History of the Urartian Empire

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Urarṭu was in the 1st millennium BC. A kingdom in the northeast of Asia Minor, in the border area of ​​today's states Turkey, Armenia and Iran.

Dating

The sequence of the Urartian kings can be reconstructed through the continuous indication of the patronymic and synchronisms with Assyria. Certain names are very common (Rusa, Argišti and Sarduri), in the late period only Rusa and Sarduri were used. Hence the succession of the last kings is controversial.

Surname father Traditional counting Start of government End of government Secure predecessor Secure successor Government years
Rusa Sarduri I. - 713 Sarduri Argisti 22nd
Argisti Rusa II 714/713 680? Rusa Rusa 28
Rusa Argisti II 685 645 or earlier / 653/655 unsure, 650/660 - 53/63/69
Rusa Erimena III ? ? ? ? ?

The exact dating of the Urartian kings is difficult and often only possible through synchronisms with Assyria.

Urartean kings Synchronisms Assyrian kings
Ištar Duri 643 Ashurbanipal (681-669)
Ursa 652 Ashurbanipal (681-669)
Ursa - Assurhaddon (669-627)
- - Sennacherib (704-682)
Ursa - Sargon II (721-705)
Argista 708 Sargon II (721-705)
Sardaurri 743, 735? Tiglath-Pilesar III. (744-727)
Argišti / u - Shalmaneser IV (781-772)
Ušpina Samši-Adad V. year 821 Samši-Adad V (823-811)
Seduri Shalmaneser III, 31st year of reign (832) Shalmaneser III. (858-824)
Aramu Years of government 858, 856, 844 Shalmaneser III. (858-824)

(According to Salvini)

Early Kings (Arzaškun in Nairi)

  • from at least 858 to at least 843 / at most 824 v. BC Aramu , ruler of the city of Arzaškun

Rise to regional power

  • from at least 832–825 BC BC Sarduri I son of Lutipri, in the beginning still regional ruler next to Kakia in the area of ​​Nairi.
  • 825-810 BC Chr. Išpuini
  • 820-810 BC Chr. Išpuini and Minua
  • 810-785 BC BC Minua , son of Išpuini
  • 785-753 BC Chr. Argišti I.
  • 753-735 BC BC Sarduri II , son of Argišti
  • 735-714 BC BC Rusa I.
  • 714-680 BC Chr. Argišti II. , Son of Rusa
  • 680-639 BC Chr. Rusa II. , Son of Argišti, 690–660 after Salvini 2006

End of the Assyrian sources

Aramu

In 858 Shalmaneser III moved. against Kakia, King of Nairi . The name of the Urartian ruler Aramu is also from the annals of Shalmaneser III. known. Aramu may mean "Aramean" is not a proper name. Shalmaneser moved against Aramu in the first (858), third (856) and 15th years of his reign, but could not do much against him. In the annals he tells how he came from Daiaeni (perhaps in the area of Erzurum ), against the royal city (āl šarrūtī-šu) Aramus, Arzaškun. Aramu fled Arzaškun before the power of his weapons on Mount Adduri. Shalmaneser destroyed Arzaškun , as reported on the black obelisk and the Kurba'il statue , and had a relief of himself made on Mount Eritia before moving on to Aramalê, which he destroyed. Turušpa also paid tribute to him. The destruction of Arzaškun is also depicted on the bronze gates of Balawat . The location of Arzaškun is unknown, Burney wants to locate it in the plain between Yoncalı and Patnos , Piotrovsky near Erzurum and Salvini north of the Tigri tunnel (Birkilin Çay), so maybe in the Sophene , or near Musasir . Sugunia is another city mentioned by Shalmanesers, its location is also unknown.

The formation of a centralized Urartian state may have been a response to the increased Assyrian attacks on the previously independent tribes of Urartri. R. Barnett considers the disruption of trade routes caused by the Assyrian expansion to be the decisive factor in Levine's struggle for resources.

Sarduri I.

The first own evidence of such a Urartean state originated around 845 BC. BC when Sarduri I had Akkadian inscriptions placed in the valley of Van . It is believed that the dynasty originally came from the Rawanduz area in Hubuškia . Sarduri built a fortress next to the castle rock of Van, the first known Urartean fortress ever. The northern shore of the lake was conquered.

