Mani (founder of religion)

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Mani ( Persian مانی Māni , Greek Μάνης Mánēs or Μανιχαῖος Manichaíos [from Syriac Mānī ḥayyā , the living Mani '], Latin Manes or Manichaeus ; * April 14, 216 in Mardīnū in the area of Seleukia- Ktesiphon southeast of today's Baghdad ; † February 14, 276 or February 26, 277 in Gundischapur ) was the founder of the Manichaeism religion named after him .

Mani lived in the Persian Sasanid Empire and grew up in a community of Christian Anabaptists . As an adult he separated from the Anabaptists in order to proclaim his own doctrine , which was strongly influenced by Gnostic ideas, of the absolute dualism between good and bad, light and darkness. In doing so, he referred to divine revelations , to which he owed his knowledge. He saw himself as the perfecter of the older religions Christianity, Zoroastrianism and Buddhism , the founders of which he believed to be his forerunners. He organized his religious community hierarchically, following the example of the Christian church. Initially, his missionary work was promoted by Persian kings, and Manichaeism spread over large areas. Eventually, however, Mani succumbed to a conflict with the Zoroastrian priesthood, was arrested and died in prison. This made him a martyr for his followers.

swell

The sources fall into two groups: non-Manichaean writings, in which there is often violent polemic against Mani and his teachings, and Manichaean writings, which describe his life in legendary fashion. Although Mani left works that were of fundamental importance to the Manichaeans and therefore found widespread use, no original Manichaean scripts were known until the 20th century. In the early modern period and in the 19th century only anti-Manichaean sources were available, from which at least individual quotations from Manichaean literature could be taken. The Manichaean literature was partly already extinguished in antiquity , partly in the Middle Ages , as Manichaeism was suppressed or superseded by other religions in all areas in which it had spread. It was not until the 20th century that a large number of Manichaean manuscripts were discovered, although some of them are only fragments in poor condition. A part of these manuscripts that had not yet been evaluated was lost again after the end of the Second World War.

While the opposing writings largely paint a polemically distorted picture of Mani, the Manichaean books, which were intended for edifying or liturgical purposes, can only be used as biographical sources to a limited extent due to their legendary character.

Important non-Manichean sources are:

  • the large Arabic literature catalog kitāb al-Fihrist of the Shiite scholar Ibn an-Nadīm , written in Baghdad in 988 . His information, like reports by later Arabic-speaking authors, is based on a lost account of the Manichaean Abū ʿĪsā al-Warrāq, who lived in the 9th century.
  • the work "The Remaining Monuments of Past Generations" (also known as "Chronology"), which the Persian scholar al-Bīrūnī wrote in the year 1000.
  • the Acta Archelai of the church father Hegemonius from the 4th century. This pamphlet against Manichaeism is completely preserved only in a Latin translation from the Greek. She tells of two disputes between Mani and the Christian bishop Archelaos. The author tries to give the impression of authenticity, but in reality the disputations are fictitious. The content of the Acta Archelai is largely literary fiction, but some biographical information was taken from a Manichean source. The Acta Archelai have greatly influenced Christian anti-Manichean literature; they are the basis of all accounts of Mani's life by Greek-speaking authors.

Among the Manichaean sources we can highlight:

Fragment of the late antique biography of Mani in the Cologne Mani Codex
  • the fragments of the oldest Manichaean literature that originate from the Turfan oasis in east Turkestan . They were discovered between 1902 and 1914 by researchers from the Berlin Ethnographic Museum . The Turfan texts are partly written in Iranian languages ( Parthian , Middle Persian and Sogdian ), partly in Uighur .
  • Manichaean texts in Chinese that were found in Dunhuang at the beginning of the 20th century . The “Pelliot fragment” is particularly important for Mani's biography.
  • Texts from Manichaean manuscripts in Coptic found in Medinet Madi in Egypt and published between 1933 and 1940. They date from the late 3rd and 4th centuries and are valuable in Mani's life due to their temporal proximity to the events described. Manichaean sermons belong to this literature; it contains, among other things, a detailed description of the circumstances that led to Mani's death.
  • the “ Kölner Mani-Kodex ”, a Greek parchment manuscript from Egypt, which was only discovered in the Cologne papyrus collection in the late 1960s. It contains a late antique biography of Mani under the title “About Becoming His Body”, which is compiled from older representations ; it transmits mani's autobiographical statements and is based on reports from his disciples. Thanks to this first-rate source, the information from the sources previously evaluated could be corrected and supplemented.

