Oberstift Munster

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The Oberstift was the southern part of the Münster prince-bishopric.

The Oberstift Münster was the southern part of the Duchy of Münster, together with the Niederstift it formed the Hochstift Münster with the bishopric in Münster. The Oberstift is the origin of today's region of the Münsterland . Its borders, from the Lippe to the Ems , therefore roughly describe the extent of the Oberstift. It was consolidated as a territorial unit in the 13th century by the Münster prince-bishops by founding various cities.

Oberstift Münster: Requirements in Westphalia

In addition to the imperial city of Dortmund , the only one in Westphalia , there was only a royal court in Paderborn . Münster and the Münsterland were, with a few personal exceptions such as Bishop Hermann II von Katzenelnbogen , remote from kings, German kings mostly moved on the Hellweg and past the eastern Münsterland to the north. In the 12th century the emperor Lothar III. dioceses still firmly under the Saxon duke association (Münster was subjugated in 1121) on the edge of Henry the Lion's sphere of influence . In general, they were neglected in their development because, unlike in the East Westphalian and Wendish areas, cities were not founded and the country was not opened up: "The city policy of Henry the Lion [...] obviously only acts as a brake in Westphalia against an independent city policy of the aspiring, but princes and smaller dynasts kept under his belt. ”After its fall in 1180, Westphalia 'flourished' with a high number of towns and cities up to around 1350.

Territorial formation and urban policy

The Bishop of Münster used the antagonisms between the lion and the Archbishop of Cologne more skillfully than his colleagues in Osnabrück , Minden or Paderborn to develop their own territorial rule. The first important step was the transfer of the legal title of the Counts of Cappenberg , the “then probably most powerful Westphalian counts north of the Lippe”, after they founded the first Premonstratensian monastery east of the Rhine in 1122 and joined it. "The bishop concentrated in his hand legal titles with a density between Lippe and Osning", judges Heinz Stoob , "as it was only comparatively seldom achieved so early in other regions of the high medieval empire."

The second important step was the victory over the Count of Tecklenburg in 1173, who had previously held the umbrella bailiff over the city and the monastery of Münster. This laid the foundations for the formation of rulers and the consolidation of the territory in the coming duchy of Münster. With the acquisition of the Ravensberg lordship of Vechta-Fresenburg in 1252, which was to form the basis of the Niederstift Münster, the bishop became master of the Hochstift Münster, which stretched from the Lippe to Friesland .

Especially in the Oberstift Münster, the southern part of the Hochstift Münster, which is congruent with the Münsterland, territorial conflicts arise between the rising territorial lords. Conflicts broke out between new sovereigns as well as between them and rulers with older claims, such as the Archbishop of Cologne . The Metropolitan tried after the fall of Henry the Lion , the duke throughout Westphalia exercise and bring from southern Westphalia about Soest also Münsterland into his power. It was also true for the rulers of Cologne that their territory was by no means a unified and consolidated area. It was only at the Lippe Line that Hermann II von Katzenelnbogen brought his Metropolitan from Cologne to a military halt. After that there were repeated conflicts between the Cologne bishop and the Münster bishop, but also cooperation, for example in Vreden , where Otto II and Konrad von Hochstaden built a new town in 1252 and the lay judges had to take their oaths. But Cologne could not establish itself in the Münsterland in the long run.

The first planned city foundation without a previous settlement in Westphalia was Lippstadt after 1168. The noble lords of the Lippe were the only secular lords with the Counts of the Mark who, alongside the clergy lords in Cologne , Münster , Osnabrück and Paderborn , were lords in the long run could enforce larger territories. Of the approximately 120 families of counts and lords in Westphalia around 1150, the above 6 formed the great territorial lords in the 14th century, most of the others disappeared completely or sank to the rank of "small counties". In addition to economic and politico-military strategies, a conscious urban policy has also contributed to the consolidation of the power of the rulers.