Išpuini

An inscription by Išpuini comes from Toprakkale near Eleşkirt at the western end of the Ağrı plain . She reports on his campaigns in the north. He then went to the field against the Witeruhi, Luša and Katarza and the land of Etiuḫi . These are usually located north of the Ararat. Another inscription was found in Nakhchivan . It is commonly believed that either Išpuini or his son Menua conquered Hasanlu in Mannai around 810 . Towards the end of the reign of Išpuini, campaigns to the southern and western parts of Lake Urmia take place, which are documented, among other things, by the inscriptions of Taštepe and Karagündüz .

Menua

Menua conquered Malatya and the Ušnu plain and reached the Araxes , where he had a fortress built. According to inscriptions from Yazilitaş and Süngütaşı (Zivin), he went to the field against Diauehe and Erekua, Diauehe was made tributary, but not incorporated into the empire. Inscriptions from Taşburun and Başbulak tell of buildings that the king had built here.

Menua is also credited with building the fortress of Qalatgah . He claims to have crossed the Euphrates in the west . Menua took on the title "King of Kings" (LUGAL e-ri-la-a-ú-e ).

Argišti I.

His son Argišti added the fertile Ararat plain to the empire . Under his rule, Urarṭu advanced furthest north. He led campaigns against Diaueḫe , Luša, Katarza , Etiuḫi and Witeruḫi (inscription from Horhor) and attacked Tariuhi , Biani and Huša . However, Diauehe was not finally subjugated, Sarduri II reports of further campaigns. He led the first campaigns in the area of Lake Sevan . Argišti had Erebuni and Argištihinili built.

Argišti I. waged war against Aššur-nirari V. (754-745). In the years 7-13 of his reign he went against Mannai and captured camels here, among other things.

Sarduri II

Sarduri II led further campaigns in the north, besides against Diaueḫe also against Etiuni , Iga and twice against Qulḫa near Huša , which is sometimes equated with Colchis . He captured cattle, sheep, goats and horses here and abducted numerous prisoners. An iron object is also mentioned. In Diaueḫe he was able to steal gold, silver and copper. Sarduri inscriptions are known from Güzelhisar and Taşköprü , among others . He was entitled "King of Kings" (LUGAL e-ri-la-ú-e ).

Sarduri was a member of the anti-Assyrian coalition in Kummuhi . After Tiglat-Pileser III. had thrown this down in 743, he carried out a punitive campaign to Urartu and looted Turušpa. However, this had no lasting consequences. Towards the end of his reign, Sarduri conquered the southern shore of Lake Sevan , but after his death this territory seems to have been lost again, the northern bank was able to successfully resist Urartian advances.

The Urartian expansion thus falls mainly in the end of the 9th and beginning of the 8th century. In the 8th century, the annual royal campaigns were directed primarily against eastern Anatolia. The kings set out from under the šuri , a ceremonial lance almost 0.8 m in length (previously identified as a sword or a chariot dedicated to Ḫaldi). There are regular reports of captured cattle and prisoners. Zimansky therefore sees these campaigns as raiding raids that served to supply the Urartian core area and provided labor for the construction of the numerous fortresses. Sarduri reported that on a campaign against Eria (near Gyumri ) he had captured 6,436 men and 15,553 young men and deported them to Urartu, a total of 21,989 people, together with 1,613 horses, 115 camels, 16,529 cattle and 37,685 sheep. Rusa I. conquered the Mannean province of Uišdiš (Sargon, letter of God). The deportation policy continued into the time of Rusa II . Among other things, he abducted women from Muški, Ḫatti and Ḫaliu. 735 moved Tiglath-Pilesar III. against Urarṭu and sacked Turušpa , but could not take the citadel.

Rusa I.

