History of Chile
The history of Chile encompasses developments in the area of today's Republic of Chile from prehistory to the present. The area of present-day Chile has been around since at least 12,000 BC. Settled. In the 16th century, Spanish conquistadores began subjugating and colonizing the region until Chile gained independence from colonial power in the early 19th century. The further development of Chile up to the Second World War was characterized by the extraction of saltpeter and later copper . The abundance of raw materials led to an economic upswing, but also to dependency and even wars with neighboring countries. After a decade under the Christian Democratic presidency, the socialist Salvador Allende was elected president in 1970. The coup of General Augusto Pinochet on September 11, 1973 ushered in a 17-year dictatorship and radical market-oriented economic reforms . Since 1988 Chile has been in the transition to a democracy .
Pre-Columbian history
The first human traces are dated to 12,000 BC. Dated. They inhabited the fertile Andean valleys and the oases in the highlands of the Atacama Desert . The extreme dryness of the extensive Atacama Desert prevented more densely populated areas. Around 8000 to 2000 BC The Chinchorro culture existed in the Valle de Arica and was the first in the world to mummify its dead. The oldest of these mummies could date back to 7000 BC. To be dated. Around 2000 BC In the Great North, agriculture and cattle breeding emerged. Around 600 AD, Rapa Nui ( Easter Island ), now part of Chile, was settled by Polynesian peoples who, after 400 years, had their heyday and established the famous Moai .
Numerous other ethnic groups lived in what is now Chile before the arrival of the Spaniards: Changos , Atacameños and Aymaras populated northern Chile in the area between the Río Lauca and Río Copiapó . The Diaguitas lived further south to the Aconcagua River . These four ethnic groups were fishermen, farmers, hunters and artisans who traded with one another. They lived in tribal and family associations. To the southeast of the Reloncaví fjord, the Cordillera was inhabited by the Chiquillanes and Poyas, who were hunters and gatherers. In the extreme south of the country up to the Strait of Magellan lived the Chonos and the Alakalufs , on Tierra del Fuego the Alakaluf, Yámana , Selk'nam and Haush .
When Túpac Yupanqui took over rule as the 10th Inca in 1471 , his armies penetrated far into Chile. In his reign until 1493, the Inca conquered the areas up to the Río Maule south of Curicó . Here they encountered massive resistance from the Mapuche , making it impossible to advance further south. The northern indigenous people were almost all ruled by the Inca, for example the Picunche tribe was used early on by the Inca for bondage . The Inca built the fortress Pukará de Quitor near San Pedro de Atacama , which was built on an earlier fortification of the Atacameños . In 1540 there were fighting with the invading Spaniards.
Spanish settlement
Conquista
The first European to set foot on Chilean soil was Ferdinand Magellan in 1520 in the area of today's Punta Arenas , after whom the Strait of Magellan was named. This region was called Tchili by the Indians , a name for snow. This is how the name Chile came about. Others attribute the name to the Quechua designation chili ( where the world is at an end ) back for the region of present-day Chile.
In 1533, Spanish troops under Francisco Pizarro conquered the Inca empire in a coup, but did not come to what is now Chile, which is isolated by the Atacama desert and the Andes . The first Europeans to reach the area called Nueva Toledo by land were Diego de Almagro and his followers, who came from Cusco in Peru in 1535 to search for gold. On June 4, 1536, Diego de Almagro reached the Copiapó Valley. He sent his follower Gómez de Alvarado south. Up to the Río Maule they met hardly any resistance. On the Río Itata they were involved in heavy fighting with the Mapuche and had to withdraw. Because they found relatively little gold, Almagro returned to Peru. A dispute broke out between Pizarro and Almagro, which escalated into a civil war and reached its first climax with the assassinations of Almagro (1538) and Pizarro (1541).
In 1540, Pedro de Valdivia , an officer under Pizarro, set out from Peru to Chile, accompanied by around 150 Spanish soldiers and adventurers. There he built the first European settlements despite strong resistance from the Mapuche . In the course of this conquest, Santiago (on February 12, 1541 under the name Santiago del Nuevo Extremo ) and later La Serena and Valparaíso were founded as small fortified settlements. The Mapuche defended themselves quickly: as early as September 1541 they attacked Santiago in large numbers and burned the city down. Shortly before a defeat, Ines de Suárez , the partner of Pedro de Valdivia, was able to turn the tide with an idea. She suggested cutting off the heads of the seven captured caciques. She herself beheaded the first one personally with the sword. When the Mapuche saw the heads in the hands of the Spanish attackers, they panicked and fled.
Arauco war
→ Main article: Arauco War
The Spaniards extended their territory to the south, founded Concepción in 1550 and Valdivia in 1552 . The Mapuche, under their leader Lautaro , offered fierce resistance. In the autumn of 1553 they defeated the Spanish troops at Fort Tucapel and killed Pedro de Valdivia. The Indians destroyed most of the cities founded by the Spaniards.
The new governor of Chile, García Hurtado de Mendoza, persecuted the Mapuche even more mercilessly. On his orders, Francisco de Villagra launched a campaign against the Mapuche. On February 26, 1554 he failed miserably in the Battle of Marigueñu. The Mapuche were then able to destroy a number of Spanish settlements again. After the fall of Concepción in 1555, they marched towards Santiago de Chile. The Mapuche, however, surprisingly withdrew after the destruction of the fortress Peteroa , as they expected a stronger Spanish attack. Pedro de Villagra y Martínez , the commander of the Imperial Fortress, succeeded in killing Lautaro on April 1, 1557 in a surprise night attack.
Alonso de Ercilla y Zúñiga , a Spanish writer , was supposed to describe the campaigns of his superior García Hurtado de Mendoza in Chile in the years 1557–1559. His novel La Araucana , however, described the opposite of what the governor wanted. He denounced the atrocities of the conquistadors and their greed for gold and power and particularly emphasized the heroism of the local Araucans. His novel was based on the Mapuche war chief Caupolicán , who was cruelly murdered by the Spaniards during the 1558 campaign.
On December 16, 1575, Valdivia was destroyed by a very severe earthquake , the strength of which is estimated to be close to the strongest known quake on May 22, 1960 . The quake caused severe landslides and spilled the outflow from Lake Riñihue . This flooded the city four months later after the dam broke that had been formed by the landslides. The administrator of the city and chronicler of Chile Pedro Mariño de Lobera took care of the reconstruction and help for the victims.
In 1597 Pelantaro was elected the Mapuche's new war chief ( Toqui ). With it began massive attacks on the cities of Valdivia and Osorno as well as many other cities around and in Araucania . In 1599 Valdivia fell into the hands of the Mapuche, after which the Spanish gave up the city for a few decades. Governor Alfonso de Ribera had to withdraw the Spanish troops behind the Río Bío Bío . In 1641, the Spaniards signed the Quillín Peace Treaty with the Mapuche, which included the Río Bío Bío as a border. However, the peace treaty only lasted a few years. The Spaniards tried again and again to invade the southern areas, with only moderate success. In 1770 the Spanish army was defeated by Pehuenchen and various Mapuche groups. It was only over 100 years later (1881) that Chilean and Argentine troops succeeded in finally taking control of the Mapuche and Pehuenchen areas.
Economic and social development
Since the gold and silver deposits in Chile were exploited very early, the country remained largely unnoticed and developed comparatively slowly. The agriculture was the main industry. The fertile valleys of central Chile provided the people of northern Peru with food. Here, too, the encomienda, or later the hacienda , prevailed, in which the indigenous people were de facto kept as slaves through a system of patronage and repression. Slavery has been officially banned (by European rulers) and reintroduced again and again without changing the actual oppression. The Spaniards were forbidden by decree to live with Indians. This segregation led to the separation of Indian and settler settlements. Spaniards who did not comply could be expelled and their property confiscated. This racial segregation also affected mestizos and African slaves, who were also not allowed to live in Indian settlements.
In 1578 Francis Drake plundered the port of Valparaíso on behalf of the English crown and tried in vain to invade La Serena . In the decades that followed, there were repeated attacks by English pirates. In addition to the Indian attacks, severe earthquakes , tsunamis and volcanic eruptions hampered the country's development. Many cities were completely destroyed, such as Valdivia in 1575 and Concepción in 1570 and 1751. On May 13, 1647, a severe earthquake destroyed Santiago de Chile, killing 12,000 people, and further devastating quakes in 1730 and 1783. In addition to the English privateers, Dutch traders and pirates also hindered Spanish colonial rule between 1598 and 1723 .
The Scottish navigator Alexander Selkirk survived in 1704 after a shipwreck for four years alone on an island in the Juan Fernández Archipelago . His story is considered a model for Daniel Defoe's novel Robinson Crusoe from 1719.
Colonial administrative division
During the Spanish colonial era , Chile was part of the Spanish viceroyalty of Peru, founded in 1542 . In 1609 the Real Audiencia de Chile was introduced, which enabled a largely autonomous jurisdiction within the country, e.g. B. when it came to water rights. In 1778 the Spaniards changed the status of the Chilean provinces: Chile became an independent general captainate within the Spanish kingdom. As early as 1749, people began to mint their own gold and silver coins.
Independence
In 1808, the colonial power of Spain was subject to the onslaught of Napoléon Bonaparte , who raised his brother Joseph to the Spanish throne. In contrast, a Spanish junta de Gobierno loyal to the king rose up in Chile on September 18 (today's national holiday ) in 1810 as a resistance group, which also raised its own army. A civil war immediately began between realistas loyal to the king and liberal patriotas under their leader, José Miguel Carrera . In 1812 a group of Chileans under the leadership of the dictatorial ruling Carrera brothers drew up a constitution that provided for the extensive independence of Chile under the formal rule of the Spanish king. In 1813, Bernardo O'Higgins replaced Carrera as chief of the Patriots' army.
