1973 coup in Chile
| date | September 11, 1973 |
|---|---|
| place | Chile |
| output | Victory of the coup forces |
| consequences | Allende government is overthrown and a military government under Augusto Pinochet is established |
| Parties to the conflict | |
|---|---|
| Commander | |
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On September 11, 1973 , the military carried out a coup in Chile . Socialist President Salvador Allende , who was democratically elected three years earlier , took his own life after the air force began bombing the La Moneda presidential palace and coup soldiers invaded the palace. A junta led by Augusto Pinochet then ruled Chile as a military dictatorship until March 11, 1990 . The coup was politically and financially supported by the US , primarily through covert operations by the CIA . It was a central event in the Cold War with a symbolic meaning similar to that of the revolution in Cuba .
prehistory
Allende's government
On October 24, 1970, seven weeks after the popular election , in which no candidate could achieve an absolute majority, the socialist Salvador Allende was elected to the presidency by a runoff election in the National Congress with the support of the left-wing alliance Unidad Popular (UP). In the 1960s, political polarization had increased in Chile. Allende's predecessor from 1964–1970, Eduardo Frei Montalva , had already begun profound social and economic reforms, such as partially nationalizing the copper mines (copper was and is Chile's most important export product, see also the economy of Chile ). Allende continued and deepened this policy. In addition to the complete nationalization of the large copper mines without compensation and the partial nationalization of large banks and industrial companies, he also carried out a comprehensive agricultural reform .
See also: History of Chile
Increasing politically motivated violence: 1970–72
On June 8, 1971, the Christian Democrat and ex-minister Edmundo Pérez Zujovic was murdered. The radical left group Vanguardia Obrero Popular (VOP) was charged with the crime. The left-wing parties accused the right of having committed the murder in order to dissuade the Christian Democrats from supporting Allende. The exact background of the attack could not be fully clarified. The following year the Christian Democrats ended their support for Allende and joined the right-wing opposition.
In late 1971, Cuba's President Fidel Castro visited Chile for four weeks. This strengthened the impression in Chile and internationally that Chile was following the Cuban model of a socialist planned economy .
Protests in the country swelled: farmers protested the implementation of land distribution, which favored collectives over contract farmers, and occupied arable land, resulting in food shortages. In 1972 food had to be rationed and the government was forced to use foreign currency to import food. In the autumn of 1972, a number of professional groups, including truck drivers, bank clerks, workers and students, struck to force a change in economic policy. There were street battles. Allende declared a state of emergency. Radical right-wing groups committed terror and sabotage . There are said to have been a total of 600 terrorist attacks on railways, bridges, high-voltage lines and pipelines during Allende's tenure.
Relaxation and choices
The involvement of the military in the government in November 1972 through the appointment of General Carlos Prats as Minister of the Interior calmed the tense situation for a few months. Parliamentary elections could be held as planned in early 1973. Due to population growth and the expansion of voting rights by the Frei and Allende governments, almost 1.3 million more people, 3.7 million citizens, took part in the election than in 1969. The high voter turnout of more than 81% also reflects the politicization of society as a whole.
In these elections the UP increased its share of the vote again to 44% and thus achieved the best result in its history, whereby within the UP the socialists as the most radical force won the most and the more moderate communists , right-wing and moderate parties stagnated. The UP received 67 out of 150 seats in the House of Representatives and thus missed the desired absolute majority. The parliamentary association of Partido Nacional and Christian Democrats under the name DOCE achieved a parliamentary majority of 75 members and 13 of 25 senators with 55% of the votes. This stalemate sealed the political blockade: President Allende could not rely on a majority in parliament, but on the other hand the united opposition was too weak to remove Allende from office or to change the constitution - both would have required a two-thirds majority in parliament. As planned, after the elections were properly conducted, the military resigned from their ministerial posts.
Final escalation: May to September 1973
The last phase of the Allende government was marked by a steady escalation of political confrontation. The historian Mario Góngora called this period a “civil war without arms” and compared it to the last months of the Spanish Republic .
The right-wing extremist group Patria y Libertad was founded in the week after Allende's election in 1970 . She was at the forefront of street fighting against Communist and Socialist Party groups. Dozens or hundreds of people fell victim to political violence on both sides.
It started with a parliamentary boycott, which the opposition called in May. She rejected all government proposals without debate and heavily criticized the government.