Life

origin

Mani's parents on a 14th or 15th century Chinese silk roll in the Asian Art Museum , San Francisco

Mani's father was called Patēg; his name is given differently in the sources and in the research literature (Patek, Pattek, Patig, Patyg, Greek Pattíkios ). Ibn an-Nadim reports that Pateg's home was Hamadan (the old Persian royal residence Ekbatana ). Later he lived in Ctesiphon. Pateg's father was "Abū Barzām" and the family belonged to the "Ḥaskāniyya" family. This is likely to be a misrepresentation of "Askāniyya", the Arabic form of the Persian name of the Arsacids . Accordingly, the statement says that Mani's ancestors on his father's side descended from the Parthian royal family of the Arsacids, who were still ruling at the time of Mani's birth, but were ousted a few years later (224). This identification of the traditional gender name is considered plausible in research, since information from a Chinese source points in the same direction. Different names are given for Mani's mother in the sources; her actual name was Maryam. She belonged to the noble Armenian family of the Kamsarakan, who were of Arsakid origin. Thus Mani's royal descent can be assumed at least from the maternal side. Manichean claims that Mani was the son of a king and was born in the royal palace have a historical core, despite legendary decoration.

According to the Manichean tradition on which Ibn an-Nadim relies, Pateg used to visit a temple in Ctesiphon. Which deity was worshiped there is not disclosed. When his wife was pregnant with mani, a divine voice told him repeatedly in the temple not to eat meat, drink wine and refrain from sexual intercourse. He had been instructed by the voice to join an ascetic religious community. Then he joined the “Muġtasila” (“Those who wash themselves”). It was about the Elkesaiten , a strong missionary Christian Anabaptist group. The term “washing” does not primarily allude to a baptismal rite, but to regular ritual washings.

Childhood and youth

Mani's birth on a 14th century Chinese silk painting in the Kyushu National Museum , Dazaifu

As Mani's birthday, a Chinese source reports April 14, 216. His birthplace Mardīnū, about which nothing else is known, was a village in the Kutha area (today Tell Ibrahim, about 40–50 km from Ctesiphon). According to credible tradition, Mani suffered from a disability; he had an overgrown leg or a crippled foot. The name Mani was common; the name form Manichaios or Manichaeus , to which the term "Manichäer" goes back, is derived from the Syrian mānī ẖayyā ("Mani the living one"). Mani's mother tongue was Aramaic .

At first Mani lived with his mother in the area of ​​Ctesiphon, while his father Pateg no longer stayed there. Apparently Pateg had left his wife before the birth of his son to follow his religious calling. The Elkesaite community to which he belonged lived on the lower reaches of the Tigris in the area of ​​the plain of Maisan . When Manis was four years old, Pateg brought his son to live with him and allowed him to join his religious community. Mani spent the next two decades in this milieu. According to tradition, two visions that he received at the age of twelve and twenty-four were decisive for his further life. His “companion” and “inseparable twin” (Aramaic tōmā ), an angel-like being that he regarded as his other self, appeared to him. The first appearance of the twin after the completion of the twelfth year of life can be interpreted as an adjustment to the life of Jesus , since Jesus is said to have appeared in the temple at the age of twelve. In the first vision, the twin announced that Mani would in future appear publicly as a religious teacher and preach a different teaching than that of the Elkesaiten. He should abstain from impure and desires. In the second vision, the twin explained that the "Lord" had sent him and commissioned him to tell Mani that the time had now come to "proclaim the good news of the truth [...] aloud". From then on, Mani was convinced that the twin always accompanied, protected and guided him. He claimed that the twin's teachings gave him his knowledge of his "Father on high", of divine secrets, and of his own being and his mission. He made the revelations received in this way the basis of the Manichaean religion.

Beginning of the mission

Trusting in his source of revelation, Mani openly distanced himself from some of the beliefs and customs of the Elkesaiten. In particular, he rejected their baptism and ablutions as well as a food ritual, since purity could not be achieved this way. In addition, in contrast to the Elkesaiten, he considered the apostle Paul to be an authentic preacher of religious truth. Although he found some followers in the community, he also met with sharp rejection. Because of the resulting tension, a meeting was called, to which he justified himself. He tried to show that his view corresponded to the true meaning of the Elkesaite tradition. However, his statements met with little approval; on the contrary, they caused an uproar and the opponents were violent. He was only left off at the request of his father. Then he left the religious community. Legend has it that he was desperate after this failure, but found solace in the promise of his spiritual “twin” that he would be successful worldwide. Two young Elkesaiten and his father joined him. So he found his first disciples.