The most important bishops in our context were Hermann II von Katzenelnbogen (1173–1203) and Ludolf von Holte (1226–1247). Both appeared more strongly than their predecessors and successors as 'urban developers' and it can be said of both that they pursue their own 'urban policy' within a territorial conception aimed at intensifying their own rule. Hermann II played a major role in the expansion of territorial rule in the bishopric and, like few of his predecessors and successors, knew how to secure it through urban development (in addition to various castles and monasteries, especially Coesfeld and Warendorf ). He was in close contact with Bernhard II. Zur Lippe and will have taken an example from his city-founding policy: "Lippstadt's shape, constitution and economy are understood as part of a territorial concept that Bernhard II and his sons Hermann II and Bernhard, Bishop of Paderborn, has been developed and implemented, a model that was spread over large parts of Westphalia and Lower Saxony in adaptation to the respective stately, natural and cultural requirements. "The town formation of Coesfeld, Warendorf, fell into the reign of Hermann II. Bocholt , Ahlen and Beckum .

Ludolf von Holte was supportive for Telgte and Dülmen . He was also able to continue the formation of rule by submitting other masters and by promoting cities under his jurisdiction. The conquest of Wolbeck by him and the expansion of the place to the episcopal official seat also show that the sovereigns in their official seats had an increasingly difficult position against the emancipating citizens of the city - this applies to Münster as well as to Paderborn, Osnabrück and Minden, where the bishops moved their seats from the city to the suburbs. Wolbeck is an example of the type of a minor town or, better, a settlement according to Weichbildrecht, which enabled him to achieve a certain economic development without, however, gaining too much urban autonomy, which could have had an effect against the sovereign. According to this concept, the Münster rulers granted soft image rights to many settlements in the 13th and 14th centuries in order to intensify their rule.

Geological-geographical conditions

Map of the Münsterland in North Rhine-Westphalia

The Münsterland forms the core area of ​​the Westphalian lowland bay. It is bounded in the east by the mountainous landscape of the Teutoburg Forest, to which the lower Weserbergland adjoins to the northeast. In the south-east the Paderborn plateau and in the south the Lippe and the adjacent Hellwegbörden form the natural borders. To the west and north, the Münsterland opens up to the Lower Rhine lowlands, the Netherlands and the Dümmer Geest lowlands that point towards Friesland. It is divided into three areas: the West, the Core and the East Munsterland. The Lippe and the Ems are the two larger, partly navigable rivers, both of which find their sources in the southeastern Münsterland and then meander through the country to the west and northwest. There are also smaller rivers that cannot be navigated: the Werse, which crosses the Kernmünsterland to the north from the Lippe, and the Berkel, which rises in Billerbeck in the Baumberge and flows into the IJssel . The Baumberge, Bocholter and Beckumer Berge (all three at about 180 meters above sea level) are the only elevations in the area. The sandstone, which is exported high into the Baltic Sea region, comes from the mountains of trees and can be found, for example, on the portal sculptures of the Riga Cathedral, carved by sculptors from Münster.

The Kernmünsterland lies roughly in the hollow between the Baum and Beckumer mountains, which are of max. 186 m or 175 m down to 60 m. The soil consists largely of loam or is a clay soil that only lets the high rainfall in the region through to a small extent. Combined with a high base saturation of the soil, this results in good conditions for arable farming. The landscape is determined by forest, pasture and arable land. These were ideal conditions for a migration of cattle from Friesland, known since the early Middle Ages, to the markets of the Rhine, which could graze well in the Münsterland and helped to shape the passage character of the area.

In Ostmünsterland, which is located between the layer ridges of the Osning and the Paderborn high plateau, the soil is more sandy than in the Kernmünsterland. This is due to the painting. The landscape is characterized by forest areas and many smaller rivers that flow into the Ems and which can sometimes lead to the formation of bogs.

The lowlands of the Westmünsterland, especially on the Lippe, are silted up; to the west it is characterized by a heather landscape, as it is also found in Holland. Due to the opening to the west, this area is exposed to maritime climatic conditions and increased rainfall, which also leads to the formation of bog in the lowlands. Balanced temperatures, good moisture conditions and a fertile peat soil allow a long vegetation period of 235 days on average and thus more grassland management than in the core and east Munsterland.