Spanish troops under General Mariano Osorio from Peru then went ashore near Valdivia and took to the field against the patriotas . As in all South American struggles for independence, it was mainly Creoles who fought among themselves. The Chilean Liberation Army under José Miguel Carrera and Bernardo O'Higgins was wiped out by Spanish troops on October 1, 1814 at the Battle of Rancagua , and the Chilean leaders fled to Argentina . The period between 1814 and 1817 is called the Reconquista period . With the support of the Argentine José de San Martín , they raised a joint army against the Spaniards. They crossed the Andes and defeated the numerically smaller Spanish army on February 12, 1817 at the Battle of Chacabuco .
Chile proclaimed its independence on February 12, 1818, and a short time later, on April 5, 1818, the patriots won another important victory at the Battle of Maipu . In 1820 the Chilean fleet under Thomas Cochrane recaptured the city of Valdivia, but it was not until 1826 that the last Spaniards who had withdrawn to the island of Chiloé were finally defeated. The conflict continued uninterrupted as a civil war: in the Guerra a muerte , patriots and monarchists fought each other until the Portales presidency in 1833.
O'Higgins became the first President of Chile, in fact he ruled dictatorially as Director Supremo . He tried to implement social reforms, but failed because of the resistance of the large landowners and had to resign in 1823. He died in exile in Peru. In the ensuing struggle between liberals and conservatives, the anti-reform large estates prevailed: in 1833 an authoritarian presidential constitution was passed, which was tailored to the leader of the conservatives, Diego Portales Palazuelos .
Authoritarian and Parliamentary Republic
The Authoritarian Republic
The so-called era of the Authoritarian Republic , which lasted until the civil war of 1891, began with Portales' vice-presidency . The constitution of 1833 lasted until 1891. The phase from 1890 to 1925 is known as the "Parliamentary Republic". Portales was murdered in 1837. In 1851 Manuel Montt Torres was elected president, which he held with interruptions until 1861. In that year the Partido Radical (Radical Party) was born.
The school system was introduced and cultural life flourished: the Universidad de Chile was founded in 1843, and the Pontificia Universidad Católica in 1888 . The Venezuelan Andrés Bello developed the civil code of Chile, the Código Civil de Chile . It came into force on January 1, 1857. In 1853 the Chilean Post introduced the first postage stamps .
In the course of the economic upswing, the Liberals regained their influence. When Bolivia and Peru were united in 1836, Chile and Argentina were threatened; their intervention led to the Peruvian-Bolivian Confederation War , which lasted until 1839.
In 1859 there was the Revolución Constituyente in Copiapó and Chañarcillo . The mine owner Emiterio Goyenechea introduced his own silver currency in the Atacama region . The government of Manuel Montt Torres then sent troops to suppress the revolution. On April 29, 1859, an army unit under Lieutenant Salvador Urrutia defeated General Pedro León's revolutionaries near La Serena .
In 1865 and 1866, the old colonial power Spain rallied for the last time in the Spanish-South American War . This time Chile and Peru were allies who ultimately repelled the Spanish attacks from the sea.
The Kingdom of Araucaria and Patagonia
The Kingdom of Araucaria and Patagonia is one of the most bizarre episodes in Chilean history. In 1858 an unknown French lawyer named Orélie Antoine de Tounens traveled to Chile. He was obsessed with the idea of establishing a kingdom of his own with the Mapuche and the Patagonian Indians . After negotiations with the Kaziken Mañil , he traveled to the Bio-Bio region . Mañil had since passed away, but his successor Quilapán welcomed him warmly. Tounens presented the Mapuche with its own constitution and was able to convince the Indians to elect him on November 17, 1860 as king of Araucaria and Patagonia. The Chilean government and other governments simply ignored him for the time being. Eventually his servant Juan Rosales Baptist betrayed him to the Chilean authorities, who had him arrested. In 1863 Tounens was deported to France. Nevertheless, he tried several times to get back to South America to rebuild his kingdom.
The saltpeter war
The Saltpeter War (Spanish: Guerra del Pacífico ), which Chile waged against Bolivia and Peru from 1879 to 1883 , was a dispute over the area around Antofagasta (then still to Bolivia) and Tarapaca (then still to Peru). The reason was the immense nitrate deposits located there.
Chilean companies began to mine the nitrate , which gave Peru and Bolivia the occasion for a secret alliance in 1873 with the aim of taking over the Chilean companies. In 1874, Bolivia was assured control of the previously controversial area by Chile, on the condition that Chilean companies would not have to pay tax increases for 25 years .
In 1878 the Bolivian President Hilarión Daza nevertheless demanded a tax increase from Chilean companies, which he even dated back to 1874, thus provoking Chilean intervention after the Chilean government for its part declared the border treaty of 1874 null and void. The saltpeter war ended for Chile with considerable land gains in the north . The Treaty of Ancón settled the conflict between Chile and Peru . The cities of Arica and Tacna remained temporarily under Chilean control. Tacna was not returned to Peru until 1929, while Arica stayed in Chile. Bolivia lost its access to the Pacific and large areas in the Atacama Desert , which Bolivia recognized in a treaty in 1904. To this day, Bolivia has repeatedly called for free access to the Pacific.
The four wars of the 19th century, namely the War of Independence (1810–1817), the Peruvian-Bolivian Confederation War (1836–1839), the Spanish-South American War (1865–1866) and the Saltpeter War (1879–1883) contributed significantly to this that a Chilean national consciousness was formed.
Colonization of the south
In 1845 the first Ley de Colonización regulated the distribution of land to immigrants to colonize the areas north of Copiapó and south of the Río Bío Bío . A few years later, a large wave of Germans immigrated , who were specifically recruited and settled in the areas around Lake Llanquihue , Osorno and Puerto Montt .
In 1881 the last great Mapuche uprising was suppressed in southern Chile . The Indian land was given to settlers. In the region south of Temuco , immigrants - many of them from Germany , Austria and Switzerland - founded numerous new cities on former Indian territory.
In 1890, the government released Dawson Island for settlement. With the increasing use of the grasslands of Tierra del Fuego as grazing areas for sheep at the end of the 19th century, there was a systematic genocide against the warlike people of the Ona . By erecting fences in the hunting areas of the Ona, the large sheep farms withdrew the hunting grounds from the indigenous people and when they began to hunt sheep (which they called white guanacos ), bloody conflicts and systematic genocide of these indigenous people of Tierra del Fuego ensued. It has been proven, for example, that the owners of the large estancias offered bounties on killed Indians. In particular, an English manager of the Estancia José Menéndez, named Alexander MacLennan , was notorious , who around 1890 saw hunting Indians as a kind of sport . By 1925, the remaining Alacalufes (Kawesqar) and Ona (Selk'nam) living there were exterminated, the last of which died of epidemics.
The settlement of Western Patagonia and the Región de Aisén took place relatively late. Around 1892, the German cartographer Hans Steffen began systematically exploring the region south of Puerto Montt . The German adventurer Hermann Eberhard , who settled in the province of Última Esperanza (near the Torres del Paine National Park ), was instrumental in the settlement of the area . He used huge areas for sheep breeding.
A chapter in Chilean history is the annexation of Easter Island ( Rapa Nui ) in 1888. The original population was only assigned a small area on the west coast, while the rest of the island was used extensively as pastureland for sheep and cattle by a Franco-British consortium could not be entered under threat of penalty. This essentially stayed that way until 1955, when the Chilean Navy took over the management of the sheep farm. The island's inhabitants were subject to a restrictive military administration, headed by a military governor appointed by Chile. Chilean martial law prevailed on the island until 1967. Independent, democratic structures in the local administration were only allowed in the late 1960s.
Economic boom and saltpetre
As a result, the conservative landowners retained their dominant role in the state. The stability of the country made the economy flourish. Agriculture was expanded.
In 1851 the first railroad from Caldera to Copiapó was built and the exploitation of Chile's natural resources began. In 1852, coal mining began in Lota and Coronel . In 1832 a large silver deposit was discovered in Chañarcillo (50 km south of Copiapó). This made Chile one of the largest silver producers in the world for decades .
But one raw material far overshadowed all others in terms of its importance: saltpeter. As early as 1820, the naturalist Mariano de Rivero had found saltpeter deposits (Chiles nitrate , sodium nitrate ) in northern Chile . In 1873 mining began by the Antofagasta Saltpeter and Railway Company . In 1913, nitrate, used to make fertilizers and explosives, accounted for 71% of Chilean exports. The second most important good was copper with 7%. The upper class and mine owners quickly gained exorbitant wealth, while the workers led a miserable life. In 1884, during the saltpeter war , Chile won possession of additional areas with saltpeter deposits with Antofagasta and the Atacama province of Bolivia .
At the beginning of the 20th century, copper mining was added on a large scale. From 1904 onwards, copper mining began in Sewell and Chuquicamata (1914) . New electrolytic processes allowed Chile to produce and export copper on a large scale. But it was not until the Great Depression that copper replaced saltpeter as the most important export good, which it has remained to this day.
Conflicts with Argentina
In the south of Chile, tensions with Argentina over contentious territorial claims in Patagonia increased . In the end, the dispute was finally settled through diplomatic channels. On July 23, 1881, a border treaty was signed which documented and guaranteed the Chilean claim to the Strait of Magellan and the eastern part of Tierra del Fuego .
From 1893 the border problems with Argentina worsened again after Bolivia had ceded part of the Puna de Atacama to Argentina. This had been occupied by Chile since the Saltpeter War. The dispute was settled through the mediation of the USA. The new tensions with Argentina due to the demarcation north of the Strait of Magellan were resolved in the May Treaty ( Pactos de Mayo ) of May 28, 1902. Both sides agreed to limit their sea armament and asked King Edward VII for an arbitration decision on the border issue. This set the limit on November 20, 1902 on the basis of investigations by several commissions. The disputed areas in Patagonia were redistributed, 54,000 km² fell to Chile and 40,000 km² to Argentina. The consequences of the saltpeter war with Bolivia were finally shelved in 1904 by a peace and friendship treaty.