Now Mani's independent proclamation began. First he went to Ctesiphon in the spring of 240, then turned northeast and proclaimed his message in Mesopotamia , Media and Armenia , whereupon he returned to southern Mesopotamia. Finally, he undertook a mission trip to India by sea, probably because he wanted to leave the sphere of influence of Ardashir I , the founder of the Sasanian Empire, who was not well-disposed to him. In India he made the acquaintance of Buddhism. He returned after Ardashir's death.

Missionary work with royal support

When Mani returned from India, the Persian Empire was ruled by the new Great King Shapur I. Mani managed to gain the support of a brother of the great king named Pērōz. Pērōz introduced him to the ruler; he brokered the first meeting, which took place in the spring of 242. Mani stayed at court for a long time. Shapur stayed with his ancestral Zoroastrian religion, but he not only allowed Mani to serve in his entire empire, but even supported him by issuing letters of protection. With that, Shapur contributed to the rapid and wide expansion of Manichaeism. His successor, Hormizd I. , continued to favor Mani. However, Hormizd only ruled briefly; with his death the agreement of the Sasanids with Mani ended.

Conflict, Captivity, and Death

When Hormizd's brother Bahram I took over rule after the death of Hormizd , there was a change of course in religious policy. The new great king stood in sharp contrast to Manichaeism, since he considered the world-contempt associated with Mani's beyond-related thinking to be fatal. Al-Biruni narrates a saying from Bahram: “This man (Mani) set out to destroy the world. Therefore it is necessary that we begin with the destruction of himself before he gets something of what he intends. ”First of all, the great king hindered Mani's missionary activity by forbidding him to travel to the eastern part of Khorasan . The founder of the religion then went to Ctesiphon. During this time he was supported by his student Baat, a distinguished Persian whom he had converted to his faith. Baat may have been a local or regional ruler. The king was angry at Baat's departure from Zoroastrianism. Another circumstance that upset him was a failed attempt by Mani to heal a person belonging to the dynasty - presumably a sister of the ruler. Bahram not only saw a destructive movement in Manichaeism, but also saw the sense of mission of his subject Mani, who invoked a divine mandate, as a challenge to royal power. The Zoroastrian priesthood, who opposed Manichaeism as a competing religion, strengthened him in this attitude. The high priest ("magician") Kartir (Kerdīr, Karder) played a central role in this , and together with a colleague he brought charges against Mani. Kartir wanted to secure the status of a state religion for Zoroastrianism. He was an opponent of all other religions and tried to prevent their spread. Later, under Bahram II , the son and successor of Bahram I, Kartir initiated a systematic persecution of the religious communities that he saw as undesirable.

At Kartir's instigation, Mani and Baat were summoned by Bahram I. to “Belabad” (Bēṯ Lapaṭ, Gundischapur ) in Chusistan . Both set out, but in the end Baat did not dare to appear before the ruler, and so Mani stepped before him without his companion. An interpreter Mani had brought with him was used for the interrogation; Apparently, Mani's knowledge of Middle Persian was insufficient, although he had written a book in that language. In the course of the confrontation, there was a heated exchange of words. According to the Manichaean tradition, the king accused the founder of the religion of being a useless person who proved himself neither in war nor in the hunt and could not even achieve anything in his own field, the healing arts. He dared to introduce new ideas that had never occurred before in the existence of kingship. When Mani then referred to the revelations that had come to him, Bahram asked him why God granted such revelations to him and not to the king, who was lord of the whole land. In vain Mani pointed out his earlier services to the royal family.

After this argument, Bahram had the founder of the religion thrown into prison. According to Manichaean tradition, the prisoner died after 26 days in prison. Since he was chained in prison and the privations caused his death, the Manichaeans spoke of a "crucifixion", which they drew a parallel to the death of Christ. However, it was not an execution, and the prisoner was able to receive visits from fellow believers in the dungeon and give instructions for the future. Al-Biruni reports that Mani's body was thrown on the street and beheaded. A desecration of the body is also recorded in Ibn an-Nadim, in the Acta Archelai and in Manichaean sources.

