua granted asylum to the three women who said they were responsible for "domestic work" in the camp.

According to forensic investigations carried out by Ecuadorian authorities with the participation of two French coroners, several of the dead left behind by the Colombian military were wounded and shot from behind. The examinations on the Ecuadorian citizen had shown that his skull was smashed in with a square object in a kneeling position, after he had already had a gunshot wound in the back, which was not fatal. The Colombian government denied these allegations. There were video recordings of the operation that also showed how the wounded were handled. Foreign Minister Araújo stressed that their own autopsies on the bodies of Franklin Aisalla and Raúl Reyes were carried out strictly according to the Minnesota Protocol . The forensic examinations by the Ecuadorian authorities on the body of Franklin Aisalla became possible after the dead man's parents recognized him as their son in a newspaper photo and he was then handed over to the Ecuadorian authorities. On June 11, 2009, Ecuador filed a lawsuit against Colombia with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights for the killing of Franklin Aisalla . The statement of claim asserts that the killing involved an extrajudicial execution. This was denied by the Colombian side and Aisalla's death was presented as a result of the bombing. On June 29, 2009, the Ecuadorian judiciary issued an arrest warrant for the then Colombian Defense Minister Juan Manuel Santos . The prosecution charged him with multiple murders and attacks against the internal security of Ecuador. As a presidential candidate, Santos said in a televised discussion that he was proud to have given the order for this action and did not want to rule out ordering such actions on Venezuelan or Ecuadorian territory in the future. The case was closed on March 30, 2011 by the court in Sucumbíos. According to Colombian radio stations, US secret services have managed to locate Raúl Reyes via his satellite phone and "foreign spy planes" have provided aerial photographs of his whereabouts. Leading Colombian government officials later confirmed that US reconnaissance planes had provided the intelligence for the military action. According to a report by a commission of inquiry set up by the Ecuadorian president into the infiltration of the Ecuadorian armed forces by US secret agents, the CIA was fully informed about everything and supported the attack. According to Ecuadorian information, the USA had provided “intelligent” bombs for the attack , which, according to the Ecuadorian armed forces, could not have been dropped from Colombian aircraft. The United States government denied any involvement in this attack.

The Ecuadorian President, Rafael Correa , accused Colombia of violating the sovereignty of his country and withdrew his ambassador from Colombia. On March 5, 2008, the OAS formulated a resolution in a crisis meeting in which the Colombian military strike against the FARC rebels in the neighboring Ecuadorian country is criticized as a violation of the sovereignty of Ecuador, without expressing a direct condemnation of Colombia. Two days later, on the sidelines of a summit meeting of the Rio Group with the apology and promise of Uribe never again to undertake military operations outside the borders of Colombia, the conflict temporarily settled. During the operation, the Colombian authorities also stole computers and data carriers, the authenticity of which remained unclear at later times. Since 2008, the Colombian judiciary has opened a series of terrorism proceedings against opposition politicians, activists, scientists and journalists using the data carriers. Oppositionists accuse the Colombian investigative authorities of conducting an intimidation and defamation campaign against politically unpopular people.

At the end of March 2008, Ecuador filed a lawsuit against Colombia with the International Court of Justice in The Hague over the glyphosate spray. In addition, Ecuador's President Correa warned the FARC that in the future, Ecuador would regard military camps and guerrilla patrols on Ecuadorian territory as an act of war against his country. Neither regular nor irregular foreign military troops will be tolerated on Ecuadorian soil.

Ecuador tied the resumption of diplomatic relations with Colombia's consent to a full investigation of the military attack against the FARC, which the Colombian side refused to do. It was not until November 2009 that diplomatic relations were resumed at the charge d'affaires' level.

Even after the attack on March 1, 2008, there were repeated attacks by the Colombian military and paramilitaries on Ecuadorian territory.

Legal processing

5 July 2011 Major Orlando Arturo Cespedes Escalona, deputy commander in was Sucre stationed army unit Fuerza de tarea Conjunta del Ejército de Sucre accused for their involvement in the disappearance and death of eleven young people. The charge is related to the Falsos-Positivos scandal .

On July 13, 2011, Luis Fernando Borja Aristizábal was sentenced to 21 years in prison as the first officer in the Falsos Positivos scandal.

In mid-September 2011, the Supreme Court sentenced the former head of DAS, Jorge Noguera Cotes , to 25 years in prison. He had given lists of names of left activists and trade unionists to death squads.

documentary

  • La Sierra is a US-Colombian documentary made in 2005, whichtellsof the life of three young gang members of the "Bloque Metro" in the Sierra quarterin the metropolis of Medellín . The documentary has won awards at several international film festivals.