After a two-month strike by copper workers in El Teniente , the second largest mine in the country, was settled in June, hauliers and forwarding agents struck again in July 1973. During the strikes, individual groups of workers and union leaders worked together with the National Party and students from the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile in Santiago. The majority of workers, on the other hand, still supported the government. [Source?]
On June 29, the first attempted coup took place, which became famous under the name Tanquetazo . The uprising of Coronel Roberto Souper of the Blindado 2 regiment killed 22 people, but Army Commander Prats remained loyal to the government.
On July 26th, the officer Arturo Araya Peters was shot dead on his balcony. The opposition reported that the perpetrators were Cuban agents and members of Allende's bodyguards Grupo de Amigos Personales (GAP). In fact, the Patria y Libertad was behind the attack. The murderers Guillermo Claverie, Adolfo Palmer and Guillermo Bunster were arrested, but went unpunished under the later dictatorship. [Source?]
When a final attempt to reach an agreement with the Christian Democrats failed in July, Allende reappointed the military in his cabinet on August 9. But this time it was not individual generals, but all four commanders in chief of the armed forces, hence the name Gabinete de Comandantes en Jefe in the press. Carlos Prats ( Army ) became Minister of Defense, and Raúl Montero ( Navy ), César Ruiz ( Air Force ) and José María Sepúlveda ( Carabineros de Chile ) were appointed. Political sentiment within the military had turned, however, and constitutional generals like Prats came under increasing pressure. These appointments resulted in the ultimate break between Allende and the radical left. The MIR about spoke of a "surrender Allende" and from then on did not give him more "comrade" but "señor". But Allende's own party was also increasingly in open conflict with him.
On August 22, Congress made a symbolic gesture by Allende with 81 to 47 votes (the UP had won 62 seats in March), expressing suspicion and calling on the generals to resign. They followed the call of parliament and resigned from ministerial posts and as supreme commanders. Prats' successor as army chief was General Augusto Pinochet , whom Prats had recommended as loyal to the constitution, and Gustavo Leight was the new air force commander . On May 26, the Constitutional Court accused the government of failing to implement its rulings and of obstructing the judiciary.
On September 10, 1973, Allende declared himself ready to decide the messy situation democratically by means of a plebiscite on whether he would remain in office. This decision could not be published because the military put on a coup at dawn the following day. Some historians and politicians doubt that Allende was planning a plebiscite.
Course of the coup
At dawn on September 11, 1973, the coup of the armed forces of Chile began , during which the democratically elected government of Chile was overthrown. The military intruding into the presidential palace found Allende dead with a gunshot wound in the head.
The first hours of the coup from Allende's point of view
At 6:20 a.m. on September 11, 1973, President Salvador Allende was awakened by the phone. He received news that the fleet in Valparaíso , the largest port city in Chile, had risen against him and was demanding his resignation. Allende immediately tried to reach the commander in chief of the armed forces, General Augusto Pinochet - he did not answer. Allende went to the La Moneda presidential palace with his cabinet and a few friends and family , including two of his daughters, his doctor, the president's bodyguard, and his private secretary and long-time lover, Miria Contreras. Only Defense Minister Orlando Letelier was not present - he had already been arrested by the coup plotters.
At 8 a.m., a statement by the putschists, who described themselves as the military government, was read out on the radio. It was only here that General Pinochet revealed himself as a putschist. A few minutes later, Allende received a call from the coup plotters - they demanded that he resign and in return would allow him to fly out of the country with his family immediately. He resolutely refused. At 9:30 a.m., the putschists threatened to bomb La Moneda . Allende asked the palace guards and all unarmed people to leave the building. He himself stayed behind with a few loyal followers and prepared for his final fight.
Allende's last speech
At around 8:00 am on September 11th, President Allende made his last address on the radio. The air force had already bombed most of the government-loyal radio stations and only a few left Allende's last words to the Chilean people.
