Deportation of Romanian Germans to the Soviet Union

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When the Romanian Germans were deported to the Soviet Union between January 1945 and December 1949, between 70,000 and 80,000 Romanian Germans were deported to the Soviet Union on the basis of ethnic criteria . There they did forced labor as reparation for the destruction of the Second World War , mainly in mines and heavy industrial plants in the Ukraine , but also in the Caucasus .

The information on the number of those affected varies from 70,000 to 75,000 up to 80,000.

history

prehistory

In the course of the royal coup d'état of August 23, 1944 , King Michael I of Romania had the “leader” Marshal Ion Antonescu arrested and unexpectedly ended the alliance with the Nazi state . The country now stood on the side of the Allies . As a result, the Red Army took Romania and deployed troops across the country. After the agreement reached by Winston Churchill and Josef Stalin and accepted by the Americans, occupied Romania was an integral part of the Soviet sphere of influence from 1945 onwards.

Romania's armistice with the Allies of September 12, 1944, contained no agreement or secret clause on reparations through the provision of labor.

Immediately after the Romanian surrender on August 23, 1944, rumors of the imminent deportation of the “ ethnic Germans ” were already circulating . In addition to other reparations payments, Stalin allegedly demanded 100,000 Romanian citizens to volunteer for the rebuilding of the Soviet Union. Towards the end of the year, rumors of an impending procrastination increased.

Order of deportation

On October 31, 1944, the deputy chairman of the Allied Control Commission, General Vinogradov, presented the Romanian government with a note demanding that, by November 10, lists of Hungarian nationals, Romanian refugees from Bessarabia (for the purpose of repatriation), " Reich Germans " and " Romanian citizens of ethnic German and Hungarian origin ”. The lists of Germans and people of German origin were drawn up between October and December. At the same time, surveys were carried out by the Soviet army groups on the number of German populations in Hungary , Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia . The result of the censuses was presented to Stalin on December 15, 1944, who on December 16 gave the order to forcibly deport German men and women who were fit for work. At the same time, the action plan and those responsible for it were determined. At the end of December 1944, several transports of “ethnic Germans” from Yugoslavia were sent to the Soviet Union for forced labor. As early as December 19, the Romanian police inspectors received orders on concrete preparatory measures by telephone, and Romania's state railway company, Căile Ferate Române , had prepared cattle wagons weeks in advance for the action.

On December 31, 1944, January 3 and 6, 1945, the Soviet Union, on behalf of the Allied Control Commission for Romania, presented the Romanian government with Note 031 with the request to make all Germans available for work in the Soviet Union; Men between the ages of 17 and 45, women between the ages of 18 and 30, with the exception of pregnant women, women with children under one year of age and those unable to work. Those to be excavated should be brought together under the responsibility of police inspectors in assembly points set up next to railway stations.

Reactions in Romania

The Romanian government dealt specifically with the impending deportation in two cabinet meetings on January 5 and 10; however, the specific resolutions are not known. The new bourgeois government of Romania under Prime Minister General Nicolae Rădescu officially approved the deportation. Romanian German politicians such as Hans Otto Roth , Rudolf Brandsch , Herwart Scheiner and representatives of the Banat Swabians formulated their protest and made representations to Rădescu. This is said to have admitted that the Romanian government was powerless against the Soviet orders.

Since the USSR ordered the deportation on behalf of the Allies, Rădescu protested in early January to the governments of Great Britain and the United States through their diplomatic representatives, making legal, economic and humanitarian arguments. He also relied on the ceasefire agreement, which did not contain any provisions on the making of reparations by labor. It is also inhuman to kidnap people into the unknown, to tear families apart and to leave children and old people behind. In addition, the Romanian economy will be seriously damaged by the loss of this workforce, which will also have a negative impact on Romania's war performance. King Michael I also protested in memoranda against the illegal actions of the Soviet Union. On January 16, Rădescu, in his protest note to General Vinogradov, pointed out “the duty of the Romanian government to protect the interests of all its subjects regardless of their ethnic origin”.

International reactions

The Anglo-American governments were not only surprised by the unauthorized actions of their Soviet partner, they were also presented with a fait accompli. Above all, they expressed their displeasure that this action had also been ordered in their name, although there was no agreement for it. They followed the arguments of the Romanian government. The Soviet offices in Bucharest and Moscow only received their grades at a time when the levies were already running or had been completed.

At the Yalta Conference (February 4-11, 1945) the Allies agreed to the so-called "reparations in kind" ( English reparations payments ) to the Soviet Union. In addition to planned deliveries from Germany from ongoing production and the dismantling of German industrial plants, this term also included the use of German labor. According to the then Deputy Soviet Foreign Minister Ivan Michailowitsch Maiski , “war criminals” and “active Nazis” were intended for “reparation, punishment and re-education of the Germans”. The Yalta decision only referred to Germany, and its reparation payments were only to be decided in concrete terms after the end of the war . After the war, the Soviets in the occupied zones of Eastern Germany and Austria limited themselves to a recruitment of around 26,000 skilled workers capable of working and refrained from major mass deportations there.