Rusa I. conquered the Mannean province of Uišdiš . He led new campaigns in the area of ​​Lake Sevan. His conquests are recorded on the Zovinar rock inscription . 735 moved Tiglat-Pileser III. against Urarṭu and sacked Turušpa, but could not take the citadel. 714 BC BC Urarṭu was the target of the 8th campaign of the Assyrian king Sargon . In his letter from God , he prides himself on having hit Rusa, who then fled and committed suicide. Sargon plundered the Ḫaldi temple in Musasir and made rich booty, but was unable to establish any lasting rule in the area of ​​Lake Van or Lake Urmia. After Sargon's 8th campaign, peace reigned for a long time between Assyria and Urarṭu, not because the latter had been subjugated or permanently damaged, but because both empires had other problems.

Argišti II.

A rock inscription near Kömürhan on the Euphrates and several inscriptions on Lake Sevan originate from Argišti II .

Rusa II

Rusa II , son of Argišti, was the last important Urartian ruler. His exact reign is unknown. The only fixed point is a mention in a prayer of Assurbanipal from 653/652. Rusa boasts in an inscription from the temple in the Rusahinili fortress of the victory over Assur , Targu , Etiuni , perhaps the valley of the Kura , Tabal , Qairanu , Ḫatti , Muški and Siluquini ( Suluqu south of Lake Sevan?), Inhabitants of these countries were after Urartu deposited. Rusa built five new, very large fortresses, some of which replaced older structures. His rule saw profound changes in the Urartian material culture with an increased Assyrian influence.

Around 645 a number of fortresses, including Ayanıs , Bastam , Yukan Anzaf and Çavuştepe, were destroyed, presumably also Karmir Blur , Rusanihili and Toprakkale . The associated settlements, as far as excavated, were peacefully abandoned. This destruction is usually attributed to the Cimmerians , but Çilingiroğlu and Salvini do not rule out an earthquake either. A collapse of the central authority must have devastating consequences for the unstable economic system. It was based on intensive agriculture (especially irrigation agriculture) in the few fertile valleys and the exploitation of the rich metal deposits (iron, copper and silver), but also to a large extent on spoils of war and the constant supply of prisoners as labor. If these failed, the extensive irrigation canals were not kept in good condition and the redistribution system, which was based on extensive storage of food such as grain and dried meat in the citadels (see the animal bones from Bastam), probably went back to a nomadic population The way of life above, subjugated or allied tribes split off and the literary bureaucracy was deprived of its livelihood.

Bernbeck sees the end of Urartus, however, as local rebellions against the centralized state under Rusa II.

Late rulers

With the end of the Assyrian Empire in 614, the most important source for the chronology of Urarṭu ends. The last ruler of Urarṭu known from Assyrian inscriptions was Ištar-Duri in 643. Assurbanipal prides itself in 643 on having received the submission of Rusa, king of Urartu.

The so-called prince seals by Igor M. Diakonov , found in Kamir-Blur, Bastam, Toprakkale and Ayanıs, bear the image of a sacred tree between two genii (apkallu) and often an inscription that reads as A.NIN- li , son of Queen, was read. The following prince seals are known:

owner Transcription Location
m Ru-sa-ai m Ru-sa-he Rusa, son of Rusa Kamir Blur
m Ru-sa- [ai m ] d Sar 5 -du- [ ri -] hi Rusa, son of Sarduri Bastam
md Sar 5 -du-hi [ ? ] d Sar 5 -du- [ri] -hi Sar (duri), son of Sardu (ri) Bastam, Kamir-Blur
md Sar 5 -du-ri m Ru-sa Sarduri son of Rusa Bastam
m ] E- [ r ] i.me-n [ an ] é ? Erimema Karmir blur

These men were interpreted as members of the royal family in high positions or as crown princes.

On the basis of a seal from Ayanıs, Hellwag's inscription is now read as A.ZUM- lis or a-su-lis and interpreted as the seal of a high official who was perhaps responsible for the irrigation or the lock opening ceremony (from the reign of Argišti II. And Rusa II. Evidenced) on behalf of Ḫaldi, Teišeba and Sivini. The names, however, are typical of the ruling house and mostly not proven otherwise.

A Rusa, son of Erimena is also proven by inscriptions from Arin-Berd and Argištihinili. His father's name is never documented as that of a ruler, which has led some authors to see him as a usurper. The seal of the Erimena but was provided with a winged horse, as well as the seal of some A.ZUM- li , the Hellwag indicated as a high official at the court of Rusa II.. Ultimately, it is only documented for Rusa, son of Rusa and Rusa, son of Erimena that they carried the title of king ( e-ri / LUGAL- li ). Their sequence is the subject of numerous treatises, but ultimately cannot be clearly defined.