The date of Mani's death is unclear and has long been debated. Information from the Manichean side results in either February 14, 276 or February 26, 277. In research on Manichaeism, the later point in time is preferred, it is considered more plausible. This assumption collides with research results on the chronology of the Persian kings, according to which Bahram I died in 276.

Works

Mani created his religion as a scriptural religion from the start . He considered it a fatal mistake that his predecessors, Buddha , Zarathustra and Jesus, did not write books, but limited themselves to oral instruction of their disciples. Because of this failure, their teachings have been lost or falsified, so that errors have prevailed. Since he wanted to avoid this mistake, he made it very important to put his teaching into writing himself. Therefore, he wrote seven works in his Aramaic mother tongue, which were considered holy scriptures in the Manichaean communities: "The Living Gospel", "The Treasure of Life", "Pragmateia", "The Book of Mysteries", "The Book of Giants" , "Letters" and a collection of psalms and prayers. He emphasized the uniqueness of these books. They were translated into the languages ​​of the peoples with whom the Manicheans evangelized. Despite the widespread use of Manichaeism in West, Central and East Asia, North Africa and Europe, only fragments of the seven scriptures have survived. In addition, Mani made a picture book, because the vivid artistic representation of his message was very important to him. The picture book called Ārdahang in Middle Persian brought Mani his reputation as a painter in the later Persian tradition. In general, the Manicheans valued the art of writing and book illumination extremely; they were known for their beautiful handwriting, the religious books were decorated with magnificent miniatures and ornaments.

A work by Mani that was not counted among the canon of the Manichaean sacred texts was the Šābuhragān , a missionary script intended for King Shapur I in Middle Persian. It has been lost except for fragments, but these are more extensive than the small remains of the canonical scriptures.

Teaching and religious community

Manichaeism was a syncretic (combining different traditions) religion. Mani recognized older religions (Christianity, Zoroastrianism, Buddhism) as authentic proclamations of divine truth; he saw himself as the continuer and finisher of their mission. He called himself the apostle of Christ. By far the most important part of Manichean thought came from Gnosis ; therefore Manichaeism is regarded as a special form of Gnosticism in religious studies. Ideas of Christian Gnosis are combined in Mani's theology and cosmology with ideas of Iranian origin. One of the central tasks of research on Manichaeism is to determine the extent of these influences as precisely as possible and how they are mixed. The details are controversial in research.

The core of Manichaeism is Mani's myth of the origin of the world and of humanity and the incessant struggle for human salvation. According to Mani's teaching, this struggle has lasted since the beginning of human history and will only end with the future end of the world. A main characteristic of the Manichaean worldview is the consequent dualism. Mani assumes that good and bad , light and darkness represent absolute opposites that have always existed. The two realms of good and evil face each other as irreconcilable adversaries and are in constant battle. So the bad is not the mere absence or insufficient presence of the good. Nor is it subordinate to the good within the framework of a uniform world order; it is not created, willed or allowed by God. Rather, evil has an independent existence that is independent of God and that does not correspond to divine will. God as “the father of greatness” is king in the kingdom of light, while in the kingdom of evil the aggressive king of darkness rules. The realm of darkness is shaped by the essence of matter (Greek hýlē ).

Mani's teaching on the creation and salvation of the world is complex . The starting point for the creation of the cosmos was an attempt by the king of darkness to forcibly appropriate the kingdom of light. Although the kingdom of light is basically peaceful, its divine ruler accepted the challenge and battle broke out. Despite the use of belligerent metaphors in Manichaean texts, this struggle is not to be understood as a war, since the use of force is alien to the kingdom of light; rather, the conflict takes place through the mere contact of the two contrary principles. The “father of greatness” let the female “great spirit” emerge as the “mother of life”; the two formed a couple that produced "First Man" as his son. The First Man, together with the light elements (air, wind, light, water and fire), took up the fight against darkness by going into it voluntarily and thereby surrendering himself to it. Outwardly, this led to an apparent first victory of the dark power, which had the consequence that the light elements were swallowed up by the darkness. So it came to the mixing of light and darkness. Opponents of Manichaeism interpreted this as a failure of the good principle. From the Manichaean point of view, however, it is a necessary phase in the implementation of a comprehensive plan of God, whose eventual success cannot be doubted. From the beginning it was God's will that the conflict be fought in the opposing realm, so that the darkness is decisively weakened.

