Rached al-Ghannouchi

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Rached Ghannouchi (2017)

Rached al-Ghannouchi ( Arabic راشد الغنوشي Rāschid al-Ghannūschī , DMG Rāšid al-Ġannūšī ; * June 22nd, 1941 as Raschid al-Cheridschi  /راشد الخريجيin El Hamma ) is a Tunisian politician and Islamic political theorist who has been leading a political movement since the 1970s that propagates a democratic Islamic state and with the harshly criticized despotic regimes of Tunisian Presidents Habib Bourguiba and Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali in Conflict came. This movement was renamed Ennahda in 1989 and was approved as a party in 2011. Al-Ghannouchi himself spent several years in prison and went into exile in London in 1989. After the revolution in Tunisia in 2010/2011 , he returned to Tunisia. Under his leadership, Ennahda won the first free election to the Constituent Assembly of Tunisia in 2011 with 37 percent of the vote and was the prime minister from December 2011 to January 2014. When Ennahda was only the second strongest party behind the secular rallying movement Nidaa Tounes with around 27 percent in the election for the newly created parliament in October 2014 , Ghannouchi accepted the result and did not have a candidate of his own for the following presidential election in Tunisia in 2014 . After the parliamentary elections in 2019, he was elected President of the People's Representative Assembly. Ghannouchi's political views are controversial in the West and are in some cases located in the vicinity of radical Islamism ; he was therefore banned from entering the United States.

Life

Family and education at the Zitouna

Rached Ghannouchi was born as Raschid al-Cheriji on June 22, 1941 in a village near El Hamma . As he himself writes in his autobiography, his family differed from the other families in the village because of the religious atmosphere. His father, who was in commerce for a while but then turned to agriculture, was the only one in the village who could read and write. He knew the Koran by heart, served the people as imam and mufti and gave the children free Koran lessons. The evenings were mostly spent by the family weaving baskets out of palm leaves, drinking tea and singing praises of the prophet. These evenings often lasted until after midnight. Rāschid's main task was to take the family-made agricultural products to the market at a greengrocer and use the proceeds to buy things the family did not make themselves, such as tea, salt, sugar, and oil.

For Rāschid, the events after the end of the Second World War and the Tunisian resistance to French colonial policy were formative. When he attended the preparatory school at Zaitouna University as a teenager, he first came into contact with the secular modernity of the cities, which was in stark contrast to the simple and religious life in the countryside where he grew up. From 1959 to 1962 he studied at the University of Ez-Zitouna in Tunis . However, he was very disappointed with the training there. As he writes in his autobiography, the picture of Islam drawn at the Zitouna did not answer his questions and made him lose faith in Islam because it was not a modern picture. The fiqh seminars he attended seemed like a "historical museum" to him. When he graduated, he felt like he was in a modern world that had nothing to do with Islam.

Study stays abroad

Rāschid Ghannūschī 1967

Ghannūschī moved to Cairo for a short time , where he began to study agriculture. However, due to the political circumstances, he fled to Syria a few months later and studied philosophy in Damascus from 1964 to 1968. From June 1965 to January 1966 he made a long journey through Europe, which took him to Bulgaria , Yugoslavia , Austria , Germany , France , Belgium and the Netherlands . In Germany he worked for a wholesaler in the Ruhr area for a short time . As he notes in his autobiography, he found the people in Europe to be intolerant, inhospitable and closed to foreigners. The only positive experience he had during this time was with a German family in the Netherlands who invited him to Christmas .

The experiences made in Europe weighed heavily. His third year in Syria, 1966, marked an intellectual turning point: Ghannouchi turned away from left-wing Nassist thinking and discovered Islam for himself. He had contact with the Muslim Brotherhood , with Hizb ut-Tahrir , with a Sufi group and with a Salafist group, but did not want to join any of these groups. He was particularly drawn to the study circle of the hadith scholar Muhammad Nāsir ad-Dīn al-Albānī , which he attended for more than a year. Ghannouchi was very impressed with his handling of hadiths and his efforts to " purify Islam of superstitious ideas ( ḫurāfāt )". Al-Albānī also introduced him to Ibn Taimīya and Ibn Qaiyim al-Jschauzīya and thus had a lasting impact on him.