On the basis of Gövelek's stele , Altan Çilingiroğlu proposed a different order of the kings.

Traditional sequence Çilingiroğlu 2008
Rusa Sarduriḫi (I) Rusa Sarduriḫi (I)
Argišti Rusaḫi (II) Argišti Rusaḫi (II)
Rusa Argištiḫi [II] Rusa Erimenáḫi (III)
Decline Rusa Argištiḫi (II)
Rusa Erimenáḫi (III) Decline

The end of Urartu

It is believed that Urarṭu was the target of Cimmerian and Scythian invasions on several occasions . In the fire strata of Bastam , which, however, was already in the middle of the 7th century BC. As well as from Tušpa (Toprakkale), Teišebai (Karmir Blur) and Argištihinili , three-winged bronze arrowheads and Scythian horse harness were found. It is commonly believed that Medes and Transcaucasian tribes were also involved in these conquests . The arrowheads from Karmir Blur, laid down in bundles, come from a consecration depot in the fortress, so they can hardly be seen as an indication of the ethnic identity of their conquerors. Snaffle gag made of bone that ends in a strongly stylized bird of prey head were found in Kaplantu , Kamir Blur, Çavuştepe, Hasanlu IIIB and Nuš-i Jan in western Iran. They are typical of the Kelermes stage of the early 7th century.

Piotrovski puts the end of Urartu 590 or 585, mainly on the basis of Jer 51,27  LUT Jeremiah 51:27, in which Ararat (Urartu) goes to field next to Minni and Ashkenaz (usually interpreted as Scythians ) against Babylon ; however, its interpretation is largely rejected; most researchers assume that the empire came to an end as early as the 6th century.

Overall, more accurate data are needed for a final judgment on the end of Urarṭu.

With the end of the empire, the Urarṭean language also disappeared. As Xenophon and the Ten Thousand 401/400 BC As they marched through the area in BC, Armenians, Karduchoi , Chaldaoi and Taochoi lived here under Persian rule. Xenophon does not mention any of the Urartian fortresses. The Armenian historian Moses von Choren then ascribes the inscriptions and buildings on the castle hill of Van to the mythical queen Ara Semiramis , the kingdom of Urarṭu is obviously completely forgotten.

Babylonian campaigns

History of the Urartian Empire (Urartu)
Nisibis
Nisibis
Tur Abdin
Tur Abdin
Arrapcha
Arrapcha
Erbil
Erbil
Mardin
Mardin
Kešilin Pass
Kešilin Pass
Campaign stations on the way to Urartu

In the years 609 BC BC to 607 BC The Babylonian king Nabopolassar led annual campaigns to Urarṭu. The campaign reports provided historians with valuable information about routes that were already used by the Assyrians.

Campaigns to Urarṭu took place via Arrapha , Erbil , Nisibis , Mardin and Tur Abdin . Campaign speeds provide exact additional information:

“In the month of Ellul in the year 608 BC The troops gathered and crossed the Tigris . The train into the mountains of Urarṭu took place via Bit Hannuni . Cities and buildings were burned and the population killed. It took six double lessons from Ura to Kirski . In the month of Tebet the return to Babylon took place. "

- Nabopolassar: Robert Rollinger

The so far mostly for the year 547 BC. The Lydia campaign of the Persian king Cyrus II , which was scheduled for the 4th century BC, was based on the assumption that the reading Lu-u- [d-di] by Sydney Smith from 1924 was correct. However, doubts arose about this translation. The Assyriologists Grayson and Hinz did not exclude Su and Zu as the first syllables and moved the campaign to Palmyra . In 1977 J. Cargill came to the conclusion that a reading as Lydia was unlikely and that Cyrus continued until the years 543/542 BC. Was busy with campaigns in the Medischen core area. Ran Zadok doubted Sydney Smith's reading in 1985, as Lydien's usual spelling was Lu-u-du .