This is the name given to the natural conditions under which a civilization with roads, trade, cities and Christian missionary work slowly developed. The Münsterland consists of three different landscapes, all of which are particularly characterized by agriculture. With the exception of linen and sandstone, there are only a few 'raw materials' that could have established an export trade. The relatively flat landscape allows easy crossing of the country, and meadows allow herds to graze on the way to the Rhine.

Transport networks

Based on the geological conditions, the traffic routes in Westphalia and Münsterland also developed. Characteristic for the Münsterland is the lack of a central efficient waterway, so that primarily land routes were used for the movement of goods. The transport was mainly carried out on land, but the partly navigable rivers such as the Lippe, the Ems and the Berkel were also used for the transport of goods. A network of periodic markets in trade with the Frisians was created along the Ems, especially in the Niederstift Münster. The long-distance trade routes made the Münsterland a typical transit country for economic transport. The road layout was conditioned by the differences in height of the ground and by natural fords. The cities developed along natural junctions and only determined the course of the traffic routes after they had become cities and the administrative, military and economic interrelationships were firmly anchored.

When looking at the emergence of the Westphalian cities, some essential points emerge with the cities before 1180: The city as a civil parish developed in an already existing suburban core, which was either a bishopric (Minden, Münster, Osnabrück and Paderborn) or a royal court (Dortmund ) was. The city's development was driven by its location on long-distance trade routes. The maps drawn up by Hans-Claus Poeschel confirm Carl Haase's statement that "long-distance trade [...] was the decisive driving force behind the development." There was one restriction for Münster: initially the Mimgernaford settlement was only on one important long-distance trade route, the one further to the east Warantharpa (Warendorf) would have been better suited as a bishopric because it was in a more convenient location on the Emsfurt and on the way from Soest to Osnabrück.

The Münsterland was passed by important long-distance trade routes, which, after the founding of Lübeck in 1159 and the economic development of the Baltic Sea area by German merchants from Westphalia and the Rhineland, became of central importance for goods traffic, especially from the Rhine to the north:

  • In the south it was touched by the Hellweg, which went from the Rhine / Duisburg via Dortmund, Soest and Paderborn to the northeast, but which had no direct economic impact on the Münsterland.
  • A trunk road (Rheinische Strasse) ran from the Rhine / Cologne via Dortmund, Münster and Osnabrück, and went further north to Bremen, Hamburg and Lübeck.
  • Road to and from Holland and Flanders, mainly from Munster to Deventer, and then on to Bruges and Antwerp.
  • A street going from Friesland and Groningen via Münster into the Rhineland (Friesische Strasse).

The Münsterland region was criss-crossed by a network of long-distance trade routes with varying levels of traffic, serving on the one hand the south-north direction and on the other the west-east direction. It was a transit country for goods traffic from the Rhine to the Baltic Sea area and from there to Flanders and Holland and back. The city alliances of the 13th and 14th centuries to protect against attacks and, above all, to secure trade routes show the central importance of roads for the country's economic development.

Legal entanglements

Louise von Winterfeld names three families of municipal rights in Westphalia according to their upper courts: Dortmund, Soester and Münster law. These rights were developed from older rights such as Saxon and Cologne law with influences from Bremen and Mainz, but offered enough independence to be able to speak of a separate legal family. For Münster law, it identifies particular influences of northern French law. The completion of the development of city law in all three cities is likely to have been reached in the 12th century at the latest, as is shown by city law transfers from the end of the 12th century of Münster law, which it counts as the youngest of the three, for example in Coesfeld 1197. She writes about the Münster municipal legal area: “Among the three Westphalian courts of law, it appears as the most uniform and least structured spatial structure.” Little structured here means that in the Münster legal area only very weak partial courts developed. Münster was more interested in enforcing a central arbitration body than Dortmund or Soest. Only Coesfeld was able to develop a relatively strong partial upper courtyard in the Up'm Braem district, followed by Warendorf for the Up'm Drein district, which, however, lagged behind Coesfeld for a long time “in terms of independence and earlier commercial importance”. The legal circle of Münster largely coincided with the political circle of the later prince-bishopric, especially with the Oberstift Münster. "A certain binding of the municipal legal circle to the territory", writes Carl Haase, "is particularly evident in the Münsterland, an example more of the strangely purposeful urban policy of the bishops of Münster."