Immediately after graduating in 1968, Ghannouchi moved to Paris to take up a master's degree in educational philosophy at the Sorbonne . In Paris, Ghannūschī first joined a group of the Tablighi Jamaat and became a preacher. Then he founded the "Islamic Student Association" ( al-Ǧamʿīya aṭ-ṭulābīya al-islāmīya ) together with other Muslim students at the Great Mosque in Paris . He helped the chairman of the association, Ahmad Fachrī, with the translation of the speeches of Ruhollah Khomeini from French into Arabic. However, the group was soon kicked out of the mosque. He did not complete his philosophy studies.

Political activities under the Bourguiba regime

Rached Ghannouchi around 1980

Ghannūschī returned to Tunisia and began teaching philosophy there. First articles appeared on the reform of the curriculum in schools. From 1970 to 1973 he headed the Jamāʿa Islāmīya, which he founded, a religious association that focused on criticizing the westernization of Tunisia. The group was banned from the Bourguiba regime in 1973, as were other social and political groups. The workers protests in Tunis in 1978 and the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 inspired Ghannouchi to further develop his ideology.

In 1979 Ghannūschī traveled to Sudan to familiarize himself with the Islamic movement there. What particularly impressed him there was the strong participation of women in the Islamic movement and their extensive equality. After his return to Tunisia he published the article "The woman in the Islamic movement" ( al-Marʾa fī al-ḥaraka al-islāmīya ), in which he criticized the position of the Tunisian Islamic movement towards women and on gender equality and called for greater involvement of women in the movement's social and political activities. As a result, women turned to the Islamic movement in greater numbers and increasingly took part in its activities, with Ghannūschī also accepting those who did not wear Islamic clothing.

In May 1980, Ghannūschīs movement celebrated for the first time Labor Day , with a rally at a mosque, which was attended by about 5000 people. Ghannūschī took this opportunity to stress that Islam protects the rights of agricultural workers. On June 6, 1981, Ghannūschī announced the establishment of the Mouvement de la Tendance Islamique (MTI) at a press conference , published a founding manifesto containing a commitment to democracy and criticizing the despotic government of Bourguiba, and applied for the movement to be registered as a new one Political party. A month later, on July 17, 1981, he was arrested with 500 MTI supporters and imprisoned for four years. During his imprisonment, which lasted until August 1984, he read a lot, including a book by Roger Garaudy about women, which impressed him very much, and translated Malek Bennabi's book Islam and Democracy into Arabic. In 1987 he was arrested again and sentenced to death along with other leading figures of the MTI movement for inciting violence and incitement to a coup d'état. The Ghannouchi case became a political issue, politicians in the ruling Bourguibas party criticized the trial, and judges overturned the death penalty.

In 1987, Zine El Abidine replaced Ben Ali Habib Bourguiba at the head of the state; Ghannouchi and other imprisoned members of the MTI were released in 1988. The group was led in 1988 by Sadok Chourou , who is classified as radical while Ghannouchi was still imprisoned. After Ben Ali had announced a more pluralistic political system, Ghannouchi applied for recognition of the MTI, which was renamed Ennahda . Members of the party participated as independent candidates in the parliamentary elections in 1989 and achieved great success. However, the regime did not accept such a gain in power for an opposition party and rejected the application for recognition of the Nahda party. Members were henceforth persecuted as members of an illegal political group. Ghannouchi fled into exile in Britain in 1989, where he lived until 2011.