The Civil War of 1891 and the Parliamentary Republic
.jpg)
The Parliamentary Republic existed from the civil war in 1891 until the constitutional reform in 1925.
In 1891 the Chilean navy and parliament rose against President José Manuel Balmaceda , which led to civil war. Around 6,000 people died in this conflict. Balmaceda lost two major battles and committed suicide on September 18, 1891. The previously presidential system of government was replaced by a parliamentary system after the victory of the Congress supporters . The constitution , introduced in 1891, remained in force until 1925. The President Juan Luis Sanfuentes , elected in 1916, was able to strengthen the position of the President again through a new electoral law. Only when the military junta under Carlos Ibáñez del Campo came to power in 1925 was a presidential system of government reintroduced in Chile .
On August 16, 1906, a very strong earthquake with a subsequent tsunami shook the city of Valparaíso , which was almost completely destroyed. Around 20,000 people died.
During the reign of Germán Riesco Errázuriz (1901–1906), the precious metal content of the currency was reduced and the peso was significantly devalued, which led to an increase in inflation in Chile. A wave of speculation swept through Chile and shook the Chilean economy. Drastic price increases were the result, there were workers' uprisings and large demonstrations in Santiago. The government used the military; around 200 people died in the clashes.
With the industrial exploitation of natural resources, a layer of workers also arose in Chile . They began to organize and fight for better working conditions. In 1898, the Sociedad de resistencia (Resistance Association), the first forerunner of the Chilean unions, was founded by railroad workers in Santiago. In 1907 the military crushed a strike in Iquique with great severity against the strikers and their families. According to current estimates, around 2000 to 3600 people were killed in the Santa María school ( Iquique massacre ). In 1912 the Socialist Workers' Party ( Partido Obrero Socialista POS) was founded, which ten years later was renamed Partido Comunista de Chile ( Communist Party of Chile ).
The Great Depression and the Radicals
Alessandri and Ibáñez
Despite the wealth based on copper exports, the living conditions of most of the people were miserable. In the 19th century only a few families claimed about 90% of the land for themselves, most of the (landless) farmers worked as farm workers ( inquilinos ) for these patrones . In 1913 Chile had an average per capita income of 2653 US dollars, more than Italy, but life expectancy was only 30 years (compared to 47 years in Italy or 46 years in Argentina).
In 1920 the left-wing liberal Arturo Alessandri was elected president. Celebrated by the middle class and the masses, he failed to solve the country's serious social problems. Only after a military coup in 1924 could a new constitution be passed the following year , which replaced the parliamentary republic with a real presidential system.
After the military practically controlled Chile's politics from 1924 to 1927, General Carlos Ibáñez del Campo was the only candidate to be elected for president in 1927. His extremely repressive regime suppressed almost all political freedoms and was explicitly directed against the political parties. With the grave consequences of the global economic crisis , Ibáñez's dictatorship ended in a popular uprising.
Great Depression
The world economic crisis from 1929 hit Chile like hardly any other country. The prices for the most important export goods copper and saltpetre plummeted. In 1932, export earnings were 82% lower than four years earlier and economic output had declined by 40%. In 1931, 60% of miners were unemployed and violent protests broke out. The country slowly recovered from 1932 onwards, but it wasn't until 1937 that economic output and exports returned to their 1928 levels.
The First World War and, above all, the global economic crisis gave the starting signal for an isolationist economic policy throughout Latin America . This first wave of import-substituting industrialization lasted until around the Second World War . From 1939 import substitution was actively pursued. This year CORFO ( Corporación de Fomento de la Producción ) was founded.
Political chaos
The economic crisis plunged the country into political chaos. A popular uprising drove Ibáñez out of office in 1931. His chosen successor, Juan Esteban Montero , was forced out of office after less than a year by a coup by socialist officers around Marmaduque Grove . The then proclaimed Socialist Republic of Chile lasted just 12 days until one of the putschists, Carlos Dávila, took over the power alone; its 100 days of repressive rule were also ended by the military. Only when Alessandri was re-elected in October 1932 did the country calm down. Unlike in the 1920s, he now rules Chile in an authoritarian and conservative manner.
The Popular Front
Fascist movements were founded in the early 1930s, including the National Socialist Movement in Chile and local branches of the NSDAP abroad . As a reaction to this and Alessandri's swing to the right, communists , the Socialist Party founded in 1932 around the putschist Grove and radicals in 1936 founded the anti-fascist Popular Front ( Frente Popular ). Two years later, the alliance with Pedro Aguirre Cerda won the presidential election. The election was overshadowed by the murder of around 60 young fascists who attempted a coup ( Masacre del Seguro Obrero ). The Frente was dissolved just three years later , but the radicals ruled with the presidents Juan Antonio Ríos and Gabriel González Videla until 1952 again and again with the support of the left-wing parties, until they banned the communists in 1948 by the Ley Maldita .
In 1934 there was a great peasant rebellion in Ranquil. The Mapuche tried to recapture parts of their traditional territories. Only the deployment of the army was able to end this last great Mapuche uprising.
During the Chillán earthquake on the night of January 24th to 25th, 1939, more than 25,000 of the 41,000 inhabitants died. Today the city consists practically only of modern buildings, as the earthquake destroyed almost all historical buildings.
After Chile remained neutral for a long time during World War II - also out of consideration for the numerous Chileans of German origin - President Juan Antonio Ríos Morales (member of the radical party) decided to join the war as an ally of the USA in 1944. The influence of Chile on the outcome of the war remained modest. In 1945 the country was one of the founding members of the United Nations .
The time of the Christian Democrats
Ibáñez and Alessandri
In 1952, Ibáñez, a former dictator from 1927 to 1931 and coupist from 1938, won the election thanks to an explicitly anti-party discourse. He was succeeded in 1958 by the conservative Jorge Alessandri , son of Arturo Alessandri. As a successful entrepreneur, he also presented himself as non-party. His government was baptized by the press as the “managerial cabinet ” ( gobierno de gerentes ).
The rise of the Christian Democrats
A series of electoral law reforms in the late 1950s brought about the greatest change in the party system since the integration of the workers' parties 25 years earlier. In 1949 women's suffrage was introduced and voting secrecy was effectively guaranteed for the first time. In 1958, the Communist Party was re-admitted and in the following years a de facto compulsory registration in the electoral register resulted in a surge in voter turnout. In 1946, less than nine percent of the population voted, 20 years later the proportion was 29%, an increase from 0.5 million voters to 2.5 million. The Christian Democratic Party (DC) under Eduardo Frei Montalva was able to see this clearly benefit and within a few years became the country's most important party. As early as the 1930s, the Falange Nacional, a Christian-progressive party, split off from the Conservative Party, which was dominated by large estates. After 20 years as a small party , it achieved rapid growth after being renamed in 1957. In 1964 Frei became president and in the following year the DC achieved the best election result of any party in Chile in the 20th century.
On May 22, 1960, the strongest ever recorded earthquake in the world struck Valdivia in southern Chile. It had a strength of 9.5 on the Richter scale . More than 2000 people died. In addition, a tsunami spread across the entire Pacific .
The government free
.jpg)
For a long time in the September 1964 elections it looked like a tight decision between three candidates. Frei, as the DC candidate, was only able to win the election with 56% of the vote when the right-wing candidate gave up and called for Frei's support. The socialist Salvador Allende received 39% of the vote.
Eduardo Frei's reign from 1964 to October 1970 was characterized by far-reaching structural reforms and a strong politicization of society. Under the motto “Revolution in Freedom” , he tried to combine social reforms with the maintenance of the democratic order and to strike a balancing act between the radical demands of the left and the rigorous defense against reforms by the right. The government nationalized ("Chilean") 51% of the copper mining industry, organized the small farmers and agricultural workers in unions, expanded the education system significantly and - probably the most important reform - implemented a substantial land reform for the first time in the history of Chile . After miserable election results in 1965, the two right-wing parties merged and founded the Partido Nacional (PN), the forerunner of the Renovación Nacional . In 1965 the Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR) was founded in Concepción and the Socialist Party officially supported the “armed struggle” from the end of the 1960s and overtook the communists on the left. In the end, Frei failed with his plan; his most important reforms, including the partial nationalization of the copper industry, did not go far enough for the left, while the conservatives saw the first step towards communism taken.
When Fidel Castro came to power in Cuba in 1959, the United States began to focus more on Latin America . During the Cold War , the USA tried to prevent further communist regimes in America and began increasingly to become active in Chile through political influence and its secret services . They also supported Frei's campaign with several million US dollars in campaign aid (which Frei didn't know about).
Allende's presidency
Salvador Allende was born in Valparaíso in 1908 . Even as a medical student, he campaigned against the government of Ibáñez and was elected Deputy President of the Federation of Chilean Students (FECH). Allende co-founded the Socialist Party of Chile in Valparaíso in 1933. He entered Congress in 1937 and was Minister of Health from 1939 to 1942 during a Liberal government. In 1945 Allende was elected to the Senate, to which he was a member for 25 years. In 1952 he ran for the first time for president.
In 1969, the forces on the left founded the Unidad Popular (UP) , an electoral alliance to which, in addition to the Communist and Socialist Parties, several small Marxist and Christian parties belonged. This alliance put Salvador Allende up as presidential candidate in 1970 , who had run for the Socialist Party in 1964.
Allende received 36.6% of the vote in the September 4, 1970 elections. His conservative opponent Jorge Alessandri got 35.3% and the Christian Democrat Radomiro Tomic got 28.1%. In absolute terms, Allende's lead was only 36,000 votes. Parliament finally appointed him president with the votes of the Christian Democrats, to whom he promised in return that constitutional order would be maintained. Even if the UP never had its own majority in Congress, with Allende, a Marxist head of government was democratically legitimized for the first time in the world.