“This will certainly be the last opportunity to address you. […] All I have left is to say to the workers: I will not give up! At this historic moment, I will pay for loyalty to the people with my life. […] They have the power, they can overwhelm us, but they cannot stop the social processes through crime or violence. History is ours and it is written by the people. Worker from my home country: I want to thank you for your loyalty. [...] Long live Chile! Long live the people! Long live the workers! These are my last words and I am sure that my sacrifice will not be in vain, I am sure that it is at least a symbolic sign against deception, cowardice and betrayal. "
Attack on the Moneda
From 11:55 a.m., Hawker Hunter type fighter jets from the Fuerza Aérea de Chile attacked the La Moneda presidential palace . Government-friendly radio stations and some quarters of the capital where the majority of activists and sympathizers of the Unidad Popular lived, are said to have been bombed. The first victim of the coup was one of the president's closest friends, the well-known journalist and director of Canal 7 television, Augusto Olivares (“El Perro”). He committed suicide with an assault rifle on the first floor of the Moneda . In the midst of the chaos, Allende ordered a minute's silence for him.
Allende's death
Around 2 p.m., the army began to storm the palace. After a brief skirmish, Allende ordered the surrender. Only he remained in the "Hall of independence" back and committed there suicide . His suicide was witnessed by his doctors Patricio Guijón and José Quiroga, who observed the suicide. In addition to the two surviving doctors, five other people close to Allende witnessed his suicide:
- Arsenio Poupin Oissel - cabinet member, murdered a few days later
- Enrique Huerta Corvalán - administrative director of Moneda, murdered a few days later
- David Garrido - Security Guard, Survivor
- Ricardo Pincheira - security guard, survivor
- Pablo Manuel Zepeda Camillieri - member of the President's Guard, survivor
Even so, some supporters believed Allende was shot by invading soldiers who then staged a suicide. In 1990, after the end of the military dictatorship, the president's suicide was confirmed by a new autopsy, the results of which are in line with the statements of the eyewitnesses and the police investigation report. His relatives (wife, daughter) confirmed this process.
However, doubts have repeatedly been expressed about the circumstances of his death, which led to the exhumation of Allende's remains on May 23, 2011 in order to finally clarify the cause of his death. In mid-July 2011, the Chilean forensic medicine agency announced that Allende had shot himself with a Kalashnikov in the course of the violent coup . The weapon was set to continuous fire , which is why a total of two shots were fired. According to the results of the international team of experts, there is no evidence that a second person was involved in his death. This confirmed the statements of the eyewitnesses again.
Human rights violations
In the immediate aftermath of the coup most victims were torture and political murders. On September 11th alone, 2,131 people were arrested for political reasons; by the end of the year there were 13,364. 43% of the victims were arrested by carabineros (police officers) and a further 30% by soldiers of the army (the rest mostly by members of the air force and navy or secret services). The victims were mainly members and sympathizers of the government, left-wing parties and trade unions. Most of the arrests took place in factories, universities and government, left-wing parties and trade union buildings. Often, almost everyone present was arrested en masse. Public buildings such as stadiums, conference halls and schools have been converted into warehouses. The most famous case is the Estadio Nacional , in which more than 40,000 prisoners were rounded up. There was also a camp in Pisagua and Chacabuco and the infamous Colonia Dignidad was also used for torture. Detainees were denied contact with a lawyer or their family, as well as being denied trial. The families were left in the dark about the whereabouts of the " disappeared ". The end of this “first phase” was initiated by the closure of the warehouse in the Estadio Nacional in November. At the same time, the largest secret prison "Londres 38" was opened and the Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional (DINA) was founded informally , the most important domestic secret service in the period from 1974 to 1977. Leading members of DINA were graduates of the US military academy School of the Americas , which has repeatedly come under severe criticism for training Latin American military personnel in repression and torture techniques.
The victims were interned in the National Stadium in Santiago, many of them tortured and killed. A total of around 3,197 (certain number of victims) to 4,000 people were probably murdered during the dictatorship, the majority of them in the weeks after the coup. Quite a few people disappeared without a trace and in ways that have not yet been clarified. Around 20,000 people fled abroad in 1973. The Head Office for Enlightenment (HV A) in the Ministry for State Security of the GDR helped in the fall of 1973 in the smuggling of leading Chilean left-wing politicians, such as Carlos Altamiranos, to Argentina.
A firing squad led by Commander Arellano Stark achieved notoriety as a death caravan . As an officer personally subordinate to Pinochet and later appointed general, he and his soldiers murdered 75 opponents of the regime who had already been arrested throughout the country.
After the civil war-like weeks after the coup with thousands of deaths, marked by unbelievable and massive violence by the military, the regime switched to eliminating the political opposition over the next few years. Hundreds of people have been kidnapped, tortured or "shot while trying to escape". Thousands were forcibly expelled from the country or exiled to remote parts of the country in the north or south. After 1977 practically all resistance was eliminated, all opponents murdered, abroad or intimidated.