Investigations in the years 1996 to 2004 resulted in a reconstruction of the damaged fragment as Itu guana KUR U- [raš-tu il-li] k , whereby the name Uraštu is the cuneiform short form of Urarṭu and the conjectures of J. Cargill and R. Zadok have thus been confirmed.

History of the Urartian Empire (Urartu)
Carchemish
Carchemish
Lydian border
Lydian border
Mari
Mari
Tubal border
Tubal border
Campaign stations to Lydia

“In the month of Nisanu , Cyrus, king of Parsu, gathered his troops and crossed the Tigris below Erbil . In the month of Ajaru he marched to Urartu, defeated the king there and stationed his troops in a fortress. "

- Nabonaid Chronicle: Robert Rollinger

Detailed evaluations of the campaigns show that the Euphrates - Route for activities in the regions of Tubal , near Lydia, always Carchemish led. The military campaign in 547 BC However, Cyrus II led Erbil-Tur Abdin along the usual Urarṭu route, as Nabonaid mentioned the Erbil station.

Achaemenids

547 BC The area of ​​Urarṭu was incorporated into the Achaemenid Empire. Urarṭu was at least until 521 BC. BC, when Darius I put down several uprisings here, an independent province.

See also

literature

  • Reinard Bernbeck: Political Structure and Ideology in Urartu . Archaeological reports from Iran and Turan 35/36, 267–312.
  • S. Kroll: Urartus downfall in a different perspective . Istanbul Communications 34, 1984, 151–170.
  • Paul Zimansky: Xenophon and the Urartian Legacy . In: P. Briant: Dans les pas de Dix-Mille . Pallas 43, 1995, 255-268.