Economic starting position when taking office
When Allende replaced its Christian Democratic predecessor Frei, Chile was already in a precarious situation: 1.5 million children out of 10 million inhabitants were considered undernourished, 500,000 families were homeless, and unemployment was 8.8%. Land ownership was concentrated among a small upper class: 80% of the usable land was in the hands of 4.2% of the landowners.
Domestic politics
The Unidad Popular policy initially brought about major improvements for the workers and the lower classes. Wages were increased by 35 to 60 percent. The prices for rent and for important basic necessities have been frozen. Education and health care were offered free of charge. Allende released political prisoners of the "revolutionary left". Each child received shoes and half a liter of free milk a day. The child mortality rate fell by 20%, but the country lacked the economic resources to finance all these social benefits.
The focus of Allende's economic policy was the nationalization of natural resources without compensation, the expropriation of large foreign companies, the banks and an agricultural reform in which 20,000 km² of land was to be handed over from large landowners to farmers. The socialist government wanted to make Chile less dependent on the rest of the world, especially the US. In 1970 the coal mining and textile industries were nationalized. In 1971, the shares in copper mining, which were still privately owned (mainly US), were socialized with the consent of all parliamentary parties. In the same year the banks were also nationalized. In 1971 economic output grew by eleven percent and unemployment fell to three percent. However, the inflation rate began to rise significantly.
Allende began building a cybernetic data network (a kind of forerunner of the Internet ), the so-called Cybersyn Project (which has since been largely forgotten). It should, unlike z. B. in the centralized Soviet Union, processes and planning are networked.
Foreign policy rift with the USA
Influential American companies in Chile (in particular the International Telephone and Telegraph Company (ITT) and the Anaconda Copper Company) were worried about Salvador Allende's possible victory even before the election campaign, because Allende promised copper mines, banking and other industrial sectors when he was elected to nationalize in Chile. ITT turned to Henry Kissinger (Secretary of State in Nixon's cabinet ) twice with plans to keep Allende out of a takeover. Kissinger did not go into these plans, but a success of the UP and Allendes was in the understanding of the " realpoliticians " Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon a strengthening of the Soviet Union at the expense of the USA. In the course of the election campaign, many US companies in Chile, the CIA and the US government supported the opposing candidate Allende, the conservative Jorge Alessandri, financially (totaling around $ 2 million). On the other hand, Allende was supported from Cuba and the Soviet Union.
The GDR also supported Chile. In the 1969/70 election campaign, Allende had promised to recognize the GDR under international law in the event of his victory, which the GDR government thought worthwhile (see Hallstein Doctrine ). In April 1971 Chile officially recognized the GDR.
Kissinger emphasized: “Latin America is not important. Nothing important comes from the south, ”but the USA ideologically invoked the domino theory postulated by US President Eisenhower in 1954 , according to which a socialist revolutionary wave can be expected in Latin America after Cuba and Chile . Allende's election victory met fierce opposition in the USA . Immediately after the election, Nixon ordered the CIA to prevent Allende from taking office. For this, the constitutional commander-in-chief of the Chilean army , General René Schneider , was supposed to be kidnapped in order to discredit left groups and to destabilize the country. Schneider had opposed efforts within the military to carry out a coup against Allende. In fact, he was kidnapped by the CIA-funded right-wing terrorist group Patria y Libertad on October 22, 1970 and, when he resisted, shot dead by the kidnappers.
In addition, the CIA waged an extensive propaganda war against the Chilean government. Millions of dollars in US tax dollars have been used to fund pro-American Chilean media companies and start some new ones. The CIA also ensured the placement of many articles written in their interests in newspapers and tried to influence various Chilean associations and to use them for their purposes, including student and women's organizations.
In 1971 Allende fulfilled his election promise and nationalized the copper mines with bipartisan support - even the conservative forces supported this decision in order not to be considered unpatriotic by the population. In order to keep the compensation of the American copper companies low, the profits of the companies since 1955, which were far above the average profits of the same companies in other countries, were offset against the compensation amount - in the end this meant that there was no compensation to be paid.
As a result, the US cut all aid for Chile and, after nationalization, imposed a purchase boycott on copper with 14 other states . At the same time there was a lack of foreign currency for the import of raw materials, machines and spare parts, and the copper mines were in a dilapidated condition due to insufficient investments by private companies. All of these factors contributed to Chile's 1971 balance of payments deficit of $ 26 billion. You covered your debts by printing money. As a result, the money supply quintupled and the rate of inflation exceeded 300%, rising to almost 700% in 1973.
In 1972 the situation worsened. In addition to the home-made problems caused by the dire budgetary policy, the Allende government was no longer creditworthy from a Western perspective, an attitude that was vehemently supported by the administration of US President Richard Nixon . Nixon wanted to "squeeze out" the "communists" in Chile, as he called it. For fear of expropriation, capital began to flee abroad. Private investment has been scaled back for fear of nationalization. Chile could only count on the Soviet Union ideologically; Allende could not expect foreign exchange aid from Moscow. Meanwhile, Nixon and Kissinger continued their policy of destabilizing Chile at home.
Radicalization of politics
In 1971 the Christian Democrat and ex-minister Pérez Zújovic was murdered by the left-wing extremist group VOP (Vanguardia organizada del Pueblo). The following year the Christian Democrats ended their support for Allende and joined the right-wing opposition.
The protests in the country became more violent: large landowners protested against the agrarian reform, which preferred collectives (asentamientos) over contract farmers, they occupied farmland and so it came to food shortages. In 1972 food had to be rationed and the government was forced to use foreign currency to import food. In the autumn of 1972, a number of professional groups, including truck drivers, bank clerks, workers and students, struck to force a change in economic policy. There were street battles. Allende declared a state of emergency. Radical right groups even responded with terror and sabotage . During Allende's tenure there were a total of six hundred terrorist attacks on railways, bridges, power lines and pipelines. The strike was ended by involving the military in November 1972 with the appointment of General Carlos Prats as Minister of the Interior.
The fierce opposition was also due to the successful propaganda work of the CIA . A US intelligence memorandum said the conservative daily El Mercurio and other Chilean newspapers that were funded by the CIA played an important role in creating the conditions for the eventual military coup. By 1973, the CIA had spent over $ 13 million on its activities in Chile alone.
In the 1973 parliamentary elections, the UP increased its share of the vote to 44%. However, it missed an absolute majority. At the same time, right-wing parties also received more votes. However, even with the votes of the Christian Democrats, they were not enough to remove Allende from office (2/3 are necessary). On August 22, 1973, Congress made a symbolic gesture of Allende's distrust . On September 10, 1973, Allende declared that he was ready to resolve the messy situation democratically by means of a plebiscite .
When truck drivers and students went on strike again in July 1973 with the support of large circles of the conservative opposition, Allende appointed more high-ranking officers to his cabinet - but political sentiment within the military had turned. On June 29, 1973, a (first) attempted coup (called Tanquetazo) by a tank regiment was suppressed by military officials loyal to the government. General Prats resigned in early September 1973 after losing support from the Army. In place of the resigned Prat, Allende appointed General Augusto Pinochet as commander-in-chief of the army on August 25, 1973 .
The coup of September 11, 1973
On September 11, 1973 , the army under Augusto Pinochet carried out a coup . They bombed the presidential palace " La Moneda " with fighter planes from around 11:00 . Around 2:00 p.m. the army began to storm the palace. After a brief skirmish, Allende ordered the surrender. Only he remained in the "Hall of independence" back and committed there suicide . His suicide was witnessed by his doctors Patricio Guijón and José Quiroga, who observed the suicide. In addition to the two surviving doctors, five other people close to Allende witnessed his suicide.
Even so, some supporters believed Allende was shot by invading soldiers who then staged a suicide. In 1990, after the end of the military dictatorship, the president's suicide was confirmed by a new autopsy, the results of which are in line with the statements of the eyewitnesses and the police investigation report. His relatives (wife, daughter) confirmed this process.
Nonetheless, doubts have been expressed about the circumstances of his death, which led to the exhumation of Allende's remains on May 23, 2011 in order to finally clarify the cause of his death. In mid-July 2011, the Chilean forensic medicine agency announced that Allende had shot himself with a Kalashnikov in the course of the violent coup . The weapon was set to continuous fire , which is why a total of two shots were fired. According to the results of the international team of experts, there is no evidence that a second person was involved in his death. This confirmed the statements of the eyewitnesses again.
All state institutions in Chile were occupied by the military within hours. Pinochet immediately suspended the constitution, dissolved Congress, ordered strict censorship , and banned all political parties. The judiciary, however, remained untouched. The army and the barracked Carabineros de Chile took action against all supposed opponents, leftists, artists and intellectuals. There were massive human rights violations . For example, books about Cubismo ( Cubism ) were burned because they were thought to be books about Cuba . The US recognized the military junta after two weeks.
In the declaration of the putschists of September 11, 1973 it says
"... explain the armed forces ...
- The President (Allende) of the Republic must immediately hand over his high powers to the Chilean armed forces [...].
- The Chilean armed forces are united in their determination to take on the responsible historical mission and to lead the struggle for the liberation of the fatherland from the Marxist yoke [...].
- The workers of Chile need not doubt that the economic and social prosperity they have attained to this day will not experience great changes.
- The press, radio and television channels of the Unidad Popular have to cease disseminating information from this point on, otherwise they will be attacked on land and from the air.
- The people of Santiago de Chile have to stay in their homes so that the death of innocent people is avoided. "
At the end of October 1973 the junta published a “white paper” in which it describes the wrong economic decisions and violations of the constitution that it believes have been caused by the government of Salvador Allende and claims that during the “popular front government” over 100 people were political Acts of violence died. According to the junta, 450 civilians as well as 40 soldiers and police officers were said to have been killed by the coup by mid-October 1973.
On September 17, 1974, US President Gerald Ford confirmed the financial support of the opposition by the CIA against the Chilean Popular Front government under Allende from 1970 to 1974. The US government officially denied participation in the military coup.