In exile in Britain

In the early 1990s, he made headlines for his radical criticism of the American presence in Saudi Arabia during the Gulf War . Analysts see this radicalization as a political move to overthrow the Tunisian government with its support of the anti- Iraqi alliance - originally Ennahda rejected Saddam Hussein's regime as un-Islamic. In his subsequent speeches and writings, Ghannouchi called on Muslims worldwide to fight against the Saudi government, which had disqualified itself as "un-Islamic" from the Islamists' point of view by inviting the Americans to the land of the holy places of Islam. Critics accuse Ghannouchi of using takfir , which legitimizes the fight against states accused of disbelief. Over the next two years, the regime raised allegations against Ghannouchi for associating him with uncovered terrorist plans by Ennahda in Tunisia. Ghannouchi obtained several judicial rulings from various British newspapers that, as an ex-leader of the Ennahda living in London, he had no involvement or knowledge of such terrorist plans.

In May 2001, on a television program broadcast by Al-Jazeera , he blessed the mothers of suicide bombers with the words: “I would like to convey my blessings to the mothers of these young people, these men who have managed to regain a new balance of power… I bless the mothers who planted the seeds of these young people in blessed Palestine who taught an important lesson to the international system and to the arrogant Israelis supported by the US. The Palestinian woman, mother of the Shahids [martyrs], is a martyr herself, and she has created a new role model for women. "

Some political analysts have viewed Ghannouchi as an Islamist who pretends to be more moderate just before elections and is “an avid supporter of Hamas ”, which values ​​him as a theorist and regards him as one of its own. He had been banned from entering the United States; he lived in exile in London until 2011, where he had been granted asylum since August 1993 .

After the Tunisian revolution

On January 30, 2011, he returned to Tunisia and took part in the democratization of the country after the revolution against the authoritarian regime. As the leader of the Islamic Nahda and Ennahda , legalized on March 1, 2011 in the course of the 2011 revolution , he advocates a reformed Islam as well as democracy and the application of human rights in Tunisia. In the first democratic election after the overthrow of President Ben Ali in November 2011, his party was the clear winner with 37 percent of the vote. During the election campaign, he reaffirmed his support for democracy and the renunciation of the introduction of all Sharia commandments, such as polygamy . Ennahda headed the Tunisian government from December 2011 to January 2014 ; In the first election for the newly formed People's Representatives' Assembly according to the new constitution in January 2014 , Ennahda became second behind the secular gathering movement Nidaa Tounes and is involved in a broad support coalition in the newly formed cabinet of the independent Prime Minister Habib Essid .

In 2014 he received the Ibn Rushd Prize for Democracy and Freedom of Expression in Arabia. After the unanimous resignation of the Ennahda-led Larajedh cabinet in January 2014 and the Tunisian constitution adopted by consensus with secular opposition forces, as well as the recognition of the disappointing democratic election results for Ennahda in the second half of 2014, Ghannouchi was widely recognized as an essential pillar of Tunisia's development towards democracy.

Works

"The general freedoms in the Islamic State"

Rāschid al-Ghannūschī has put his political and social ideas down in various works. One of the most important of these is his book al-Ḥurrīyāt al-ʿāmma fī d-daula al-islāmīya (“The General Freedoms in the Islamic State”), published in Beirut in 1993 by the “Center for Studies of Islamic Unity” ( Markaz Dirāsāt al-waḥda al-islāmīya ) was published. The book is divided into three parts. The first deals with "Human Rights and Freedoms in Islam". A separate chapter in the first part deals with "the Islamic concept of freedom and human rights " ( at-taṣauwur al-islāmī li-l-ḥurrīya wa-ḥuqūq al-insān ). Al-Ghannūschī here refers to the Islamic legal theorist Abū Ishāq asch-Shātibī (d. 1388), who in his work al-Muwāfaqāt reduced the Sharia to five fundamental legal purposes ( maqāṣid ), namely the preservation of religion, life and reason , parentage and wealth. From this he deduces that there are five basic human rights within the framework of Islam, which he discusses in detail in the chapter:

  1. the freedom of religion . He devotes his own sections to the principle of equality , the freedom to defend, disseminate or criticize a religion, as well as the problem of apostasy .
  2. the freedom of the person and the right to human dignity ,
  3. the freedom of thought and expression ,
  4. economic rights such as the right to property and
  5. social rights such as the right to work , health care , family protection , the right to education and the right to social security .