Estimation of the number of victims by contemporary witnesses
For the period immediately after the coup, reports on the crimes committed are often patchy or missing entirely. From around 1976, however, the crimes are relatively well documented. The estimates of the number of victims therefore vary greatly. Amnesty International's estimate of up to 30,000 deaths in the first year of the dictatorship alone is probably too high from today's perspective. It is interesting that the US embassy assumes that 5,000 were murdered.
After the return to democracy , the Rettig Commission documented the political murders of the military junta. An updated final report from 1996 documents 3,197 murders with biographical data. The number of victims of the military regime is therefore likely to be between 3,200 and 4,000. The vast majority of them were murdered within the first days and weeks after the coup.
At the end of October 1973, the junta had published a "white paper" in which it tried to distract from its own acts of violence and allegedly listed economic policy mistakes and political murders committed under Allende. Under Allende's Unidad Popular government, however, there was never any murder or torture of political opponents, in sharp contrast to the regime of the military junta.
| source | Date of the estimate | dead |
|---|---|---|
| CIA Director William Colby | October 1973 | 2,000 - 3,000 |
| Amnesty International | September 1974 | 5,000 - 30,000 |
| American Embassy in Santiago | approx. 5,000 | |
| Vicaría de la Solidaridad | at least 1,200 | |
| Agrupación de Familiares de Ejecutados | approx. 2,500 | |
| Inter-American Human Rights Commission of the OAS | approx. 1,500 |
CIA covert operations in Chile
The United States has been involved in Chilean domestic politics with its foreign intelligence service, the CIA, since at least the early 1960s . The USA regularly supported the right-wing Partido Nacional and Eduardo Frei's presidential election campaign in 1965 - without his knowledge. When Richard Nixon was elected President of the United States in 1969 and Henry Kissinger rose to become his influential security advisor, direct and illegal influence in the name of “ Realpolitik ” became significantly stronger throughout Latin America - including Chile. After the USA could not prevent the election of Allende in 1970 despite influencing the election campaign for more than 7 million US dollars, they tried to persuade the military to putsch before his inauguration, but this failed. It used both official means such as massive pressure from the ambassador on the Christian Democrats (Track One) and massive secret operations by the CIA (Track Two) .
The top secret operations, known internally as Project Fubelt , were expected to cost up to $ 10 million. Neither Secretary of State William P. Rogers , Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird, nor the US Ambassador to Santiago, Edward M. Korry, nor the CIA leadership in Chile were informed. CIA Director Richard Helms later said of the operation: "Never in my career as CIA chief have I seen such secrecy and never had such unlimited power." Project FUBELT culminated in the first political murder in Chile since the murder of Diego Portales in 1837. The commander-in-chief of the army, René Schneider , was friendly towards the USA, but according to a long tradition of the Chilean military, he was constitutional (the so-called Schneider doctrine ). On October 22, 1970, he was shot while trying to kidnap Juan Luis Bulnes Cerda, Diego Izquierda Menéndez and Jaime Megoza Garay and died three days later. Numerous high Chilean military officials such as Army General Camilo Valenzuela and Roberto Viaux were involved in the murder, and the machine guns and tear gas grenades came from the CIA. The attempt to destabilize the country failed brilliantly: Even before Schneider died, Allende was appointed president and all political forces supported the Schneider doctrine .
The murder of René Schneider was u. a. soon afterwards addressed by the Chilean songwriter Víctor Jara in his song Las casitas del barrio alto .
International reactions to the coup
The CIA had already informed the Federal Intelligence Service a few days before the planned coup. The Federal Intelligence Service allegedly failed to inform the then Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt of the planned coup. However, with Alfred Spuhler , a Stasi spy in the BND, the information had reached the GDR . A warning from East Berlin to Allende came too late. In the period that followed, numerous politically persecuted leftists were expelled from Chile by the MfS and brought to the GDR, where they were granted asylum. The most prominent example is Carlos Altamirano , General Secretary of the Socialist Party of Chile. The GDR accepted a total of around 2000 refugees, condemned the coup and shortly afterwards withdrew its ambassador to Chile. The Federal Republic of Germany offered asylum to more than 4,000 refugees.