On September 11, 1974, the 1973 coup was celebrated in the country in a mass demonstration. Some ministers of the former “Popular Front Government” were released from custody during the ceremony.
The dictatorship under Pinochet 1973–1990
After Augusto Pinochet seized power, said US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger that the United States "did not do it" (in terms of the coup itself), but that they "created the best possible conditions have" . Published documents show that the US government and the CIA had sought the overthrow of Allende since 1970 ( Project FUBELT ). A direct involvement in the 1973 coup cannot be proven by the government documents published so far. The US increased its military aid to Chile massively in the period before the coup. Many relevant documents are still confidential.
The time of the dictatorship can be roughly divided into five phases. The post-coup consolidation accompanied by state terror (1973–1976) was followed by an economic upswing and the peak of power (1977–1981), until a severe economic slump and massive protests (1982–1983). Then the regime slowly showed signs of liberalization (1984–1987); In 1988–1990 there was a regime-controlled democratization.
Augusto Pinochet
Augusto Pinochet was born on November 25, 1915 in Valparaíso . He grew up in a modest family and began his education immediately after graduating from the Military Academy of Chile. At the age of 21 he was already a lieutenant and soon rose further. In 1956 he served as a military attaché at the Chilean embassy in Washington . In the following years he attended courses in the US Army several times. Under Eduardo Frei he became a Brigadier General. During the attempted coup in June 1973, Pinochet was still loyal to the government, but the increasingly desolate situation in Chile probably changed his mind. Apparently the army conspirators were only able to convince him of the necessity of the overthrow at the last minute. Pinochet's change of heart was all the more radical: "Me or chaos" was the general's simple motto, which President Allende trusted to the end. After the coup of the military junta, Pinochet was appointed "Jefe Supremo de la Junta" (Supreme Chief of the Nation) at the end of June 1974, and the other junta members resigned at the beginning of July 1974.
State terror and violence
The Rettig report from 1993 found the number of people who died securely for political reasons during the Pinochet dictatorship at 2279, of which 957 were desaparecidos , i.e. people who did not reappear after being arrested. In addition, the report names a total of more than 1,000 unreported cases that have not been clearly proven to be political murders or could not be investigated due to a lack of data. It is estimated that up to 4,000 victims were murdered during the dictatorship, most of them in the weeks after the coup.
Terror and violence after the coup
The victims were interned in the National Stadium in Santiago and at other assembly points, often in universities, and many of them were put in torture camps, ill-treated and often killed. The torture took place immediately after the coup in barracks and partly on ships that were commandeered by the navy; later in special camps. Quite a few people disappeared without a trace and in ways that have not yet been clarified. The bodies of the murdered were flown out to sea in Puma helicopters and thrown into the Pacific , between 1973 and 1978 at least 400 opposition members disappeared in this way. Around 20,000 people fled abroad in 1973. A total of one million Chileans emigrated during the military dictatorship.
A firing squad led by Commander Arellano Stark achieved notoriety as a death caravan . As an officer personally subordinate to Pinochet and later appointed general, he and his soldiers murdered 72 opponents of the regime who had already been arrested throughout the country.
In the sparsely populated desert areas in northern Chile and in Patagonia , the military set up concentration camps where opposition groups and their sympathizers were often tortured to death. There was macabre competition among some officers for the greatest atrocities.
For the period immediately after the coup, reports on the crimes committed are often patchy or missing entirely. From around 1976, however, the crimes are relatively well documented. The estimates of the number of victims therefore vary greatly.
After the civil war-like weeks after the coup with thousands of dead, marked by unbelievable and massive violence on the part of the military, the regime switched to eliminating the political opposition over the next few years. Hundreds of people have been kidnapped, tortured or "shot while trying to escape". Thousands were forcibly expelled from the country or exiled to remote parts of the country in the north or south. After 1977 practically all resistance was eliminated, all opponents murdered, abroad or intimidated. Also due to the economic boom, the extent of the repression decreased somewhat.
The second wave of repression
With the economic crisis of 1982/83 there were massive protests, as a result of which massive action was taken against members of the opposition. During the protest days in 1983 and 1984, 55 people were shot, demonstrators and bystanders, some of them from moving cars. In the following years 100,000 people were arrested for political reasons, around 40,000 of them during demonstrations. In 1982 the leader of the trade union movement, Tucapel Jiménez , was assassinated.
The arbitrary violence, house searches and military operations in the poblaciones (slums) of Santiago were increasing in magnitude. Here the left-wing urban guerrilla Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR) fought against the dictatorship. In the course of the 1980s at least 84 members of the opposition were shot “in armed conflict”. Although the number of those who disappeared decreased, torture of those who criticized the regime remained the order of the day. The brothers Vergara Toledo , who were shot in 1986, and the young people Rodrigo Rojas and Carmen Quintana achieved notoriety when they were set on fire by the military, and Rojas died.
Repressive apparatus
While the four regular armed forces ( Army , Navy , Air Force , Carabineros ) were primarily responsible for the murders, kidnappings and torture in the first year, a secret police was founded in June 1974 as a specialized organization for such operations. The Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional (DINA) was responsible for arrests, persecutions and the hundreds of desaparecidos (disappeared) in the following years. Colonel Manuel Contreras , whose identity was kept secret, was appointed head. The DINA is said to have entertained up to 9,300 agents and between 20,000 and 30,000 informants. Numerous agents, torturers and murderers had been trained at the US School of the Americas . There were also several collaborations with the CIA . The institution was increasingly dominated by officers from the army over the next few years, while the air force gradually withdrew its personnel. It also developed into a personal instrument of power Pinochet used, which he also used against internal rivals. In August 1977 DINA was dissolved after international and internal pressure due to the murder of Orlando Letelier and replaced by the Centro Nacional de Informaciones de Chile (CNI). Pinochet, who had personally ordered Letelier's murder and at times also wanted to have his own secret service chief killed as an accomplice, admitted double-faced that the DINA had sometimes exceeded its limits. Shortly before the transition to democracy , the CNI was transferred to the Dirección de Inteligencia del Ejército (DINE) army intelligence service. During the second wave of repression from 1983 onwards, the violence was often carried out by para-state organizations, which were often made up of members of the military. Examples are the Acción Chilena Anticomunista (based on the Argentine Alianza Anticomunista Argentina ), the Frente Nacionalista de Combate and the Comando 11 de Septiembre .
Operación Condor
Under the code name Operation Condor , the secret services of six South American countries worked together in the 1970s and 1980s to persecute so-called “subversive” people, usually left-wing opponents of the regime and other opposition figures, worldwide. The Chilean secret service also pursued opponents of the regime abroad. In 1974, the Chilean general Carlos Prats , who had emigrated and was an opponent of the military coup, was killed by a car bomb in Buenos Aires ; In 1975 the Christian Democratic ex-minister Bernardo Leighton narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in Rome ; and in 1976 a car bomb killed Allende Government Secretary of State Orlando Letelier in Washington. It has been proven that the attacks were commissioned by the Chilean secret police DINA and carried out by former CIA and DINA agents.
Pinochet's economic policy
With the 1973 coup of Augusto Pinochet , inflation was successfully reduced , initially at extreme social costs such as poverty, repression and oppression. This was supported by the goodwill of western countries: just a few days after the coup d'état, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung read: "Chile: invest now!". Shortly after Pinochet came to power, the United States began again to provide Chile with intensive economic aid. Under American pressure, international organizations were suddenly ready again to grant loans to Chile. According to the IMF , Chilean external debt rose to $ 3.4 billion in late 1973. A rescheduling agreement was concluded with the members of the “ Paris Club ” (including the Federal Republic of Germany). The cost of living rose to over 500% in 1973, and by 176% by July 1974.
After a visit by the American economist Milton Friedman to Chile in 1975, the liberal market tendency within the regime gained the upper hand over nationalist-populist tendencies. The numerous Chileans and foreigners whom Pinochet brought in from the USA as economic advisers represented the radical, market-liberal line of monetarism , which is one of the broader currents of libertarianism ; many of them were close to Milton Friedman at the University of Chicago , hence their name Chicago Boys . The government implemented a comprehensive liberalization and privatization program: by 1979, 20% of civil servants had been laid off and the state budget cut by half. Investors benefited from this because tariffs and taxes fell sharply. Economic policy relied on private initiatives and withdrew large parts of the health system and education from state responsibility. However, Pinochet maintained the nationalization of the copper industry. The Chilean military budget is still financed from the income of the copper companies.
The introduction of neoliberal forms of economy led to a decline in inflation and from 1977 to 1980 an economic upturn, but a serious recession followed in 1982/83, due to the global economic crisis. As a result of the rigorous economic policy, the gulf between rich and poor in Chile widened again and broad sections of the population became impoverished. From the mid-1980s, the economy as a whole benefited from high growth rates.
Spending on education fell by 27% in real terms between 1982 and 1989. Today Chile (like almost all other countries on the continent) is far inferior to Asian emerging countries in the high-tech area.
At the height of power
From 1977 to 1981 Chile's economic output grew by 46%, inflation fell from the three-digit range to 20% and the unemployment rate stabilized at 15%. The radical reforms appeared to be working.
As a result of the economic détente, but above all the massive repression of recent years, resistance against the regime has weakened. Numerous members of the opposition had been murdered or fled into exile, and those who were still in the country were mainly occupied with hiding from Pinochet's apparatus of repression.
At the height of his power, the dictator wanted to adopt a new constitution. In 1978 Pinochet held a referendum to confirm him in office. It received around 75% approval, but the vote took place under great pressure, so that one cannot speak of a free election. Pinochet loosened the dictatorship in the period that followed : civilians were given access to the cabinet and in 1980 - under the leadership of the conservative ex-president Jorge Alessandri - a new constitution was written and approved by referendum, which, however, was held again under great pressure from state power. 67% of Chileans reportedly adopted the constitution. The new constitution legitimized Pinochet's extensive powers and granted him another term as president, which would last until 1989.