The second part of the book, entitled "Political Rights and Freedoms", is divided into two chapters, the first dealing with "the basic principles of democracy" and the second dealing with "the basic principles of Islamic rule". Al-Ghannūschī here explains that the fundamental pillar in Islamic political philosophy is the theory of proxy ( istiḫlāf ), which states that God has appointed man as His proxy ( ḫalīfa ) on earth.

The third and last part of the book deals with "ensuring legal certainty and general freedoms in the Islamic system". Here he also goes into the position of non-Islamic parties in the Islamic State. He makes it unmistakably clear that he is unwilling to allow parties that reject the religious order of Islam as the supreme regulatory element of a society to participate in shaping political life. In his opinion, the only option left for those who want to participate in the political process is to convert to Islam; on the other hand, it allows non-Muslims to participate in Muslim parties, provided that they respect the values ​​of Islamic society. However, they should not be allowed access to leadership positions within the government.

Other works

Another book by al-Ghannūschī with the title Ḥuqūq al-muwāṭana: ḥuqūq ġair al-muslim fī l-muǧtamaʿ al-islāmī ("The rights of citizenship. The rights of non-Muslims in Islamic society") appeared as early as 1989. Das The book Min taǧribat al-ḥaraka al-Islāmīya fī Tūnis (“From the experience of the Islamic movement in Tunisia”), published in London in 2001, has the character of a political autobiography.

ideology

The former Tunisian Mouvement de la Tendance Islamique (MTI) was created through the amalgamation of three sympathizers of the Pakistani Tablighi Jamaat group, which began to attract supporters in Tunisia around 1966/67. These three were Sheikh ibn Milad , Rachwd Ghannouchi, their later president and most important idea generator , and Ahmida Enneifar . The interest in Ghannouchi was especially aroused by the fact that, unlike the leaders of other fundamentalist movements , he spoke out in a spectacular and media-effective way for liberal democracy . He insists on the need not to neglect the arts and criticizes those who practice religious studies in a dusty manner so that young people lose their sense of religion. His advocacy of social justice made the movement attractive to young people and earned him the reputation of being a Marxist in disguise from his critics , an accusation he likes to flirt with in order to underline his “present-day” politics. He warns against the often repeated assertion that the West is on the verge of decline; this accusation only serves as a sedative for the Muslims. Although he, too, believes that the collapse of the West is a fact, at least on the moral level, he sees little comfort in it for those whose descent extends further. He warns that all ideas that come from the West, especially the idea of democracy , should be rejected across the board, at best they have to be viewed in a differentiated manner. The central idea in the West and the engine for its technological progress is the belief in people, that people exist in themselves for themselves and are the measure of all things. Man can control his world and his destiny, understand his world and rule it. The fruits of such a belief are the liberation of man from the feeling of powerlessness and the alignment of his thoughts in practical and objective paths, the belief in progress and the imperturbability in coping with new and unknown problems, a sense of the values ​​of the time and appreciation of human dignity and freedom, which is in the form of democracy as a form of government and respect for human rights reflects on the political level.

However, this belief also has its negative consequences, as shown by the lack of interest in all things that go beyond the material. The consequence is that the intellectual and spiritual life of the West falls short of its material progress. Life in the West slips by in a decadent hedonism , devoid of any vision of the true meaning of life. This indicates that Ghannouchi is discovering the democratic mechanisms for his conception of a state based on Islamic values, but that he rejects the secular aspect, as this grants freedom of movement to people, which he regards as inhibiting, if not even destroying, civilization. However, he criticizes the fact that liberal democracy is only applied within national borders, but internationally acts according to the “natural law” of the stronger, with which Ghannouchi alludes to the mechanisms of globalization and Western intervention politics. He sees the problem not in the idea or the mechanisms of democracy, but in aspects of the philosophy from which these ideals originated. In his opinion, liberal democracy is influenced by Western philosophers such as Darwin , Hegel and Nietzsche , who justified and legitimized a corresponding attitude of the stronger towards the weaker. Democratic governments around the world are involved in oppression and even genocide , which reveals the inhumane sides of Western democracies.