Protests arose in industrialized countries around the world against the military coup and the human rights violations committed in its wake. The efforts that existed before the coup to organize solidarity with the Chilean left in Europe were thereby strengthened and combined with the mass protests to form a large solidarity movement with Chile. Amnesty International worked hard to get the release of political prisoners and the whereabouts of those "disappeared" who came to be known as Desaparecidos .
Despite international outrage over the cruelty of the Pinochet regime, the US continued to support the dictatorship. In 1976, for example, the coup plotters received direct aid of $ 290 million from the United States.
Help for refugees in both German states
In the capital Santiago, hundreds of people fled to the premises of the German embassy. There were threats from the military to storm the site. The Lord Mayor of Frankfurt Rudi Arndt (1927–2004, (SPD)) decided that Frankfurt would accept Chilean refugees. He had accommodations in dormitories and German courses prepared. The DGB regional executive commissioned Dieter Hooge to coordinate the aid. Arndt persuaded Lufthansa to fly Chilean refugees to Frankfurt free of charge. Pilots and flight attendants stated that they will fly the refugees out voluntarily and without pay.
The first plane arrived in Frankfurt on December 7th. The Federal Republic took in a total of over 4,000 refugees; the GDR about 2,000.
On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the coup against Allende, the Berlin historian Georg J. Dufner analyzed the relationship between the two German states and Chile.
literature
- Cristian Alvarado Leyton (Ed.): The Other September 11th. Society and ethics after the military coup in Chile. Westphalian steam boat, Münster 2010, ISBN 978-3-89691-796-6 .
- Willi Baer , Karl-Heinz Dellwo (ed.): The battle for Chile. The struggle of a people without weapons (= library of resistance. Volume 7). Laika-Verlag, Hamburg 2011, ISBN 978-3-942281-76-8 .
- Ignacio González Camus (Ed.): El día en que murió Allende. Chilean Institute of Humanistic Studies (ICHEH) / CESOC, Santiago de Chile 1988.
- James F. Petras, Morris H. Morley: How Allende fell. A study in US – Chilean relations. Spokesman Books, Nottingham 1974, ISBN 0-85124-090-9 .
- Patricia Verdugo: Comó La Casa Blanca Provocó Su Muerte . 2nd Edition. Catalonia Libros, Santiago de Chile 2003, ISBN 956-8303-00-6 (Spanish).
- Hans-Werner Bartsch , Martha Buschmann, Gerhard Stuby , Erich Wulff (eds.): Chile a black book. Pahl-Rugenstein, 1974, ISBN 3-7609-0138-7 .
- Willi Baer, Karl-Heinz Dellwo (Ed.): Salvador Allende and the Unidad Popular. Laika-Verlag, Hamburg 2013, ISBN 978-3-942281-64-5 .
- Willi Baer, Karl-Heinz Dellwo (Ed.): Dictatorship and Resistance in Chile. Laika-Verlag, Hamburg 2013, ISBN 978-3-942281-65-2 .
Audiovisual media
- Michael Trabitzsch: The last day of Salvador Allende. (Film, Germany, 2004, 80 min)
- Missing (film, USA, 1982, 122 min)
- The transition ( DEFA feature film, GDR 1978, director: Orlando Lübbert , based on a scenario by Wolfgang Kohlhaase )
See also
Web links
- Private page of a contemporary witness
- Allende's final speech:
- Última alocución de Salvador Allende on Wikisource (Spanish)
- Wording of the speech in Spanish and original recording (MP3)
- German translation (MP3)
Individual evidence
- ↑ Church Report: COVERT ACTION IN CHILE 1963-1973 ( Memento of April 14, 2009 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ einestages.spiegel.de
- ↑ Der Spiegel 46/1970 of November 9, 1970: Great experiment
- ^ Database of speeches by Castro at the University of Texas. (English)
- ↑ "una guerra civil todavía no armada, pero catástofica, análoga a los últimos meses de la Repúblice española, antes de julio de 1936" (Mario Góngora)
- ^ William F. Sater: Chile and the United States. Empires in Conflict. University of Georgia Press, Athens 1990, pp. 178-181. ISBN 0-8203-1249-5
- ↑ for example in a statement from September 8: "... han optado por la táctica criminal del repligue y la capitulación frente a las exigencias patronales."