Individual evidence

  1. Miroj Salvini: Some considerations on Van Kalesi. In: Altan Çilingiroğlu / G. Darbyshire (Ed.): Anatolian Iron Ages 5th Proceedings of the 5th Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium Van, 6. – 10. August 2001. British Institute of Archeology at Ankara Monograph 3 (Ankara 2005) 154
  2. M. Salvini: History and Culture of the Urartians : 1995, 26
  3. JV Kinnier Wilson: The Kurba'il Statue of Shalmaneser III. Iraq 14, 1962, 90-105
  4. ^ CA Burney: A first season of excavations at the Urartian citadel of Kayalıdere . Anatolian Studies 16, 1966, 60
  5. M. Salvini: History and culture of the Urartians : 1995, map 2
  6. Tuğba Tanyeri-Erdemir: Agency, innovation, change, continuity: considering the agency of Rusa II in the production of the imperial art and architecture of Urartu in the 7th Century BC : S. 268
  7. Ruben S. Badalyan et al .: The emergence of sociopolitical complexity in Southern Caucasia . In: Adam T. Smith, Karen S. Runinson (Eds.): Archeology in the borderlands. Investigations in Caucasia and beyond . Monograph 47, Cotsen Institute of Archeology, UCLA, 147
  8. ^ RD Barnett, Ancient oriental influences on archaic Greece. In: S. Weinberg, The Aegean and the Near East (FS Hetty Goldman), Locust valley 1956, 212-238
  9. ^ Levine: East-West trade in the late Iron Age: a view from the Zagros . In: Le plateau Iranien et l'Asie centrale . Paris 1976, 171-186
  10. ^ A b Paul E. Zimansky: Archaeological inquiries into ethno-linguistic diversity in Urartu . In: Robert Drews (Ed.): Greater Anatolia and the Indo-Hittite Language family . (Washington: Institute for the Study of Man, 2001), 18
  11. ^ CA Burney: A first season of excavations at the Urartian citadel of Kayalıdere . Anatolian Studies 16, 1966, 61
  12. Г.А. Меликишвили, Урартские клинообразные надписи. Москва: Издательство АН СССР, 1960, 23
  13. Г.А. Меликишвили, Урартские клинообразные надписи. Москва: Издательство АН СССР, 1960, 20–22
  14. ^ Kemalettin Köroğlu: The Northern Border of the Urartian Kingdom . In: Altan Çilingiroğlu, G. Darbyshire (Ed.): Anatolian Iron Ages 5 . Proceedings of the 5th Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium Van, 6. – 10. August 2001. British Institute of Archeology at Ankara Monograph 3 (Ankara 2005) 99
  15. ^ Dyson and Muscarella 1989
  16. Miroslav Salvini: The Influence of the Urartu Empire on the Political Conditions on the Iranian Plateau . In: Ricardo Eichmann, Hermann Parzinger (Hrsg.): Migration und Kulturtransfer . (Bonn 2001) 349
  17. a b Kemalettin Köroğlu, The Northern Border of the Urartian Kingdom. In: Altan Çilingiroğlu / G. Darbyshire (Ed.), Anatolian Iron Ages 5, Proceedings of the 5th Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium Van, 6-10. August 2001. British Institute of Archeology at Ankara Monograph 3 (Ankara 2005) 101
  18. GA Melikišvili, Urartskie klinoobraznye nadpisi, Moscow 1960, 30
  19. ^ A b Charles Burney, Urarṭu and Iran: Some problems and answers. In: Altan Çilingiroğlu / DH French (ed.), Anatolian Iron Ages 3, British Institute of Archeology at Ankara Monograph 3 (Ankara 1994) 32
  20. Г.А. Меликишвили, Урартские клинообразные надписи. Москва: Издательство АН СССР, 1960, 127
  21. Raffaele Biscione, Pre-Urartina and Urartian settlement patterns in the Caucasus, two case studies, The Urmia Plain, Iran and the Sevan Basin, Armenia. In: Adam T. Smith, Karen S. Rubinson (Eds.), Archeology in the Borderlands, 177
  22. Kemalettin Köroğlu, The Northern Border of the Urartian Kingdom. In: Altan Çilingiroğlu / G. Darbyshire (Ed.), Anatolian Iron Ages 5, Proceedings of the 5th Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium Van, 6-10. August 2001. British Institute of Archeology at Ankara Monograph 3 (Ankara 2005) 105
  23. IM Diakonoff , S., M. Kashkai, Répertoire Géographique des textes cuneiformes. 9. Geographical names according to Urartian texts (Wiesbaden 1981)
  24. Kemalettin Köroğlu, The Northern Border of the Urartian Kingdom. In: Altan Çilingiroğlu / G. Darbyshire (Ed.), Anatolian Iron Ages 5, Proceedings of the 5th Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium Van, 6-10. August 2001. British Institute of Archeology at Ankara Monograph 3 (Ankara 2005) 102
  25. Raffaele Biscione: Pre-Urartina and Urartian settlement patterns in the Caucasus, two case studies, The Urmia Plain, Iran and the Sevan Basin, Armenia . In: Adam T. Smith, Karen S. Rubinson (Eds.): Archeology in the Borderlands . 177
  26. Altan Çilingiroğlu, Mirjo Salvini: When was the Castle of Ayanıs built and what Is the meaning of the word 'Šuri'? Anatolian Iron Ages 4, Proceedings of the Fourth Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium held at Mersin, 19-23 May 1997. Anatolian Studies 49, 1999, 55-60