The 1982 economic crisis
In 1981, the government revalued the national currency by 35% to make imports cheaper and attract foreign investors. The excessive exchange rate suddenly made export products more expensive. Production dropped significantly and the economy fell into crisis.
With the global recession of 1982 and the fall in copper prices, Chile's economic policy began to falter. The country was heavily indebted abroad. The government countered this with a tough restructuring program, wage cuts in the public sector and cutting food subsidies. A third of the population was malnourished, Chile had around 25% unemployed and over 50% lived below the poverty line .
The tough economic policy aroused protests. In 1982 there were “hunger marches” and days of protest ( Días de protesta ) in many Chilean cities . Their demand was: "Bread, work, justice and freedom" . Many observers expected Pinochet to fall. However, when a state of emergency was declared in 1983, the protests could be brought under control.
Careful liberalization
After the economic stabilization from 1983 and the following upswing, the first steps towards liberalization began. Economic policy became more pragmatic and the repression less severe. However, this process has often been interrupted or even reversed.
From the self-help organizations in the poblaciones , a number of political groups developed that fought against the dictatorship. There was a wave of bombings in the big cities, particularly against high-ranking officers. After an assassination attempt, organized by a Swiss woman, was committed on Pinochet in 1986, the government intensified domestic repression.
The situation abroad has also changed since the early 1980s. The military dictatorships in Brazil and Argentina were replaced by democracies, the Cold War began to dissolve into glasnost and perestroika and , since the Iran-Contra affair, US foreign policy has paid increasing attention to the human rights situation in the regimes it supported.
Conflicts with Argentina
- Beagle conflict
- In 1977 Argentina declared the judgment of the joint arbitration tribunal in the Beagle conflict null and void and brought both countries to the brink of war over the islands of Picton, Nueva and Lennox with Operation Soberanía . The dispute was only settled through the mediation of the Vatican with the friendship and peace treaty of 1984 between Chile and Argentina , in which all three islands were awarded to Chile.
- Falklands War
- During the Falklands War of 1982, Chile passively supported Great Britain against Argentina , following Argentina’s 1978 threats to invade Chile. After a failed mission to Argentine territory, a British helicopter had to make an emergency landing near Punta Arenas . Three members of its crew surrendered to the Chilean authorities and were deported to Great Britain under certain conditions. Chile also helped Great Britain with radar and espionage activities. The Chilean ex-air force chief Fernando Matthei later confirmed the secret cooperation.
- Demarcation
- Since the 1980s there has been a conflict between the two states over the demarcation of the border in Patagonia on the Fitz-Roy massif. In 1985, the Argentine government founded the village of El Chaltén to support its claim. A joint commission did not set the boundaries until ten years later, on December 16, 1998. To this day only a small undefined section remains in the area of Campos de Hielo Sur (southern ice fields). This area is home to one of the largest freshwater reservoirs in South America.
Transition to democracy
With the economic upswing of the 1980s, Chile also calmed down politically. From 1987 political parties were allowed to work again. On October 5, 1988 with one of the approved constitution provided for popular vote according to official figures, a majority of 78.39 percent for another (eight-year) term Pinochet. It was only when it was noticed that the results of the vote were being influenced by the threats from officials that Pinochet was voted out of office on October 17, 1988. It turned out that in the first vote, 55.99 percent were against Pinochet's re-election. After the new voting round with a majority of now 67.85%, it was decided against a renewed term of office Pinochet.
The government bowed to the vote: On December 14, 1989, free presidential elections were held in Chile. The right-wing candidates, Finance Minister Hernán Büchi and Francisco Javier Errázuriz received only 29.4 percent and 15.4 percent of the vote, respectively. With an extraordinarily high turnout of 90 percent, the Christian Democrat Patricio Aylwin from the Concertación party alliance , a broad center-left alliance of Christian Democrats, Liberals, Social Democrats and Socialists, received 55.2 percent of the vote. Aylwin took office on March 11, 1990.
Pinochet used this time to carry out his retreat in an orderly manner, to secure the neoliberal economic model, to heave friends and supporters into influential positions and, last but not least, to take care of his personal well-being in a democracy. He was helped by the fact that the 1980 constitution was already tailored to this and was only slightly changed by a reform on July 30, 1989.
Pinochet's neoliberal economic policy and domestic political stability after the civil war-like conditions of the Allende years impressed many conservative politicians (including Franz Josef Strauss and Margaret Thatcher ), but also part of the Chilean people. The opinion of the Chileans is deeply divided; some see Pinochet as a dictator who fought against freedom and justice, others praise him as the savior of the fatherland from communist chaos.
Chile in democracy
Aylwin's presidency from 1990–1994
.jpg)
Patricio Aylwin was born in Viña del Mar in 1918 . As early as the 1960s he was chairman of the social liberal Christian Democrats and sat in the Senate, which he chaired during Allende's reign. In 1973 he accompanied the Pinochet government with initial sympathy, but then joined the opposition in view of the human rights violations and in 1980 spoke out against the constitutional reform . He made sure that the Partido Democrático Cristiano , although banned, became the largest opposition party in Chile. In 1990 he was supported by the center-left Concertación and won clearly against his right-wing rivals Hernán Büchi and Francisco Javier Errázuriz .
On December 6, 1990, US President George HW Bush visited the country and announced the lifting of the US arms embargo that had been in force since 1976.
On February 3, 1991, President Aylwin ordered the dissolution of Colonia Dignidad (Villa Baviera), whose assets were transferred to a church organization.
Truth commission
After taking office in March 1990, Patricio Aylwin immediately began attempts to curb the power of the military and to expose human rights violations. However, he had next to no success. The reason was, on the one hand, the great autonomy of the military, on the other hand, the courts occupied by Pinochet loyalists and, thirdly, the right-wing parties, which immediately blocked any constitutional reform. An eight-member truth commission ( Comisión de Verdad y Reconciliación nacional (Truth and Reconciliation) or Rettig Commission ) was set up to deal with human rights violations . Although she was heavily criticized by the military, she had no permission to investigate, was not allowed to publish the names of perpetrators and so there was not a single charge. In addition, only human rights violations were prosecuted, "those which affect the coexistence the most severely". Torture apparently did not fall into this category; only murder and enforced disappearances were investigated . After all, she published the biographical data of 2279 victims (2147 of them dead), whose fate was finally recognized (by the government, not the military). In addition, Aylwin publicly apologized and offered compensation of about $ 200 a month. In 1996 an updated version of the final report was published. The death toll is now at least 3,197, including 1,102 "disappeared". A large part of the crimes still fell under an amnesty for the period from 1973 to 1978 still decreed by the military junta.
Power struggle with the military
In the power struggle with the military for political influence and the subordination of the military to the civilian government, the president was only able to achieve success through tricks. Aylwin could not change the financial autonomy of the military, but he only approved the defense budget as much as was legally prescribed as a minimum. During his tenure in office, the military budget, as a percentage of GDP, fell to around half its level in 1988, although it was still increasing in absolute terms (at the rate of inflation). The president was also able to undermine personal autonomy in a tricky manner: Although he could not make a choice in terms of promotions, he could use his veto and thus prevent the promotion of officers who were involved in crimes.
In May 1995 the Supreme Court sentenced General Manuel Contreras , head of the DINA secret service , and his deputy to 7 and 6 years in prison, respectively. The offense was the order to assassinate exiled foreign minister Orlando Letelier in Washington in September 1976. (This case is the only one that was exempt from the 1978 Amnesty Act from the outset under US pressure.)
Economic policy
Under the presidents Patricio Aylwin and Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle , Chile experienced the strongest phase of prosperity in history with economic growth of 7% per year. Social programs also ensured that poverty - especially extreme poverty (in the sense of CEPAL , i.e. hunger) - fell sharply. However, the social reforms did not achieve a fairer income distribution.
Frei's presidency 1994–2000
After a shortened legislative period, the Concertación won the presidential elections again in March 1994. The top candidate was the Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle . Frei was born in Santiago in 1942 and studied engineering. His father Eduardo Frei Montalva was President of Chile from 1964 to 1970. In the presidential elections of December 11, 1993, Frei received 57.9% of the vote, while his conservative rival Arturo Alessandri (whose father Jorge Alessandri was also a former Chilean president) lost at 24 , 3% of the vote. On March 11, 1994 Eduardo Frei was sworn in as the successor to Patricio Aylwin as president.
In January 1993, the former came GDR - State Council Chairman Erich Honecker to Santiago, where his daughter lived. He died in May 1994.
The Pinochet Cause
The focus of world interest was Chile in September 1998. Ex-dictator Augusto Pinochet resigned as Commander in Chief of the Chilean military on March 10, 1998 at the age of 82. In September 1998 he was arrested in London , where he was receiving medical treatment. The Spanish examining magistrate, Baltasar Garzón, initiated an international arrest warrant on information from the lawyer Juan Garcés to hold Pinochet responsible for crimes against Spanish citizens in the days after the 1973 coup. Pinochet was placed under house arrest in London and his doctors certified him incapable of standing because of his age. A lengthy tug-of-war about the ex-dictator's negotiating ability began. After 17 months he was allowed to return to Santiago in March 2000.
On March 3, 2000, Pinochet returned to Chile and was received with military honors. Human rights groups and the relatives of the victims of Pinochet's dictatorship responded with protests and vigils, but there were also solidarity rallies with several hundred participants. Two days later, at the request of investigating judge Juan Guzmán Tapia , the appeal court in Santiago withdrew Pinochet's immunity by 13: 9 votes. It was about the so-called "death caravan", the murder of 75 opponents of the regime in October 1973, of which 18 corpses had not yet appeared and which therefore did not fall under the amnesty law of 1978. A special army unit under the command of General Arellano Stark , Pinochet's delegate, had murdered the people.