- ^ Declaration on the collapse of Chilean democracy ( Memento from June 28, 2002 in the Internet Archive )
- ^ William F. Jasper: Patriot Enchained. ( Memento of March 15, 2005 in the Internet Archive ) In: The New American. Volume 15, No. 19, September 13, 1999.
- ↑ Patricio Aylwin said in an interview that to this day it is controversial whether this was Allende's intention: “Briones nos dijo que Allende buscaría una fórmula de salida, que una de ésas sería el plebiscito. Pero no hay ninguna prueba. “, El Mercurio of December 24, 2006, Patricio Aylwin y las denuncias de mal uso de dineros públicos:“ Indudablemente que hubo corruptela ” ( Memento of January 1, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ to ciudadseva.com ( Memento from November 9, 2006 in the Internet Archive )
- ^ William F. Sater: Chile and the United States. Empires in Conflict. Athens / London 1990, p. 181.
- ↑ a b Mirjam Gehrke: Chile wants to clear up death of Allende , Deutsche Welle, January 30, 2011, accessed on January 31, 2011.
- ↑ Hermes H. Benitez: Las muertes de Salvador Allende: una investigacion critica de las principales versiones de sus ultimos momentos. RIL editores, Santiago 2006, ISBN 956-284-497-8 .
- ^ Justice investigates Allende's death. In FAZ , January 31, 2011, p. 5
- ↑ Süddeutsche Zeitung No. 119/2011 of May 24, 2011, p. 8 ( circumstances of death are clarified Salvador Allende exhumed - n-tv.de ).
- ↑ Chile: Scientific autopsy confirms Allende suicide in US-Today (English), July 19, 2011 (accessed July 20, 2011).
- ↑ According to the autopsy, Salvador Allende committed suicide at welt.de, July 19, 2011 (accessed July 20, 2011).
- ↑ Final report of the Valech Commission on Torture in Chile (Spanish), especially p. 351 ( comisiontortura.cl ( Memento of August 24, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) PDF; 1.2 MB).
- ↑ Christoph Schult: Military School Fort Benning: Terror training on behalf of the US government. Spiegel Online, November 5, 2001.
- ↑ Rudolf Herz: Altamiranos Ausleusung. In: Gotthold Schramm (Ed.): Escape from the Junta. The GDR and September 11, 1973. Edition ost publishing house, Berlin 2005, pp. 115–124.
- ↑ Shattered limbs and torn eyes. In: Die Welt , February 1, 2001, accessed November 5, 2009
- ↑ Detlef Nolte: State terrorism in Chile.
- ↑ Excerpt from Hitchens' book The Trial of Henry Kissinger , published in the Guardian
- ↑ Verdugo Patricia: Como La Casa Blanca Provocó Su Muerte . 2nd Edition. Catalonia Libros, Santiago - Chile 2003, ISBN 956-8303-00-6 (Spanish).
- ↑ Peter Müller, Michael Mueller, Erich Schmidt-Eenboom : Against friend and enemy. The BND: Secret Politics and Dirty Business. 2002, Rowohlt.
- ↑ Escape from the junta. The GDR and September 11th. Berlin 2005.
- ↑ The GDR did excellent business with Pinochet. In: The world . 5th Sep 2013.
- ↑ Urs Müller-Plantenberg : Historical Foundations. The coup in Chile and the solidarity movement in Europe. In: Olaf Kaltmeier, Michael Ramminger (Ed.): Links from North and South. Chilean-German localization in neoliberalism. Lit-Verlag: Münster / Hamburg / London 1999, pp. 27–37, here: 27.
- ↑ Urs Müller-Plantenberg: Historical Foundations. The coup in Chile and the solidarity movement in Europe. In: Olaf Kaltmeier, Michael Ramminger (Ed.): Links from North and South. Chilean-German localization in neoliberalism. Lit-Verlag: Münster / Hamburg / London 1999, pp. 27–37, here: 36.
- ↑ Eduardo Galeano : The open veins of Latin America . Peter Hammer Verlag.
- ^ Katrin Neubauer: Exile Chileans : Life in the GDR (www.lateinamerikanachrichten.de Edition: Number 287 - May 1998)
- ↑ Quarterly Journal of Contemporary History Volume 61, Issue 4, pp 513-549, (October 2013), Chile as a partner, example and touchstone. doi: 10.1515 / vfzg.2013.0023 .