The First Man was released from captivity and returned home. Since the light elements were overwhelmed, the course of the conflict has been shaped by the efforts of the kingdom of light to free the prisoners. For this purpose the cosmos was created; it is supposed to give the light elements held in the darkness an opportunity to purify themselves so that their bond with the area of ​​the opposing principle can be ended. The forces of darkness present in the cosmos oppose this. The world in which people live is the scene of the ongoing struggle, the past and future of which the Manichaean sources describe in detail. The dispute will end in the future with a final victory of the good side, with the result that the kingdom of light will gain permanent security from further attacks of darkness. However, not all prisoners of evil will be able to be freed; some of them who have failed will be left behind in the dark. With this notion of permanent damnation, Manichaeism ties in with the Christian concept of eternal punishment in hell.

The task of the Manichaean believer was to actively participate in the struggle on the side of the light power, with which he prepared himself for his hoped-for redemption. To this end he had to purify himself of all the desires that bound him to the world of darkness. This included, in particular, sexual desire. Hence the Manichaean elite practiced celibacy .

Even during Mani's lifetime, his teaching spread not only rapidly in the Persian Empire, but was also preached by missionaries in the east of the Roman Empire . Since Manichaeism found numerous followers in North Africa in late antiquity , also reached southern Europe and in the early Middle Ages penetrated via Central Asia to southern China, one can speak of a world religion . The religious community was structured hierarchically and was centrally directed by a head (Greek archēgós ). As it was organizationally based on the model of the Christian church, it is referred to in research as the “Manichean Church”. Twelve teachers were subordinate to the head (imitation of the twelve number of the apostles of Jesus), 72 bishops to the teachers and 360 presbyters to the bishops . These officials formed the uppermost part of the Manichaean elite, the "elect" (Latin electi ). The chosen ones were not employed and did not get married; they submitted to a stricter discipline than the ordinary parishioners called "listeners" (Latin auditores ).

The existence of Mani illustrated textbook ( Ārdahang ), as documented in eighteen different text sources (illustration of geographical distribution and data)

reception

Ancient and Middle Ages

Various legends were told in the anti-Manichaean polemics of Christian tradition. It has been claimed that Mani was sold into slavery as a child. The author of the Acta Archelai writes that the real originator of the Manichaean doctrine was a certain Scythianus, who imparted it to his pupil Terebinthos in Egypt. Terebinthos recorded the teaching in four books with which he went to Babylonia . He gave himself the name Budda and claimed that he was born of a virgin. Because he practiced sorcery, he was killed by an angel at the command of God. His writings then passed into the possession of an old widow who was his follower. She bought a seven-year-old slave named Corbicius, whom she later released and made her sole heir. When she died, Corbicius came into possession of the books of Terebinthos at the age of twelve. He then went to the Persian capital. There he translated the books, added his own ideas and then passed them off as his works. He appeared under the name of Manes.

Later Christian authors, both Greek and Syrian-speaking, adopted this legend and spread it in various flavors. The medieval church writer Theodor bar Konai claimed that “those who clean themselves” (the Elkesaiten) bought Mani as slaves.

After the Acta Archelai , Mani escaped from the dungeon of the Persian king by bribing the jailer. The jailer was then executed. Then the alleged disputes between Mani and the bishop Archelaos took place, in which Mani was defeated. Mani was later arrested again and executed on the king's orders.

In medieval Arabic and Persian literature ( Nezāmi , Ibn Nubata ), fictitious stories are told about Mani, where he appears as a magician. Arab authors noted the desecration in particular. Among other things, a story circulated among them according to which the king ordered the skinning of the living prisoner or his corpse.

In Manichaean writings from a Buddhist milieu, which are among the Turfan texts, Mani is equated with the Buddha Maitreya , whose arrival as a world teacher is predicted by a Buddhist tradition.

Early modern age

In his Dictionnaire historique et critique (1697) , the early enlightener Pierre Bayle devoted an extensive article to Manichaeism , in which he also used Christian sources to discuss Mani's biography. Bayle found that the ancient religious founder had inadequately justified his teaching and represented serious errors in individual points. The starting point of his thinking is so philosophically solid that a system based on it can hardly be refuted if it is defended by a trained debater. One could not get over the Manichaean dualism with reasons of reason, rather one had to resort to the Christian belief in revelation in order to reject it. This assessment made Bayle suspect of sympathizing with Mani's worldview. He had to defend himself against this.