On December 1, 2000 - in the meantime the socialist Lagos had been elected as president - Guzmán surprisingly initiated the proceedings. On January 5, 2001, the military published a report in which it examined the fate of the disappeared for the first time (but only of 200 out of more than 1,100): Allegedly, 17 of the 18 corpses were dropped over the sea, but this could not be proven. The military nevertheless demanded that the Amnesty Act be suspended.
The lawyers continued to rely on the incapacity to process. On January 18, a team of doctors attested “subcortical, vascular-related dementia” - in Chile (unlike in Great Britain ) too little to be incapable of proceeding. On January 29, Guzmán brought charges and sparked a wave of solidarity among generals and RN and UDI politicians. Pinochet was released on March 12 on bail of 2,000,000 pesos (about 3,500 euros). In July 2001, a court ruled Pinochet incapable of standing. This marked the end of Pinochet's legal prosecution for human rights violations. However, this also meant the end of his political career as a senator for life. On September 15, 2005, Pinochet's immunity was upheld by the Supreme Court.
Ricardo Lagos' presidency 2000–2006
.jpg)
Ricardo Lagos Escobar was born in Santiago in 1938 and studied law in Chile and the USA. He worked for the United Nations and after his return to Chile in 1978 (he fled 1973) for the International Monetary Fund . In the mid-1980s, Lagos became the undisputed leader of the democratic opposition Concertación , but then, as a socialist, renounced a top candidacy in 1990 . In 1993 he lost to Frei in the primaries. Lagos has held ministerial posts since 1990. In 1999, Lagos became a presidential candidate after beating his opponent, the Christian Democrat Andrés Zaldívar , in the primaries . There was no absolute majority in the December elections, in a runoff election in January 2000 he defeated his opponent Joaquín Lavín from the extreme right-wing UDI with just under 51.3% of the votes cast and became the second socialist president of Chile after Allende.
Torture Commission
On November 30, 2004, the Chilean state Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura (about: National Commission on Political Arrests and Torture), chaired by Auxiliary Bishop Sergio Valech, published its report on the atrocities of the Pinochet regime, which was not supported by the Rettig Commission were investigated: torture. The report shows that people were abducted, tortured and killed by the secret police simply on suspicion of being “leftist”. It is also documented that the torture was used throughout the regime and was by no means exceptional: all branches of the armed forces and all security forces - police and secret services - were involved. The report also states that the methods of torture have continuously evolved over time. In response to the report, a senior military man - the Air Force Commander in Chief - has for the first time admitted systematic guilt of the military.
Constitutional reform
In 2005 a comprehensive constitutional reform succeeded in abolishing numerous prerogatives of the military and undemocratic elements.
Michelle Bachelet presidency 2006–2010
After the election in December 2005, no candidate achieved the required absolute majority. On January 15, 2006, Michelle Bachelet of the center-left alliance Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia won the runoff election with 53.5% of the vote against Sebastián Piñera . She was the first female president of Chile. A few months after taking office, there were massive student protests with demonstrations and school occupations. The protesters demanded the amendment of an education law passed at the end of the military dictatorship and the abolition of examination fees. The government initially condemned the protests, but eventually convened a reform commission and promised to implement the demands. A senior police officer has been fired for violent actions by special forces against demonstrators.
Sebastián Piñera presidency 2010–2014
Protests in 2011
During the 2011 protests in Chile , pupils, students and workers called for social reforms in the country. It was the biggest protests in Chile since his return to democracy in 1989. The movement was supported by student organizations and trade unions, but teachers, professors and parents also showed solidarity . At times over 250,000 students demonstrated.
The protests began at the end of May with the occupation of parts of the Universidad de Chile . After many social groups had shown solidarity, hundreds of thousands of people followed the call of the trade union association CUT and over 80 other organizations to go on a nationwide strike at the end of August 2011 . It was attended by civil servants, health care workers, miners, bus drivers, students, pupils, teachers, university employees and other professional groups. The government under Sebastián Piñera promised social reforms. There were protests in the country again in 2012 as many people saw the demands not being implemented.
Michelle Bachelet II presidency 2014–2018
.jpg)
In the presidential elections in Chile in 2013 Michelle Bachelet prevailed.
Presidency of Sebastián Piñera II 2018–2022
In the presidential elections in Chile in 2017 , Sebastián Piñera won the runoff against Alejandro Guillier .
literature
overview
- Peter Imbusch, Dirk Messner, Detlef Nolte (eds.): Chile today. Politics, economy, culture. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 2004, ISBN 3-89354-590-5 (almost 1000 page anthology with more than 50 articles on most subjects).
- Dieter Nohlen, Detlef Nolte: Chile . in: Dieter Nohlen, Franz Nuscheler: Handbook of the Third World . Vol. 2. Hoffmann & Campe, Hamburg 1983, Dietz, Bonn 1995, pp. 277-338. ISBN 3-8012-0202-X (Very good and concise complete overview of the history and today's problems)
- Simon Collier & William F. Sater: A History of Chile, 1808-2002. Cambridge Univ. Pr., New York, NY [et al.] 2004, ISBN 0-521-82749-3
- Klaus Bodemer (among others): Latin America Yearbook. Institute for Iberoamerican customers Hamburg. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 1.1992-13.2004. ISSN 0943-0318 (published annually until the end of 2004 with a chronological overview of the most important Latin American countries)
- Armando Uribe, Cristián Opaso: Intervención Norteamericana en Chile. Editorial Sudamericana, Santiago 2001. ISBN 956-262-123-5
- Stefan Rinke: A Little History of Chile. Beck, Munich 2007 (Beck series 1776). ISBN 3-406-54804-0
Until 1945
- Ida Stevenson Weldon Vernon: Pedro De Valdivia. Conquistador of Chile. Reprint, Greenwood Press, New York 1969.
- Robert N. Burr: By reason or force, Chile and the balancing of power in south america 1830-1905 . University of California Press, Berkeley - London 1974. ISBN 0-520-02629-2
- Armando de Ramon: Breve Historia de Chile. Desde la Invasion Incaica Hasta Nuestros Dias (1500-2000). Coleccion Historias Americanas. Biblos, Buenos Aires Arg 2001 (Spanish). ISBN 950-786-294-3
- William F. Sater: Chile and the War of the Pacific. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln 1986. ISBN 0-8032-4155-0
- Ricardo E. Latcham: The Art of War of the Araucanos. Chile's indigenous people. Junius, Hamburg 1988. ISBN 3-88506-403-0
- Ludolf Pelizaeus: The narrative construct of the empty land during the conquest of Chile since the beginning of the 16th century . In: Matthias Asche , Ulrich Niggemann (ed.): The empty country. Historical narratives from immigrant societies . Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2015, ISBN 978-3-515-11198-0 , pp. 85-102.
Christian Democrats and Allende
- Günter Wessel: The Allendes. Lübbe, Bergisch Gladbach 2004. ISBN 3-404-61537-9
- Dieter Nohle: Chile - The Socialist Experiment. Hoffmann and Campe, Hamburg 1973. ISBN 3-455-09073-7
Pinochet's dictatorship
- Detlef Nolte: State terrorism in Chile . In: Hans Werner Tobler, Peter Waldmann (Ed.): State and para-state violence in Latin America. Frankfurt am Main 1991, pp. 75-104. ISBN 3-89354-831-9 (detailed overview of human rights violations during the dictatorship)
Coming to terms with the dictatorship
- Claudio Fuentes: After Pinochet. Civilian policies toward the military in the 1990s Chilean democracy. in: Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs. University of Miami, Coral Gables Fla 2000 (online version, English). ISSN 0022-1937
- P. Imbusch, D. Messner, D. Nolte (Eds.): Chile today. Politics, economy, culture. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 2004. ISBN 3-89354-590-5 , Dar .:
- Heinrich Krumwiede: The Chilean regime transformation in retrospect. Pp. 253-274.
- Michael Radseck: Military and Politics in Chile. Pp. 309-333.
- Rainer Huhle: Shadows on the future. Human rights and coming to terms with the past in post-dictatorial Chile. Pp. 275-295.
- Wendy Hunter: Civil-Military Relations in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile - Present Trends, Future Prospects. in: Felipve Agüera, Jeffrey Slash (Eds.): Fault Lines of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America. Boulder, Coral Gables Fla 2004 (English). ISBN 1-57454-046-7
- Patricio Silva: Searching for Civilian Supremacy. The Concertación Governments and the Military in Chile. in: Bulletin of Latin American Research. Oxford Microform Publ., Oxford 21.2002, 3, pp. 375-395 (English). ISSN 0261-3050
- Final report of the Rettig Commission from 1991. (English), (Spanish) ( Memento from October 11, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) (in the Internet Archive )
- Final report of the Valech Commission from 2005 ( Memento from January 18, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) (Spanish, 536 p. + 244 p. List of victims)
- National Commission to Investigate Political Imprisonment and Torture (Ed.): “There is no tomorrow without yesterday”. Coming to terms with the past in Chile (abridged German edition), Hamburg: Hamburger Ed., 2008.
Economy and Social
Introduction and overview
- Dieter Nohlen , Detlef Nolte: Chile. in: Dieter Nohlen, Franz Nuscheler: Handbook of the Third World . Vol. 2. Hoffmann & Campe, Hamburg 1983, Dietz, Bonn 1995. ISBN 3-8012-0202-X
- Klaus Eßer: Economic specialization and development of a modern nation state in Chile. in: P. Imbusch, D. Messner, D. Nolte (eds.): Chile today. Politics, economy, culture. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 2004, pp. 565–601. ISBN 3-89354-590-5
Political science analyzes
- Michel Duquette: The Chilean economic miracle revisited. in: The Journal of Socio-Economics. Elsevier Science, Amsterdam 27.1998, 3, pp. 299-321 (English) ISSN 1053-5357 doi : 10.1016 / S1053-5357 (99) 80092-4
- Peter Thiery: Transformation in Chile - Institutional Change, Development and Democracy 1973–1996. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 2000. ISBN 3-89354-252-3
Unions
- Alan Angell: Politics and the Labor Movement in Chile. Oxford University Press, London 1972. ISBN 0-19-214991-1
- Manuel Barrera, and others: Trade Unions and the State in Present Day Chile. United Nations Research Institute, Geneva 1986.