Westphalian law differed from (Franconian) Cologne law through the strong influence of Saxon legal customs and the development of independent rights such as the Vem, the inheritance and the soft image law, which was later to be found in the East Elbe region and in Magdeburg law but differed from the Westphalian. The fact that a city developed into an Oberhof can be seen, if it has not already been expressly mentioned in a document, for example on the consultation trains from the daughter city to the mother city, whose opinion had to be obtained in cases of doubt. An appeal against a decision could also be lodged with the mother city become - "go to head" as it was called. The enforcement of a uniform legal area with a central arbitration body was also beneficial for the economic ties within the territory, as it offered legal security with various bodies for trade. Uniform rights also meant a certain protection for traffic routes, but this was of course limited to the area of ​​the legal family and did not provide a sufficient basis for long-distance trade. In the 12th century, these alliances to secure each other and to secure the long-distance trade routes through rural peace and city alliances such as the Ladbergen City Association of the cities of Osnabrück, Münster, Minden, Herford and Coesfeld in 1246 or 1253 the Werner Bund between Dortmund, Soest, Münster and Osnabrück expanded. Peter Johanek showed how the interests of the trading citizens were united with those of the city and territorial lords in securing trade peace and how the safeguarding of rule by securing trade was carried out. "This vigorously perceived escort policy," he writes, "secured the Bishop of Munster an outstanding key position in the transport network of north-west Germany."

Soft image

Economic considerations also played a role in the case of soft image law . In 1960 Karl Kroeschell presented an analysis of the legal concept of soft image law. The significance of this instrument, which is important for the intensification of rule, will only be briefly explained here. It is documented for the first time in 1178 in Münsterland, when Bishop Hermann II gave parts of its soil to the Überwasser Abbey in accordance with the law of soft images. In principle, this process was similar in most places: The bishop gave parts of his own land in the vicinity of already existing settlements in smaller plots to the population so that they could settle there, work and bequeath the land. Certain urban rights were associated with the soft picture, such as “right of immigration, self-administration and market”, but the citizens remained in certain obligations to the city rulers such as army equipment and straight lines. The citizens were also obliged to promote the development of the country through the cultivation of the soil, as well as the supply of the surrounding area and the cities through animal and forestry. The urban was integrated with the rural economy in a softened area: it was marked by four peace stakes and was thus subject to a territorially determined economic concept. The soft image law offered farmers who were previously subject to land law certain urban freedoms, but did not allow an independent political class to develop. The decisive impetus through this concept lay with the sovereign and not with the citizens.

It was used since the end of the 12th century to develop localities into town-like settlements and then into cities and thus served the opening up, consolidation, economic development and politico-military security of the territory. Bocholt receives wicbelede 1201, Beckum 1231, Telgte 1238 and Ahlen 1246. For the citizens, the elevation of their settlement to a soft image or Wigbold had a positive economic effect and the ruler was able to consolidate his position: "The naming of these few cities indicates that that the individual civil parishes could achieve an improvement in their position in the constitutional reality, yes, with regard to the urban economy, like almost all Westphalian medium-sized, small and minor towns, were networked with the Hanseatic long-distance connections. But it is precisely the early completion of the formation of rule in the Münster area that confirms the usefulness of the concept. ”Wigbolde were an instrument for creating economic ties and for consolidating rule and territory.

Economic ties - Hanseatic relationships

The long-distance trade routes provide the framework for the economic ties between the Münsterland and Europe. The central position of Münster and its economic relations, which led to the whole of Europe as early as the 12th century, is decisive. Merchants from Münster found themselves in the Skåne trade as well as in the Bergen office in Bryggen , in Novgorod, Smolensk and London. Especially the western Münsterland with Coesfeld operated an independent trade with Flanders and Holland, especially with Deventer.