Ghannouchi complains that democracy as a form of government has not succeeded in preventing attacks by peoples against one another, as well as fraud and economically motivated attacks and defraudation. For Ghannouchi it is essential that the peoples overcome their egoisms and strive for a single valid humanity; In other words: that all people everywhere in the world, regardless of their membership of a nation, have the same rights not only in theory but also in practice. In his opinion, it is the materialistic philosophy that is seen as the sole basis of values ​​of the liberal democratic system and is responsible for the fact that the West is oppressive outside its borders . As an Islamic alternative, he therefore represents a democracy based on ethical and religious values. He demands that an attack on a single person should be rated as an attack on all of humanity. Ghannouchi is of the opinion that democracy can contribute to the development of one of the best political systems, and even be constitutive, as long as it is accompanied by a universal, human-respecting philosophy. It is the best political system that people have come up with so far, even without its implementation in an “Islamic democracy”. It is unforgivable that the fundamentalists flatly rejected democracy on the grounds that it sprang from the "western spirit". On the contrary, it is necessary to consider how the “Islamic spirit” can benefit from it in order to be able to develop its values ​​in the best possible way.

An Islamic democracy

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A critical look at his book al-Ḥurrīyāt al-ʿāmma fī d-daula al-islāmīya (German: "The general freedoms in the Islamic state") reveals what he actually means by his Islamic democracy. Ghannouchi's attitude towards the apostate is revealing : He regards the voluntary and conscious renunciation of Islam and the turn to “unbelief”, on the basis of which fundamental Islamic guidelines regarding belief, law or rite are negated, as a political offense. The Islamic right to freedom and security does not include this turning away from faith. The offense consists of secession, an act of mutiny and betrayal that is punishable within the framework of the state's responsibility for maintaining the community and law and order. This statement refutes the fact that he is willing to give society the freedom to choose between opposing concepts of life right down to the last resort.

Ghannouchi's statement on the role of the limits set by Sharia law in his theory of an “Islamic democracy” is unmistakable: In his view, no political concept can be considered Islamic that moves outside of Sharia law. From an Islamic point of view, such a concept is illegitimate. According to Ghannouchi, the authority of Sharia ranks above any other authority in Muslim society.

With regard to the multi-party system , Ghannouchi expresses himself very cautiously, expressing concerns similar to many other fundamentalists that the Ummah could split over the diversity of directions. However, he sees this as a positive aspect of competition, which, however, must adhere to the basic rules of constructive cooperation. Even if Ghannouchi does not intend to establish a liberal democracy in the western sense, he has considered how the rule of law can be guaranteed, at least in theory, in a religious system that has been rated as particularly prone to abuse of power. Ghannouchi recognizes the danger that results from the fact that the Sharia has to be interpreted and thus the danger of abuse of power through interest-driven interpretation is given. His proposed solution to prevent this monopoly is that parties with different ijschtihad (= effort to interpret) should compete with each other in order to give the people the choice to choose the version that suits them. In the event, however, that only suggestions for interpretation are made that the people do not want to accept at any cost, they should be given a means of rejecting these suggestions. If you opted for a secular model, he would respect your choice, but if you opted for an Islamic model, its laws would come into force in an irreversible manner.