See also

literature

swell

  1. ↑ «Белорусский след» в поставках оружия колумбийским боевикам подтверждает Интерпол - Naviny.by , May 16, 2008
  2. ↑ Венесуэла собиралась поставлять колумбийским повстанцам белорусское оружие - Комсомольскар , 4 праведельскар правед 2015
  3. ↑ Colombia and Farc rebels agree on ceasefire Der Standard , June 22, 2016, accessed June 26, 2016
  4. ↑ Colombia's peace suffers from a design flaw , Süddeutsche, June 27, 2017
  5. ↑ Press release at nobelprize.org (accessed October 7, 2016).
  6. ↑ SPIEGEL ONLINE: Colombia is at war again: Out and about with jungle fighters. Retrieved October 3, 2019 .
  7. ↑ Los Grupos Armados Organizados, la amenaza que cambia de nombre. El Espectador , May 7, 2016, accessed May 9, 2017 (Spanish).
  8. ↑ Colombians say no to the peace treaty on Tagesschau
  9. ↑ Colombia says “No” to the peace agreement , NZZ, October 3, 2016
  10. ^ Government and FARC agree new peace treaty , FAZ, November 13, 2016
  11. ↑ Peace with a stale aftertaste , NZZ, December 1, 2016
  12. ↑ Peace on the Test Stand , NZZ, March 9, 2018
  13. ↑ M. Daniljuk: 25,500 murdered: No report in Colombia. In: amerika21. October 2, 2009. Retrieved October 3, 2009 .
  14. ↑ For comprehensive information on the links between the paramilitaries and the army, drug trafficking and transnational corporations, see Dario Azzellini : Colombia Experimental Laboratory for Privatized Warfare. In: Dario Azzellini and Boris Kanzleiter (2003): The War Company , Association A, ISBN 3-935936-17-6 . Free download: http://www.azzellini.net/sites/azzellini.net/files/Unternehmen_Krieg.pdf
  15. ↑ a b Cf. Raul Zelik : The informalization of the state of emergency. In: jour fixe initiative berlin (ed.): War. Münster, 2009. Pages 115–130
  16. ↑ Informe de la Alta Comisionada de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos sobre la situación de los derechos humanos en Colombia (PDF; 423 kB), January 20, 2006
  17. ^ Peter B. Schumann: Paramilitaries and parliamentarians in the dock , Deutschlandfunk, March 12, 2007
  18. ↑ Colombia Support Network: On the Trujillo Massacre ( Memento of December 5, 2008 in the Internet Archive )
  19. ↑ Constanza Vieira: COLOMBIA: International Criminal Court Scrutinises Paramilitary Crimes. In: ipsnews.net. Inter Press Service, August 27, 2008, accessed May 8, 2017 .
  20. ↑ Estadísticas del conflicto en Colombia armado. Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica, 2012, accessed May 8, 2017 .
  21. ↑ Der Standard: Head of the Day: Gustavo Moncayo marches for peace and for his son , August 7, 2007
  22. ^ Spiegel-Online: Guerilla hostage Betancourt released after six years from July 2, 2008
  23. ^ Confraternidad Carcelaria de Colombia. Retrieved February 8, 2017 .
  24. ↑ Hope in Colombia. Retrieved February 8, 2017 .
  25. ^ Bruno Rütsche: Effects of the Plan Colombia on the neighboring countries. In: Colombia Monthly Report. ask, accessed on November 7, 2008 (January / February 2001).
  26. ↑ Eric Jackson: Government plays down gruesome find in Jaque. In: volume 8, number 23. The Panama News, December 2002, accessed on November 7, 2008 : “Police have repeatedly seized of arms bound for the AUC, and have foiled some but not all of several paramilitary attempts to steal aircraft here. In one thwarted helicopter theft, a Colombian consular employee was implicated. "
  27. ↑ a b Dario Azzellini: Death from Columbia. In: Junge Welt. Retrieved December 4, 2008 (November 22-24, 2008).
  28. ↑ Colombian rebels free captured tycoon. In: BBC. July 15, 2002, accessed November 7, 2008 .
  29. ↑ 25 August 2015 - 7:30 AM 22 Analysis The Infiltration of Colombian Paramilitaries into Venezuela Telesur, 25 August 2015
  30. ↑ M. Daniljuk: Venezuela is investigating the Colombian secret service. In: amerika21. September 28, 2009. Retrieved September 30, 2009 .
  31. ↑ Maurice Lemoine: The freedom of a guerrilla. In: Le Monde diplomatique. August 10, 2007, accessed July 23, 2010 .
  32. ↑ Jan Ullrich: The Colombian military operated in Venezuela. In: amerika21. March 30, 2011, accessed March 30, 2011 .
  33. ^ Latin America News: Poisoned Relationships , Issue: Number 392 - February 2007
  34. ↑ Telesur: Ejército ecuatoriano rescata dos guerrilleras heridas en bombardeo que mató a Raúl Reyes ( Memento of March 5, 2008 in the Internet Archive ), March 2, 2008
  35. ↑ ALBA portal: Sobrevivente Mexicana asegura que militares remataron a Guerrilleros heridos ( Memento of the original dated June 11, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , March 14, 2008 @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.alternativabolivariana.org