Overall, the Münsterland was to be seen as a transit country for the transport of goods, which has developed little independent trade with products for export trade. The main export item was canvas, but sandstone from the tree mountains was also exported mainly to the Baltic Sea area - iron ore was mined and traded in a few places in the south, but this trade remained even more marginal. Most of the economic life took place in local transport, in the food, livestock and forest industries. The main supporters of the local trade were peasant traders who tilled the fields and were partly active in the cloth and leather trade, as well as selling their products on regional markets. A separate middle class of merchants could only be found in a few cities such as Münster and Coesfeld, i.e. cities of long-distance trade. The need for local exchange in the smaller towns and settlements was mainly carried out by farmers, who were supplemented in the Münsterland by the so-called Kiepenkerle, traveling traders. At this point it is not possible to provide an overview of the economic relationships inside and outside the Münsterland, but rather an attempt is made to show the main directions of trade.

The Westphalian long-distance trade was characterized by the aforementioned transit situation and the traveling trade, its relationships with other cities, especially in the Baltic Sea area, were shaped by the large number of people who emigrated from Westphalia to this area. Many of the citizens came from Westphalia and the Münsterland (for example the de Warendorp in Lübeck) and also some of the founding families counted by Fritz Rörig (the de Bocholt and de Coesfeld) and the merchants who later became active in trade who went to the cities via Lübeck came along the Baltic coast. The family ties in the Münsterland were an important basis of trade in the merchant's trade.

The Münsterland consisted of two Hanseatic quarters that were built on two older Saxon districts, the Up'm Drein ( Dreingau ) and Up'm Braem (Braemgau) quarters. They were part of the later Westphalian Quarter on the Hanseatic Days, which was then added to the Cologne third. In the 13th century, little can be read about the Hanseatic relations, at that time it was primarily based on direct contact with merchants and was less established than from the middle of the 14th century when the Städtehanse was structured. Up until the 15th century, Münster was in third place in Westphalia after Dortmund and Soest in terms of trade. Merchants from Münsterland were represented in the offices of Wisby-Novgorod by Soester and Dortmunder Aldersleuten, as well as in Antwerp until the 14th century. Especially in Livonia and here in the cities of Riga, Dorpat and Reval, merchants from Münsterland were able to achieve an important position alongside the Soesters, as the “Münsteraner Stube” in Riga shows. In the Smolensk Trade Treaty of 1229, u. a. Contractual partners from the cities of Dortmund, Soest and Münster are named, which shows the extensive economic ties that existed in the 13th century, including the merchants from Münsterland. In the London Kontor Stalhof , where Cologne was the strongest city, the Westphalians were able to establish themselves as the second third under the leadership of Dortmund. The main export items were linen, beer and grain, the main intermediate trade was with wine from the Rhineland to the west and with English wool and Flemish cloth to the Baltic States.

The internal trade in the Münster monastery was promoted on the one hand by the freedom from customs duties for citizens of Münster and on the other hand by the establishment of four annual fairs, each lasting 5 days, in Münster as a central market, for which the sword was hung on the town hall to mark the special market rights .

As already mentioned, the western Münsterland, the Braemquartier, assumed a special position within the Münsterland, because the cities around Coesfeld opened up to strong trade with Holland and Flanders and especially with the city of Deventer . In Bocholt, for example, on the Bocholter Aa that flows into Holland, the Deventer Pfennig was used as a means of payment. There were six in this urban district, which in the 13th and 14th centuries included the cities of Coesfeld, Borken and Bocholt (city formation until 1240), Vreden, Haltern, Horstmar and Lüdinghausen (until 1290), Burgsteinfurt, Ramsdorf and Dülmen (until 1350) Cities later Hanseatic cities: Bocholt, Borken, Dülmen, Haltern and Vreden organized themselves into the Hanseatic League of Cities under the Coesfeld district. An important exchange of goods led from Coesfeld along the Berkel over the IJssel to Deventer, which was consolidated in a contract in 1293. The opening to the Dutch area to the north-west, especially through the use of the Berkel and the IJssel, is one of the “few Westphalian proprietary trading routes” that extended to the IJssel ports and then across the North Sea to England, Norway and the Baltic region. In addition to forest and agricultural products, the goods traded included canvas, which was named in a privilege granted by the Danish King Abel in 1251 to drivers from the surrounding area . The cultivation of flax and hemp in the Münsterland has been known since the 9th century. In addition to this "export trade", cloth and wine from the Rhineland were also traded in western Münsterland.