Lives and Actions of Muslims in Europe and Israel

Ghannouchi is now a leading member of the European Council for Fatwa and Research , which is under the leadership of Yusuf al-Qaradawi and is part of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood . The main aim of this council is to regulate the life of Muslims in Europe in accordance with the provisions of the Sharia. As reported by the Middle East Media Research Institute , Qaradawi himself issued a fatwa in 2004, which appeared in Al-Ahram Al-Arabi on July 3 of the same year and which allows the killing of Muslim intellectuals as apostates (so-called Islam- Renegades ). In 2004, Jawad Hashim and Shaker Al-Nabulsi petitioned the United Nations to call for a response to religious extremism as a reinforcing element of terrorism. In particular, they focused on fatwas condoning violence and gave a number of examples. In it, they attribute a fatwa to al-Ghannouchi that allows all Israeli civilians to be killed because, according to his justification, there are no civilians in Israel, because the population - men, women and children - is the army's reserve and therefore to kill as such.

literature

  • Deina Ali Abdelkader: Islamic activists: the anti-enlightenment democrats . Pluto Press, London, 2011. pp. 66-87.
  • Joyce M. Davis: Interview with Rachid al-Ghannouchi. In: Between Jihad and Salaam: Profiles in Islam. MacMillan, 1997.
  • Michael Collins Dunn: The Al-Nahda Movement in Tunisia: From Renaissance to Revolution. In: John Ruedy (Ed.): Islamism and Secularism in North Africa. Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1994. pp. 149-165.
  • Nikkie Keddie: The Islamist Movement in Tunisia. In: The Maghreb Review. Volume II, I, 1986, p. 26.
  • Menno Preuschaft: Tunisia as an Islamic Democracy? Rāšid al-Ġannūšī and the time after the revolution. Waxmann, Münster 2011.
  • Azzam Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. Oxford University Press, New York 2001.
  • Susan Waltz: Islamist Appeal in Tunisia. In: Middle East Journal . Volume 40, No. 4, Fall 1986, pp. 651-670.
  • Khadija Katja Wöhler-Khalfallah: Islamic Fundamentalism, Islam and Democracy. Algeria and Tunisia: The Failure of Post-Colonial “Development Models” and the Striving for an Ethical Guide for Politics and Society. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004.