Gottfried Arnold dealt with Manichaeism in detail in 1699 in his impartial church and heretic history . He examined the sources, tried to provide a factual presentation and pointed out the untrustworthiness of the Christian polemicists, whose accusations were confused. Mani must be credited with being serious about his things . The loss of his writings is to be regretted, because only from them the truth about him and his teaching can be found.

The Huguenot religious historian Isaac de Beausobre 1734–1739 gave a comprehensive, pioneering overall presentation in his two-volume Histoire critique de Manichée et du Manichéisme . Beausobre found the Syrian, Persian, and Arabic sources more trustworthy than the Greek and Latin ones. He tried to partially rehabilitate Mani's ideas from a Protestant, anti-Catholic perspective.

Modern

Ancient and religious studies research

The Protestant church historian August Neander (1826) described Mani as a bold man who wanted to reform Christianity and Zoroastrianism at the same time. With a fiery and profound spirit and a lively imagination he had combined a wide variety of knowledge and skills. In his worldview he mixed the physical with the ethical and religious and made natural philosophy the basis of belief and ethics. With this mixture he had "overfilled religion with many things that were quite strange to it and alienated it from its true practical nature".

Modern research received a decisive impetus from Ferdinand Christian Baur , who published his treatise The Manichean Religious System in 1831 . Baur emphasized that the Manicheans should not be viewed as a Christian sect, but as an independent religious community. On the basis of the then still narrow source base, he gave the impetus to intensive research efforts, which continue to this day, to classify the history of religion. Like Neander, Baur thought he recognized a materialistic tendency in Mani's thinking, a mixture of the material and the spiritual. However, one should not give this tendency too much preponderance, because Mani has tried again and again to defend himself against materialism.

The Protestant church historian Adolf von Harnack (1888) judged that Mani had created a materialistic and inhumane system. He connected ancient mythology with a rugged, materialistic dualism, a very simple cult and strict morality. The combination of these elements made his success possible. He had abolished the sensual cult of the Semitic natural religions and replaced it with a spiritual worship service. So he was able to “satisfy the new needs of an old world” and create a new world religion.

philosophy

Ernst Bloch was of the opinion that Mani had wanted to renew the original Zoroastrianism, but it was too late for that "due to the fortress-like formation of the state church" by the Persian priestly caste, so he failed. His dualism is Persian. It is therefore wrong to interpret it primarily as a continuation of a Babylonian or Christian tradition. The unique thing about Mani's demeanor is that with it a Gnostic became a prophet for the first and last time in history. The Manichean world negation is close to the Buddhist one, but differs from it in that “Mani's asceticism is not just an individual, but also a cosmic one; it is a part of the cosmic end process ”.

psychology

Carl Gustav Jung said that the legendary tradition of Mani's life shows the figure of a hero who also has the attributes of his father. Jung's interpretation reveals the hero's unity with the father here. The hero represents the unconscious self of man, which empirically proves to be the sum and the epitome of all archetypes . Jung also placed Mani's work as an artist and the tradition of his crippled foot that goes with it in this archetypal context.

Editions and translations of sources

  • Alexander Böhlig : The Gnosis: The Manichaeism. Revised reprint of the 1980 edition. Artemis & Winkler, Munich et al. 1995, ISBN 3-7608-1107-8 (compilation of source texts in translation with introduction and explanations)
  • Johann Wolfgang Ernst: The story of the dying of Mani, transferred from the Coptic and reconstructed . Geering, Basel 1941
  • Manfred Hutter (Ed.): Mani's cosmogonic Šābuhragān texts. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1992, ISBN 3-447-03227-8 (edition and commentary)
  • Ludwig Koenen , Cornelia Römer (Ed.): The Cologne Mani Codex. About the becoming of his body. Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen 1988, ISBN 3-531-09924-8 (critical edition with translation)
  • Ludwig Koenen, Cornelia Römer: Mani. On the trail of a lost religion. Herder, Freiburg im Breisgau et al. 1993, ISBN 3-451-23090-9 (translation of the Cologne Mani Codex with introduction)
  • David N. MacKenzie (Ed.): Mani's Šābuhragān. In: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. Volume 42, 1979, pp. 500–534 (critical edition with English translation)
  • Werner Sundermann : Middle Iranian Manichaean texts with church-historical content. Akademie-Verlag, Berlin 1981 (critical edition and translation of numerous texts dealing with Mani's life and death).