The center of the upper monastery is the episcopal city of Münster , whose territorial and municipal development as the mother city was a peculiarity in the upper monastery and was shown separately. The bishops of the prince-bishopric used the instrument of founding the city to consolidate the territory in the 13th century. These cities and soft areas included a. Coesfeld , Warendorf and Ahlen .

See also

swell

  • Contributions to the history of the constitution and the dismemberment of the upper monastery of Münster: especially in relation to jurisdiction conditions; together with a map of the Münster administrative district . Coppenrath, Münster 1848 ( digitized version ).
  • Hanseatic document book , ed. from the Association for Hanseatic History. Duncker & Humblot, Munich 1876-1916, cit. as a HUB.
  • Documents on the history of urban development in Central and Lower Germany up to 1350 , publ. Heinz Stoob, Bohlau, Cologne 1985 (= urban research , vol. C1).
  • Westphalian document book , v. a. Vol. III The documents of the diocese of Münster from 1201-1300. Regensberg, Münster 1871 (continuation of Erhard's Regestae Historiae Westfaliae ), cited above. as WfUB.

literature

  • Manfred Balzer: The development of the city - developments and changes from the 9th to the 12th century. In Jakobi 1993, pp. 53-90.
  • Hans Heinrich Blotevogel: Westphalia as part of the German city system. In: Westfälische Forschungen , Vol. 33/1983, pp. 1–28 (= communications from the Provincial Institute for Westphalian Regional and Folklore Studies of the Westphalia-Lippe Regional Association).
  • Dietrich Dennecke: The geographical concept of the city and the spatial-functional approach to settlement types with central importance when applied to historical settlement epochs. In: Herbert Jankuhn, Walter Schlesinger and Heiko Steuer (eds.): Pre- and early forms of the European city in the Middle Ages. Report on a symposium in Rheinhausen near Göttingen from April 18 to 24, 1972, Part I, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1975, pp. 33-55.
  • Wilfried Ehbrecht: City rights and historical landscape in Westphalia. In: Der Raum Westfalen , Vol. 6, 2nd edition. Aschendorff, Münster 1987, pp. 27-60.
  • Wilfried Ehbrecht, Brigitte Schröder, Heinz Stoob (eds.): Bibliography on German historical urban research , part 2, Bohlau, Cologne 1996, there the most detailed and further literature on the subject.
  • Edith Ennen : The European city of the Middle Ages. Goettingen 1987.
  • Carl Haase : Concept of the city and layers of urban development in Westphalia. In: Ders .: The city of the Middle Ages , Volume I. Concept, origin and expansion. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 1969, pp. 60-94 (= ways of research, vol. CCXLIII, new edition of an article from 1958).
  • Carl Haase: The emergence of the Westphalian cities. Aschendorff, Münster 1968 (= publications of the Provinzialinstitut für Westfälische Landes- und Volkskunde, series I, issue 11).
  • Albert K. Hömberg : Topography and settlement studies. Observations and considerations of a historian on the problem of place name studies. In: Westfälische Forschungen , Vol. 8/1955, pp. 24-64 (= communications of the Provincial Institute for Westphalian Regional and Folklore of the Regional Association of Westphalia-Lippe).
  • Peter Ilisch , Christoph Kösters: The patronage of Westphalia from the beginning to the end of the Old Kingdom. Aschendorf, Münster 1992.
  • Franz-Josef Jakobi (ed.): History of the city of Münster. Aschendorff, Münster 1993.
  • Ders .: Population development and population structure in the Middle Ages and in the early modern period. In Jakobi 1993, pp. 485-534.
  • Karlheinz Kirchhoff: City plan and topographical development. In Jakobi 1993, pp. 447-484.
  • Karl Kroeschell : City foundation and soft image law in Westphalia. Aschendorff, Münster 1960.
  • Alois Mayr: Ahlen in Westphalia. Settlement and population of an industrial medium-sized town with special consideration of the inner-city structure. Self-published by the city of Ahlen, Ahlen 1968 (= sources and research on the history of the city of Ahlen, vol. 2), p. 3.
  • Hans-Claus Poeschel: Old trunk roads in the central Westphalian bay. Münster 1968 (= Spieker, regional studies contributions and reports , published by the Geographical Commission for Westphalia, vol. 17).
  • Joseph Prinz: Mimigernaford - Münster. The history of a city. Aschendorff, Münster 1960 (= historical work on Westphalian regional research, Vol. 4 / Publications of the Historical Commission Westphalia, Vol. XXII).
  • Fritz Rörig: Rhineland-Westphalia and the German Hanseatic League. In: Hansische Geschichtsblätter , 58/1933, pp. 17–51.
  • Hans-Joachim Seeger: Westphalian trade and commerce from the 9th to the 14th century. Verlag von Karl Curtius, Berlin 1926 (= studies on the history of the economy and intellectual culture, vol. 1).
  • Heinz Stoob : Westphalian contributions to the relationship between rural rule and urbanism. In: Westphalian research. Volume 21/1968, pp. 69–97 (= communications from the Provincial Institute  for Westphalian Regional and Folklore of the Regional Association of Westphalia-Lippe ).
  • Louise von Winterfeld: The urban law entanglements in Westphalia. In: The Westphalia area. Volume II / 2. Aschendorff, Münster 1934, pp. 172-254.
  • This: The Westphalian Hansequartier. In: Der Raum Westfalen , Vol. II / 2, Aschendorff, Münster 1934, pp. 256–352.
  • This. (Ed.): Westphalia - Hanse - Baltic Sea area. Aschendorff, Münster 1955.
  • Adolf Wünsche: The shape of the cities in the area of ​​the former Principality of Münster. A contribution to the historical ground plan research of small towns in Münsterland. Thiele, Gütersloh 1937 (plus dissertation University of Münster 1937).