  36. ↑ elpais.com: Bogotá afirma que en el ataque a las FARC falleció un ecuatoriano of March 24, 2008
  37. ↑ TeleSUR: Canciller ecuatoriana reiterará condena a Colombia ante la OEA ( Memento of April 18, 2008 in the Internet Archive ), March 13, 2008
  38. ↑ Michael Fox: Hypocrisies of a US-backed Venezuela-Colombia Crisis , venezuelanalysis.com, March 12, 2008
  39. ^ OAS investigation report of March 17, 2008 http://scm.oas.org/doc_public/SPANISH/HIST_08/RC00089S04.DOC (Spanish, Word document)
  40. ↑ IPS: NICARAGUA: Asylum for Survivors of Attack on FARC Camp ( Memento of May 16, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) of May 14, 2008
  41. ↑ teleSUR: Primeras autopsias revelan que Franklin Aisalla murió por golpes en el cráneo ( Memento of the original from May 15, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , May 6, 2008 @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.telesurtv.net
  42. ↑ El País de Cali .: Gobierno rechazó versión ecuatoriana sobre ataque a campamento  ( page no longer available , search in web archives )  Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. dated May 7, 2008@1@ 2Template: Dead Link / www.elpais.com.co  
  43. ↑ El Tiempo.com Colombia rechaza versión de ejecución extrajudicial de ecuatoriano en ataque a 'Raúl Reyes' ( Memento of May 16, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) of May 7, 2008
  44. ↑ teleSUR: Sepultan a Raúl Reyes en fosa sin nombre aun cuando fue reclamado por su ex esposa ( Memento of March 21, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) March 18, 2008
  45. ↑ https://www.bbc.com/mundo/america_latina/2009/06/090611_1355_ecuador_denuncia_med
  46. ↑ Ecuador wants to arrest a Colombian minister. In: 20 minutes online. June 30, 2009. Retrieved July 3, 2009 .
  47. ^ Albert Köstler: Prison instead of the presidential palace. In: amerika21. May 1, 2010, accessed May 2, 2010 .
  48. ↑ Ecuador: Corte llamó a juicio a funcionarios colombianos por bombardeo a campamento de las FARC. In: teleSur. June 24, 2011, archived from the original on September 15, 2011 ; Retrieved July 2, 2011 (Spanish).
  49. ↑ CIA is said to have infiltrated security forces in Ecuador. In: NZZ Online. October 31, 2008, accessed October 31, 2008 .
  50. ↑ a b c US information on the hunt for Raúl Reyes. In: young world. December 12, 2009, accessed January 17, 2010 .
  51. Jump up ↑ Young World: Desert Storm in the Primeval Forest , March 25, 2008
  52. ^ Süddeutsche Zeitung March 5, 2008
  53. ↑ The Press : Ecuador-Colombia: The Crisis Is Over March 7, 2008.
  54. ↑ Washington Post: FARC Computer Files Are Authentic, Interpol Probe Finds , May 16, 2008
  55. ↑ Article in The Economist , May 22, 2008
  56. ↑ Terrorism proceedings against filmmakers. In: amerika21. September 7, 2010, accessed September 8, 2010 .
  57. ↑ elpais.com: Ecuador demanda a Colombia en La Haya por las fumigaciones en la frontera of March 31, 2008
  58. ^ El País: El presidente de Ecuador lanza una advertencia a las FARC of April 17, 2008
  59. ↑ el pais: Ecuador pospone indefinidamente la reanudación de relaciones con Colombia of June 25, 2008
  60. ↑ Junge Welt: Ecuador breaks ties from June 27, 2008
  61. ↑ teleSUR: Ecuador denuncia nuevas incursiones ilegales de Colombia  ( page no longer available , search in web archives )  Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , May 20, 2008@1@ 2Template: Dead Link / www.telesurtv.net  
  62. ↑ teleSUR: Ecuador confirma que paramilitares colombianos violaron su soberanía  ( page no longer available , search in web archives )  Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , May 29, 2008@1@ 2Template: Dead Link / www.telesurtv.net  
  63. ↑ Pulsar poonal: Once again Colombia's military action in Ecuador , 24. October 2008
  64. ↑ Capturan a subcomandante de Fuerza de Tarea Conjunta de Sucre por asesinato de 11 jóvenes en falso positivo. In: El Nacional. October 7, 2010, accessed July 17, 2011 (Spanish).
  65. ^ Army major indicted for 'false positive' killings. In: Columbia Reports. July 5, 2011, accessed July 17, 2011 .
  66. ↑ The former head of the Colombian secret service convicted. In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung . September 14, 2011, accessed September 15, 2011 .

Web links

Commons : Armed Conflict in Colombia  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files

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