literature

Overview representations

Overall presentations and investigations

  • Iain Gardner : The Founder of Manichaeism. Rethinking the Life of Mani. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2020.
  • Manfred Hutter : Mani and the Sasanids. The Iranian-Gnostic syncretism of a world religion (= Scientia 12). Institute for Linguistics at the University of Innsbruck, Innsbruck 1988.
  • Reinhold Merkelbach : Mani and his religious system. Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen 1986, ISBN 3-531-07281-1 .
  • Ludewijk Josephus Rudolf Location: Mani. A religio-historical description of his personality. Brill, Leiden 1967.
  • Michel Tardieu: Le manichéisme. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris 1981, ISBN 2-13-036999-5 , pp. 3-71
  • Jürgen Tubach: Mani's youth . In: Ancient Society 24, 1993, pp. 119-138.
  • Geo Widengren : Mani as a personality. In: Geo Widengren (Ed.): The Manichaeism. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 1977, ISBN 3-534-04116-X , pp. 487-497.

reception

  • Julien Ries : Les études manichéennes des controverses de la Réforme aux découvertes du XX e siècle. Center d'Histoire des Religions, Louvain-la-Neuve 1988.

Web links

Remarks

  1. ^ Henri-Charles Puech : Le manichéisme , Paris 1949, p. 36; Jürgen Tubach: Mani's youth . In: Ancient Society 24, 1993, pp. 119-138, here: 135.
  2. Ludewijk Josephus Rudolf Place: Mani. A religio-historical description of his personality , Leiden 1967, pp. 195-199.
  3. ^ Henri-Charles Puech: Le manichéisme , Paris 1949, p. 36; Ludewijk Josephus Rudolf Location: Mani. A religio-historical description of his personality , Leiden 1967, pp. 195 f., 204 f.
  4. Jürgen Tubach: Mani's youth . In: Ancient Society 24, 1993, pp. 119–138, here: p. 135 and note 53 with a compilation of the older literature; the credibility of the information about Maryam's ancestry has been disputed by some researchers.
  5. Ibn an-Nadim's report is reproduced in translation by Alexander Böhlig: Die Gnosis: Der Manichäismus , Munich 1995, p. 75 f. On the question of whether the designation of the group as Elkesaiten is objectively justified, see Ludwig Koenen, Cornelia Römer (ed.): Der Kölner Mani-Kodex. On the becoming of his body , Opladen 1988, p. XVIII and note 12.
  6. See Werner Sundermann: Studies on the Church History Literature of the Iranian Manichaeans III . In: Altorientalische Forschungen 14, 1987, pp. 41–107, here: p. 75 and note 241.
  7. For information on the sources about the place of birth see Jürgen Tubach: Manis Jugend . In: Ancient Society 24, 1993, pp. 119-138, here: 125-131.
  8. For his appearance see Abraham V. Williams Jackson: The person of Mānīs, the founder of Manichaeism . In: Geo Widengren (Ed.): Der Manichäismus , Darmstadt 1977, pp. 479–486, here: 483–486; see. Henri-Charles Puech: Le manichéisme , Paris 1949, p. 35.
  9. See Reinhold Merkelbach: The Anabaptists with whom Mani grew up. In: Peter Bryder (Ed.): Manichaean Studies. Proceedings of the First International Conference on Manichaeism , Lund 1988, pp. 105-133.
  10. Alexander Böhlig: Manichaeism . In: Theologische Realenzyklopädie , Vol. 22, Berlin 1992, pp. 25–45, here: 28. On the alignment of Mani's life story with that of Jesus see also Werner Sundermann: Studies on the Church History Literature of the Iranian Manicheans III . In: Altorientalische Forschungen 14, 1987, pp. 41-107, here: 45-47.
  11. Ibn an-Nadim's report, translated by Alexander Böhlig: Die Gnosis: Der Manichäismus , Munich 1995, p. 76.
  12. On this member of the royal family see Werner Sundermann: Studies on the Church History Literature of the Iranian Manichaeans III . In: Altorientalische Forschungen 14, 1987, pp. 41-107, here: 57-60.