- Hartmut Grewe, Manfred Mols (Ed.): State and trade unions in Latin America. Schöningh, Paderborn 1994. ISBN 3-506-79326-8
- Dieter Nohle: Chile - The socialist experiment. Hoffmann and Campe, Hamburg 1973. ISBN 3-455-09073-7
- Detlef Nolte: Between rebellion and integration - trade unions in Chilean politics. Breitenbach, Saarbrücken 1986. ISBN 3-88156-326-1
- Jorge Rojas Hernández: The Chilean trade union movement 1973–1984. Campus, Frankfurt am Main - New York 1986. ISBN 3-593-33583-2
- Lynn Stephen: Women and Social Movements in Latin America. University of Texas Press, Austin 1997, 2000. ISBN 0-292-77716-7
Entrepreneur
- Peter Imbusch : Entrepreneurs and Politics in Chile. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 1995. ISBN 3-89354-066-0
- Peter Imbusch: Entrepreneurs and their associations as socio-political actors. in: P. Imbusch, D. Messner, D. Nolte (eds.): Chile today. Politics, economy, culture. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 2004. ISBN 3-89354-590-5
- Information about the Grupos económicos
Poverty and inequality
- Oscar Altimir: Income Distribution and Poverty Through Crisis and Adjustment. in: Alberts Bery (Ed.): Poverty, Economic Reform, and Income Distribution in Latin America. Lynne Rienner, Boulder Colo 1998, pp. 43-80. ISBN 1-55587-746-X
- Rosemary Thorp: Progress, Poverty and Exclusion. An Economic History of Latin America in the 20th Century. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore 1998. ISBN 1-886938-35-0 (economic history on Latin America, also extensive data on Chile)
Current economic situation
- CEPAL : Chile. in: Estudio Económico de América Latina y el Caribe. Naciones Unidas, Santiago de Chile 2004–2005, pp. 165–171 (online, pdf; 71 kB). ISSN 0257-2176
- Claudio Maggi, Dirk Messner: Chile - a model case? Challenges on the threshold of the 21st century. in: P. Imbusch, D. Messner, D. Nolte (eds.): Chile today. Politics, economy, culture. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 2004, pp. 501-524. ISBN 3-89354-590-5
- Ricardo Ffrench-Davis: The impact of exports on growth in Chile. in: CEPAL Review. New York NY 76.2002, pp. 135-150. ISSN 0252-0257
- Dierk Herzer: Export expansion, vertical export diversification and economic growth in Chile. Contributions to the discussion. Ibero-America-Inst., Göttingen 2003. ISSN 1431-181X
Social policy
- Dagmar Raczynski: Overcoming Poverty in Chile. in: Joseph Tulchin, M. Allison Garland (Eds.): Social Development in Latin America. Lynne Rienner, Boulder Colo 2000. ISBN 1-55587-843-1
- Marcus Taylor: The Reformulation of Social Policy in Chile, 1973-2001. Questioning a Neoliberal Model. in: Global Social Policy. Sage, London 3.2003, 1, pp. 21-44. ISSN 1468-0181
- Peter Thiery: Transformation in Chile. Institutional Change, Development and Democracy 1973–1996. Frankfurt am Main 2000, pp. 234-269. ISBN 3-89354-252-3
- Lothar Witte: The development of a model. 20 years of pension reform in Chile. in: P. Imbusch, D. Messner, D. Nolte (eds.): Chile today. Politics, economy, culture. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 2004, pp. 417-432. ISBN 3-89354-590-5
- Pondering Pensions . in: The Economist. London 2005, (Nov 10). ISSN 0013-0613 (to the pension system)
Church history
- Karl F. Appl: The history of the Protestant churches in Chile. Erlanger Verlag for Mission and Ecumenism, Neuendettelsau 2006. ISBN 3-87214-616-5
Web links
- Items from the Guardian about the Cybersyn Project (English)
- Final report of the Valech Commission from 2005 (536 p. + 244 p. List of victims) (Spanish) ( Memento from January 18, 2006 in the Internet Archive )
- Chile 1973: Buried an Illusion An Analysis of the Events that Preceded the 1973 Military Coup (German)
- Chile 1973 - the other September 11th Interview with an eyewitness of the 1973 military coup (German)
Individual evidence
- ^ Helaine Silverman, William Isbell: Handbook of South American Archeology , Springer, 2008, p. 45.
- ↑ Jutta Müther: Orelie-Antoine I, King of Araucania and Patagonia or Nouvelle France. Consolidation problems in Chile 1860–1870 . Frankfurt am Main 1990, ISBN 3-631-42595-3 .
- ^ Carlos Cousiño: The Orphanage of Latin America. A contribution using the example of Chile to the discussion about the character of the Latin American nation (= contributions to the sociology and social studies of Latin America, vol. 31). Fink, Munich 1984, ISBN 3-7705-2245-1 , p. 114.
- ^ The Cordillera of the Andes Boundary Case (Argentina, Chile) . In: United Nations (ed.): Report of International arbitral awards . tape 9 , November 20, 1902, p. 37-49 (English, pdf ).
- ↑ The mirror 38/1964 of 16 September 1964: Help from Bonn . His opponent was Salvador Allende.
- ↑ Der Spiegel 46/1970 of November 9, 1970: Great experiment
- ^ William F. Sater: Chile and the United States. Empires in Conflict. University of Georgia Press, Athens 1990, pp. 159-164. ISBN 0-8203-1249-5
- ^ Georg J. Dufner: Chile as a partner, example and touchstone . In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte , vol. 61 (2013), issue 4, pp. 513–549.
- ↑ a b U. S. Senate, Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities , Staff Report, Covert Action in Chile (1963–1973) (Washington DC: United States Government Printing Office , 1975); Text online .
- ^ William F. Sater: Chile and the United States. Empires in Conflict. University of Georgia Press, Athens 1990, pp. 169-174. ISBN 0-8203-1249-5
- ^ William F. Sater: Chile and the United States. Empires in Conflict. University of Georgia Press, Athens 1990, pp. 178-181. ISBN 0-8203-1249-5
- ^ William F. Sater: Chile and the United States. Empires in Conflict. University of Georgia Press, Athens 1990, p. 181. ISBN 0-8203-1249-5
- ^ William F. Sater: Chile and the United States. Empires in Conflict. Athens / London 1990, p. 181.
- ↑ a b Mirjam Gehrke: Chile wants to clear up death of Allende , Deutsche Welle, January 30, 2011, accessed on January 31, 2011
- ↑ Hermes H. Benitez: Las muertes de Salvador Allende: una investigacion critica de las principales versiones de sus ultimos momentos. RIL editores, Santiago 2006, ISBN 956-284-497-8 .
- ^ Justice investigates Allende's death. In FAZ , January 31, 2011, p. 5
- ↑ Süddeutsche Zeitung No. 119/2011 of May 24, 2011, p. 8
- ↑ Peter Burghardt: Salvador Allende: Suicide in the palace. July 20, 2011, accessed February 15, 2017 .
- ↑ Chile: Scientific autopsy confirms Allende suicide in US-Today (eng), July 19, 2011 (accessed July 20, 2011).
- ↑ According to the autopsy, Salvador Allende committed suicide at welt.de, July 19, 2011 (accessed July 20, 2011).
- ↑ Peter Kornbluh: The Kissinger Telcons - Kissinger Telcons on Chile. (May 26, 2004). in: National Security Archive . A National Security Archive Electronic Briefing. Book 12. Washington DC 2004.
- ↑ Report of the Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation ( Memento of February 1, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 11.4 MB), p. 1122
- ↑ Revelation about murdered opposition members in Chile. In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung. November 27, 2003, accessed October 21, 2017 .
- ↑ Juan Gabriel Valdés: The Chicago School: Operation Chile . In: Dietmar Dirmoser and others (ed.): Market in the heads (= Latin America. Analyzes and reports, Vol. 17). Horlemann, Unkel / Bad Honnef 1993, ISBN 3-927905-80-1 , pp. 36–60, here pp. 41–43, with a list of the names of the economists involved.
- ↑ Juan Gabriel Valdés: The Chicago School: Operation Chile . In: Dietmar Dirmoser and others (ed.): Market in the heads (= Latin America. Analyzes and reports, Vol. 17). Horlemann, Unkel / Bad Honnef 1993, pp. 36-60, here pp. 48-49.
- ↑ The Times | UK News, World News and Opinion
- ↑ French- Davis, Ricardo: Economic reforms in Chile: from dictatorship to democracy, Basingstoke 2010, pp 26-32.
- ↑ Ricardo Ffrench-Davis, Economic Reforms in Chile: From Dictatorship to Democracy , University of Michigan Press, 2002, ISBN 978-0-472-11232-6 , p. 16
- ^ Website of the Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura ( Memento of 5 May 2006 in the Internet Archive ) in the Internet Archive
- ↑ Latin America News Online - Chile: The "social block" on Chile's streets
- ^ Sebastian Hofer: Protests in Chile: Kissing, dancing, rampaging. In: Spiegel Online . August 20, 2011. Retrieved June 9, 2018 .
- ↑ http:// Amerika21.de/nachrichten/2011/08/39553/proteste-gewalt-chile
12 South American member states of the United Nations:
Argentina |
Bolivia |
Brazil |
Chile |
Ecuador |
Guyana |
Colombia |
Paraguay |
Peru |
Suriname |
Uruguay |
Venezuela
Dependent Areas
Falkland Islands |
French Guiana |
Galápagos Islands |
South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands
History of the States of:
Africa |
Asia |
Europe |
North America |
Oceania