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Haase 1984, p. 18.
  2. ↑ Stoob 1970, p. XIX.
  3. ↑ a b Stoob 1970, p. XVIII.
  4. ↑ bdquo; “[He] succeeded in getting control of this important tool [umbrella bailiff over the city and monastery of Münster] of power building much earlier than most of his colleagues in office.” (Stoob 1970, p. XIX).
  5. ↑ "[...] there could be no talk of a 'supreme rule' of this Cologne 'network' at least around 1200." (Ehbrecht 1987, p. 134)
  6. ↑ Ehbrecht 1987, p. 106.
  7. ↑ Ehbrecht 1987, p. 108.
  8. ↑ Topographical Atlas North Rhine-Westphalia, ed. from the Land Surveying Office of North Rhine-Westphalia, o. O. 1968, p. 240.
  9. ^ Poeschel 1968.
  10. ↑ Haase 1984, p. 33.
  11. ↑ “The emergence of the Hanseatic economic sector and its development from the 12th to the 14th century liberated northern Westphalia, especially the Münsterland, from its geographical position as a remote area. It became an important transit area between the trading metropolis Cologne, which was oriented towards the Netherlands, Flanders and above all England, and the cities on the North and Baltic Sea coasts, above all Lübeck. "(Johanek 1993, p. 639)
  12. ^ Winterfeld: The urban law entanglements in Westphalia. 1934.
  13. ^ Winterfeld: The urban law entanglements in Westphalia. 1934, p. 221.
  14. ^ Winterfeld: The urban law entanglements in Westphalia. 1934, p. 238.
  15. ↑ Haase 1984, p. 71.
  16. ^ Winterfeld: The urban law entanglements in Westphalia. 1934, p. 196.
  17. ↑ Johanek 1993, p. 649.
  18. ↑ Kroeschell 1960.
  19. ↑ Ehbrecht 1987, p. 137.
  20. ↑ Ehbrecht 1987, p. 136.
  21. ↑ cf. In addition to a large number of articles (e.g. (Riering 1955)) on emigration to the Baltic Sea region and the family name (Roerig 1933, p. 36ff), which defines de Warendorp and de Coesfeld in 9 Baltic Sea cities, the Rostock street name "platea Coesfeld ”and refers to other family names such as de Bocholt and others.
  22. ↑ Riering 1955, pp. 182-183.
  23. ↑ a b Riering 1955, p. 175.
  24. ↑ HUB, Vol. I, No. 411.