  13. For the dating see Albert Henrichs , Ludwig Koenen: Der Kölner Mani-Kodex (P. Colon. Inv. No. 4780) . In: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 48, 1982, pp. 1–59, here: 4 f.
  14. On the letters of protection see Werner Sundermann: Studies on the Church History Literature of the Iranian Manicheans III . In: Altorientalische Forschungen 14, 1987, pp. 41-107, here: 80 f.
  15. ^ Translation by Alexander Böhlig: Die Gnosis: Der Manichäismus , Munich 1995, p. 26.
  16. Werner Sundermann: Studies on the Church History Literature of the Iranian Manichaeans III . In: Altorientalische Forschungen 14, 1987, pp. 41-107, here: 90.
  17. On Kartir's role see Klaus Schippmann : Grundzüge der Geschichte des Sasanidischen Reiches , Darmstadt 1990, pp. 27, 92–95; Touraj Daryaee: Sasanian Persia , London 2009, pp. 10 f., 74-81; Werner Sundermann: Studies on the Church History Literature of the Iranian Manicheans III . In: Altorientalische Forschungen 14, 1987, pp. 41-107, here: 56.
  18. See also Manfred Hutter: Mani and the Sasaniden , Innsbruck 1988, p. 29; Desmond Durkin Master Serious: Did Mani Invent Manichaean Script? In: Ronald E. Emmerick u. a. (Ed.): Studia Manichaica , Berlin 2000, pp. 161–178, here: 166 f .; see. Ludewijk Josephus Rudolf Location: Mani. A religio-historical description of his personality , Leiden 1967, p. 147.
  19. See Werner Sundermann: Studies on the Church History Literature of the Iranian Manichaeans III . In: Ancient Near Eastern Research. Volume 14, 1987, pp. 41-107, here: p. 91; Henri-Charles Puech: Le manichéisme. Paris 1949, p. 54.
  20. See also Ursula Weber: Wahrām I. In: Prosopographie des Sasanidenreiches , p. 26 and note 69, p. 43 and note 156 ( online ; PDF; 1.4 MB) with a compilation of older literature. Cf. Henri-Charles Puech: Le manichéisme , Paris 1949, p. 52 f .; Alexander Böhlig: Manichaeism . In: Theologische Realenzyklopädie , Vol. 22, Berlin 1992, pp. 25-45, here: 30; Werner Sundermann: Studies on the Church History Literature of the Iranian Manicheans III . In: Altorientalische Forschungen 14, 1987, pp. 41-107, here: 51-53.
  21. Jürgen Tubach: Mani, the bibliophile religious founder . In: Ronald E. Emmerick u. a. (Ed.): Studia Manichaica , Berlin 2000, pp. 622–638, here: 624–626.
  22. See Jason David BeDuhn : The Leap of the Soul in Manichaeism . In: Aloïs van Tongerloo, Luigi Cirillo (eds.): Il manicheismo. Nuove prospettive della ricerca , Turnhout 2005, pp. 9-26.
  23. See on the Christian legend Jürgen Tubach: Manis Jugend . In: Ancient Society 24, 1993, pp. 119-138, here: 133 f .; Otakar Klíma: Manis Time and Life , Prague 1962, pp. 223-231.
  24. Details in Otakar Klíma: Manis Time and Life , Prague 1962, p. 258 f.
  25. Otakar Klíma: Manis Time and Life , Prague 1962, p. 241 f.
  26. ^ Gottfried Arnold: Imparteiische Kirchen- und Ketzer-Historie , Volume I.1.2, Hildesheim 1967 (reprint of the Frankfurt 1729 edition), p. 134.
  27. Gottfried Arnold: Imparteiische Kirchen- und Ketzer-Historie , Volume I.1.2, Hildesheim 1967 (reprint of the Frankfurt 1729 edition), pp. 129–135.
  28. Isaac de Beausobre: Histoire critique de Manichée et du Manichéisme , Volume 1, New York / London 1984 (reprint of the Amsterdam 1734 edition). See the introduction by the modern editor Robert D. Richardson S. V f.
  29. August Neander: General History of the Christian Religion and Church , Volume 1, Department 2, Hamburg 1826, pp. 820, 831.
  30. Ferdinand Christian Baur: The Manichean Religious System , Tübingen 1831, pp. 488–491.
  31. ^ Adolf Harnack: Textbook of the history of dogmas , Volume 1, 2nd, improved edition, Freiburg 1888, pp. 743, 749.
  32. Ernst Bloch: The principle of hope . In five parts. Chapter 38–55 , Frankfurt am Main 1959, pp. 1468–1471.
  33. ^ Carl Gustav Jung: Symbols of Change. (= Collected Works. Volume 5), 2nd edition. Olten 1977, p. 426.