The deportation

The ordinance of deportation to the Soviet Union was made by the “High Soviet Command” in the on 16./17. January 1945 published Romanian party newspaper "Scînteia" announced:

The Presidential Office of the Council of Ministers announces:
Because of various rumors that are in circulation and have no basis, the German people are informed of the following:
According to the ordinance of the Soviet High Command, workers are mobilized and sent to where they are needed. The following categories of German citizens are affected:
  • Men between 16 and 45 years of age
  • Women between the ages of 18 and 30, excluding mothers with children under one year.
After they reach their destination, their families will be notified and authorized to write and send packages to them. The mobilization is of a provisional nature, as it is necessary work as war damage service.

The deportation proceeded according to a plan prepared by the Romanian authorities in close cooperation with the Soviet occupiers. The town entrances were cordoned off by the military and police, telephone, telegraph and rail traffic was cut off, and mixed Romanian-Soviet patrols went from house to house with lists prepared to be drawn up. Some of the victims tried to hide in the mountains and forests; however, threats to arrest parents or relatives as hostages forced many to volunteer. Others quickly concluded marriages of convenience with Romanians or foreign citizens who were not at risk. During the evacuation, no consideration was given to those who remained behind, even if they were children who remained without parents. There have been countless cases where children were left with grandparents or had to be taken in by foreign families. The political attitude of the individuals played no role in this action, because active communists or members of the Romanian army ( Romanian Armata Română ) with a German background were also dug up.

The Evangelical Church endeavored, particularly from Romania, with written and oral interventions with the Romanian government, with Soviet agencies, and even with letters to Stalin, to have the deportees returned and repatriated. The Soviet authorities later released a considerable number of them not to Romania, but to the Soviet zone of Germany, especially Thuringia. The returnees found a different social structure for their political, economic and social integration in Romania than the one they had left in 1945.

Affected Romanian-German ethnic groups

Distribution of the German ethnic groups in Romania, as of 1918

Sathmar Swabians

The deportation of around 5,000 Sathmar Swabians in northwest Romania began on January 2nd and 3rd, 1945. By 1948/49, almost 1,000 Sathmares were killed in forced labor.

Transylvanian Saxony

In Transylvania , 30,336 Transylvanian Saxons were arrested between January 11 and 16, i.e. around 15 percent based on the 1941 census. Of these, 46.4 percent were men and 53.4 women. If the quota could not be met because the lists included people who were absent or who were in hiding, men and women who were older or younger than the intended age were arrested. This was the case with 10 percent of the recruits, the oldest abductees were 55, the youngest 13 years old.

The transports left about two or three days after the collection. Smaller groups with German members of the Romanian army or people found in hiding followed in February. The able-bodied functionaries of the "German ethnic group" imprisoned in Târgu Jiu were evacuated on January 11th. In cattle wagons, in which 40 to 70 men and women were crammed together, the journey to the destinations took several weeks in freezing cold, with the most primitive hygienic conditions and poor supplies. For nine out of ten deportees, the two-week transport in the Donets Basin and the Don region in the Ukraine in the districts of Dnepropetrovsk , Stalino and Voroshilovgrad ended . The remainder were on the road for six weeks and were spent in the Molotov district in the Urals . The deportees were distributed here in 85 camps, which, however, were often not prepared to accept the deportees in a humane manner. One in three worked in mining, one in four in construction, the rest in industry, agriculture or warehouse management. Very few were assigned work in their professions. As a result of poor accommodation and unsanitary conditions, poor medical care, poor nutrition, difficult working conditions and accidents, there were many sick and dead. Communication with those at home was generally limited to a minimum; the deportees were only allowed to write 25 words to their relatives according to the prescribed pattern.

Soon the first sick and unfit for work were released, with the decision-makers being guided solely by the internees' work value as to whether they should remain or be released. In autumn 1945 3548 and in the following year 1546 people were released into the Soviet occupation zone (SBZ) via Frankfurt an der Oder , and 861 people were released to Romania; In 1947, 2,950 people were released into the Soviet Zone and 402 to Romania. From 1948 the living conditions improved, so that the number of sick and dead fell sharply. It was only from this year that healthy workers (around 49 percent in total) were laid off, exclusively to Romania. From October 1949 the labor camps in the Soviet Union were disbanded.

8486 displaced persons, the last third, then returned to Transylvania. About 50 percent returned home from Germany's Soviet zone. Most of the others ended up in West Germany , while 182 people remained in what would later become the German Democratic Republic . Only a small group of 202 people were only released home from 1950 to 1952. Seven Transylvanian Saxons remained in the Soviet Union.

3,076 people, i.e. just under 12 percent of the deportees, lost their lives during the deportation in the Soviet Union. In 1947 the death rate was highest. The ratio of men to women among the fatalities was three to one.