  27. Miroj Salvini: History and Culture of the Urartians. Darmstadt 1995, 108
  28. ^ WG Lambert: Shalmaneser in Ararat. Anatolian Studies 11, 1961, pp. 143-158
  29. Sargon, Epistle of God
  30. Raffaele Biscione: Pre-Urartian and Urartian settlement patterns in the Caucasus, two case studies, The Urmia Plain, Iran and the Sevan Basin, Armenia . In: Adam T. Smith, Karen S. Rubinson (Eds.): Archeology in the Borderlands . 177
  31. ^ WG Lambert: Shalmaneser in Ararat. Anatolian Studies 11, 1961, pp. 143-158
  32. Thureau-Dangin 1912
  33. ^ Julian Reade: Campaigning around Musasir. In: A. Cilingiroğlu, DH French (Ed.): Anatolian Iron Ages 3. Ankara 1994, p. 186
  34. ^ Paul E. Zimansky: Archaeological inquiries into ethno-linguistic diversity in Urartu . In: Robert Drews (Ed.): Greater Anatolia and the Indo-Hittite Language family . (Washington: Institute for the Study of Man, 2001), 22
  35. Tuğba Tanyeri-Erdemir: Agency, innovation, change, continuity: considering the agency of Rusa II in the production of the imperial art and architecture of Urartu in the 7th Century BC. . Pp. 264-281
  36. Altan Çilingiroğlu, Miroslav Salvini: When was the castle of Ayanıs built and what is the meaning of the word 'Šuri'? Anatolian Iron Ages 4, Proceedings of the Fourth Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium held at Mersin, 19-23 May 1997. Anatolian Studies 49, 1999, 56
  37. Reinhard Bernbeck , Political Structure and Ideology in Urartu. Archaeological communications from Iran and Turan 35/36, 304
  38. Miroj Salvini: Some considerations on Van Kalesi. In: Altan Çilingiroğlu / G. Darbyshire (Ed.), Anatolian Iron Ages 5, Proceedings of the 5th Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium Van, 6-10. August 2001. British Institute of Archeology at Ankara Monograph 3 (Ankara 2005) 154; Adam T. Smith: The Making of an Urartian Landscape in Southern Transcaucasia: A Study of political Architectonics. American Journal of Archeology 103/1, 1999, 48
  39. Thompson / Mallowan 1933, 95
  40. According to Ursula Hellwag, A.ZUM- li versus A.NIN- li : some thought on the owner of the so-called Prinzensiegel at Rusa II's court. In: Altan Çilingiroğlu / G. Darbyshire (Ed.), Anatolian Iron Ages 5, Proceedings of the 5th Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium Van, 6.-10. August 2001. British Institute of Archeology at Ankara Monograph 3 (Ankara 2005) 93
  41. Ursula Hellwag, A.ZUM- li versus A.NIN- li : some thought on the owner of the so-called Prinzensiegel at Rusa II's court. In: Altan Çilingiroğlu / G. Darbyshire (Ed.), Anatolian Iron Ages 5, Proceedings of the 5th Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium Van, 6.-10. August 2001. British Institute of Archeology at Ankara Monograph 3 (Ankara 2005) pp. 91-98
  42. Transcription and translation under archive link ( Memento of the original from June 21, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / annals.xlegio.ru
  43. Altan çilingiroğlu, Rusa son of Argishti: Rusa II or Rusa III? Ancient Near Eastern Studies (A re-assessment of Iron Ages Chronology in Anatolia and neighboring regions), ANES 45, 2008
  44. ^ I. Askold: The archaeological traces of the Cimmerians in the Middle East and the problem of the pre- and early Kythischen cultures . In: Ricardo Eichmann, Hermann Parzinger (Hrsg.): Migration und Kulturtransfer . Bonn 2001, 332
  45. ^ Adam T. Smith: The Making of an Urartian Landscape in Southern Transcaucasia: A Study of Political Architectonics . American Journal of Archeology 103/1, 1999, 50
  46. ^ Paul Zimansky: Xenophon and the Urartian Legacy . In: P. Briant: Dans les pas de Dix-Mille . Pallas 43, 1995, 255-268
  47. Miroj Salvini: Some considerations on Van Kalesi . In: Altan Çilingiroğlu, G. Darbyshire (Ed.): Anatolian Iron Ages 5, Proceedings of the 5th Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium Van, 6. – 10. August 2001. British Institute of Archeology at Ankara Monograph 3 (Ankara 2005) 145-155
  48. A double lesson is roughly 9 to 10 kilometers; six double hours result in a distance of around 54–60 kilometers
  49. ^ A b Robert Rollinger: The Median Empire, the End of Urartu and Cyrus the Great Campaigne 547 BC. Chr. In Nabonaid Chronicle II 16 in: Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Ancient Cultural Relations between Iran and West-Asia , Teheran 2004, pp. 5-6.
  50. J. Cargill: The Nabonidus Chronicle and the Fall of Lydia in: American Journal of Ancient History 2 , 1977, pp 97-116
  51. This reading forms the new basis for all future evaluations in Robert Rollinger: The Median Empire, the End of Urartu and Cyrus the Great Campaigne 547 BC. Chr. In Nabonaid Chronicle II 16 in: Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Ancient Cultural Relations between Iran and West-Asia , Teheran 2004, pp. 5-6.