Web links

Commons : Raschid al-Ghannuschi  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ al-Ġannūšī: Min taǧribat al-ḥaraka al-Islāmīya fī Tūnis . 2001, p. 16f.
  2. ↑ al-Ġannūšī: Min taǧribat al-ḥaraka al-Islāmīya fī Tūnis . 2001, p. 19.
  3. ↑ al-Ġannūšī: Min taǧribat al-ḥaraka al-Islāmīya fī Tūnis . 2001, p. 25.
  4. ↑ Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. 2001, p. 22.
  5. ↑ al-Ġannūšī: Min taǧribat al-ḥaraka al-Islāmīya fī Tūnis . 2001, p. 32.
  6. ↑ Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. 2001, p. 23.
  7. ↑ al-Ġannūšī: Min taǧribat al-ḥaraka al-Islāmīya fī Tūnis . 2001, p. 36.
  8. ↑ al-Ġannūšī: Min taǧribat al-ḥaraka al-Islāmīya fī Tūnis . 2001, p. 37f.
  9. ↑ a b c Azzam Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. Oxford University Press, New York 2001.
  10. ↑ Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. 2001, p. 57.
  11. ↑ al-Ġannūšī: Min taǧribat al-ḥaraka al-Islāmīya fī Tūnis . 2001, p. 71.
  12. ↑ Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. 2001, p. 52.
  13. ↑ Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. 2001, p. 59.
  14. ↑ Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. 2001, p. 59.
  15. ↑ Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. 2001, p. 63.
  16. ↑ Dunn (1994), p. 158
  17. ↑ Dunn (1994), p. 159
  18. ↑ Dunn (1994), pp. 160-161
  19. ↑ In memri.org : The Intifada and the Fate of Arab Regimes. Special Dispatch No.245, July 24, 2001
  20. ↑ Islamist chief secretly plans Salafist regime. In: Welt Online , October 14, 2012.
  21. ↑ Review of Martin Kramer: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. In: Middle East Quarterly of the Middle East Forum , Fall 2002.
  22. ↑ Review of Liberal Islam: A Sourcebook by Daniel Pipes . In: Middle East Quarterly , June 1999.
  23. ↑ Martin Kramer: A US Visa for Rachid Ghannouchi? In: Policywatch, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, no. 121, June 29, 1994
  24. ↑ Reiner Wandler: Tunisia's only real people's party. In: the daily newspaper , October 26, 2011.
  25. ^ KP Fabian: Tunisia Stands Out - Analysis. ( Memento of the original from January 9, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. In: EurasiaReview.com , January 1, 2015; Vance Serchuk: Give Democratic Tunisia the US Support it Needs and Deserves. In: The Washington Post , Jan. 2, 2015. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.eurasiareview.com
  26. ↑ PDF of the digitized version
  27. ↑ Cf. al-Ġannūši: al-Ḥurrīyāt al-ʿāmma fī d-daula al-islāmīya . 1993, pp. 37-68.
  28. ↑ Cf. al-Ġannūši: al-Ḥurrīyāt al-ʿāmma fī d-daula al-islāmīya . 1993, p. 39.
  29. ↑ Cf. al-Ġannūši: al-Ḥurrīyāt al-ʿāmma fī d-daula al-islāmīya . 1993, pp. 44-68.
  30. ↑ Cf. al-Ġannūši: al-Ḥurrīyāt al-ʿāmma fī d-daula al-islāmīya . 1993, pp. 75-213.
  31. ↑ Cf. al-Ġannūši: al-Ḥurrīyāt al-ʿāmma fī d-daula al-islāmīya . 1993, p. 97.
  32. ↑ Cf. al-Ġannūši: al-Ḥurrīyāt al-ʿāmma fī d-daula al-islāmīya . 1993, p. 292f.
  33. ↑ A second edition was published in 1993 by al-Maʿhad al-ʿĀlamī li-l-Fikr al-Islāmī, Herndon, Virginia. PDF of the digitized material
  34. ↑ PDF of the digitized version
  35. ↑ Cf. al-Ġannūši: al-Ḥurrīyāt al-ʿāmma fī d-daula al-islāmīya . 1993, pp. 85f.
  36. ^ Azzam S. Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. Oxford University Press, New York 2001, p. 87
  37. ↑ Cf. al-Ġannūši: al-Ḥurrīyāt al-ʿāmma fī d-daula al-islāmīya . 1993, p. 87.
  38. ^ Azzam S. Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. Oxford University Press, New York 2001, p. 78
  39. ^ Azzam S. Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. Oxford University Press, New York 2001, p. 90
  40. ^ Azzam S. Tamimi: Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. Oxford University Press, New York 2001, pp. 83 and 99f.
  41. ↑ Khadija Katja Wöhler-Khalfallah: Islamic Fundamentalism, Islam and Democracy. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, p. 377 and p. 405f.
  42. ↑ globalmbreport.org: Rashid Ghannouchi Identified As Muslim Brotherhood Foreign Leader ( Memento of the original dated November 4, 2010 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. dated October 27, 2009 @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / globalmbreport.org
  43. ↑ Members of the ECFR ( Memento of the original dated August 12, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.e-cfr.org
  44. ↑ Aims of the ECFR ( Memento of the original dated December 14, 2010 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.e-cfr.org
  45. ^ Special Dispatch Arab Liberals Petition the UN to Establish an International Tribunal for the Prosecution of Terrorists. In: MEMRI. The Middle East Media Research Institute , Nov. 8, 2004.
  46. ↑ Review by Martin Kramer. In: Middle East Quarterly of the Middle East Forum , Fall 2002.
personal data
SURNAME al-Ghannouchi, Rached
ALTERNATIVE NAMES al-Ġannūšī, Rāšid; al-Ghannushi, Rashid
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Tunisian opposition activist and leader of the banned Islamic Nahda movement
DATE OF BIRTH June 22, 1941
PLACE OF BIRTH El Hamma