Stalino (now Donetsk), 1946

Banat Swabia

Around 33,000 Banat Swabians were excavated between January 14 and 16, 1945. In the cities, those affected were taken from their homes by mixed Romanian-Soviet military patrols. In the villages, at the request of the gendarmes and community servants, the victims found themselves in the schools, from where they were brought to collection points to be transported to Timisoara by train.

The first transports from Timisoara started on January 18, 1945 in the direction of the eastern border. This was followed by weeks of transport in cattle wagons to the Soviet coal and industrial districts, where the deportees had to do 12 hours a day, seven days a week, with inadequate hygiene and nutrition. Around 5,000 people, around 15 percent of those affected, did not survive.

Artistic processing

The builder and architect Fritz Göckler from Mediaș made maps of the Petrowka camp during his deportation in 1945/46 , some of which were later published in several book publications.

The graphics by Friedrich von Bömches and the pictures by the brothers Viktor and Julius Stürmer illustrate the deportation using artistic means. Bömches' charcoal drawings deal with moments of the “apocalyptic experience” during the deportation: reunion, abroad, forced labor, quarry, the camp, the great misfortune . Viktor Stürmer combines in his works, for example in the picture Everyone has as much right as he has power , the suffering of deportation with biblical motifs, while Julius Stürmer's sketchbooks, according to his own statements, “do not deal with the realities in the prison camp, they were created out of dreams and hopes ”.

Walter Engel , director of the Gerhart-Hauptmann-Haus foundation in Düsseldorf, regretted in 1995 that no writer with the depth of Alexander Solzhenitsyn had written about the events of the kidnapping.

The Romanian Writers' Association awarded the author Stefan Ehling the prize for the best literary debut of 2008 for his novel Martha about the deportation of the Banat Swabians. A literary account of how the deportations took place in Sibiu can be found in Erwin Wittstock's novel “ January '45 or The Higher Duty ” .

Herta Müller received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 2009 for her novel Atemschaukel , in which the persecution of Romanian Germans under Stalin is described in an individual story based on the experiences of Oskar Pastior

In the songs, the deportees adapted the "Russia Song", which was sung to the melody of the Russian ballad Stenka Rasin in many camps and in many villages in the Banat and Sathmarland even after the deportees had returned home.

Rehabilitation and remembrance

On May 1, 1997, Romanian Foreign Minister Adrian Severin apologized to German Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel for the injustice inflicted on the German population during the communist dictatorship. In addition to the deportation of the Banat Swabians to the Bărăgan steppe , in this declaration he condemned both the suffering inflicted on the Germans in the post-war period and the deportation of the Germans for forced labor in Soviet labor camps and the degrading human trafficking in the 1970s and 1980s. He deeply condemned these traumatic practices and expressed his apology for what happened “as a gesture of moral reparation to those citizens of Germany who were formerly citizens of our country, whose fate is permanently shaped by such damnable acts”.

On October 16, 1990, the Romanian government decided to submit a bill to parliament to compensate those who were persecuted or deported under the communist dictatorship. The reason stated: “After August 23, a large number of Romanian citizens of German nationality were deported to the USSR for forced labor. The deportation was arbitrary, solely on the basis of belonging to the German minority [...]. This discriminatory, illegal measure based solely on ethnic criteria triggered the process of emigration of Germans [...]. ”On the basis of this draft law, decree No. 118 was issued in 1990, adding the years of forced labor and deportation as years of service the calculation of the Romanian pension, with each year of detention and internment counting as one year and six months of service. However, benefits under this law were only provided for holders of Romanian citizenship (Art. 12 Decree 118/1990), which Germans from Romania were deprived of when they left before the fall of the Wall. Most of the people affected were thus excluded from compensation. In 2009, law 221/2009 regulates the rehabilitation of politically persecuted people regardless of nationality for the first time. The deportation to Russia was first recognized as political persecution within the meaning of this law after a decision by the Bucharest Tribunal (judgment no. 1911 of December 14, 2010). However, by decision of the Supreme Court of Cassation No. 15 of November 12, 2012, this case law was abandoned and the rehabilitation of the displaced persons on the basis of an alleged collective guilt also of the German civilian population of Romania for the consequences of the war as a "factual reason for differentiation" was waived .

On January 14, 1995, a memorial event on the subject of 50 years since the deportation to the former Soviet Union took place in the ballroom of the Old Town Hall in Munich under the patronage of the then Bavarian Minister of Social Affairs, Barbara Stamm , which was jointly organized by the compatriots of the Banat Swabians , Donauschwaben , Sathmarer Swabians , Transylvanian Saxons and Germans from Hungary . The scientific conference attracted over 1000 visitors. Around 2500 people took part in the following ecumenical service in the Frauenkirche .

To mark the 60th anniversary of the deportations, a commemorative event took place on March 18, 2006 in the Stuttgart House of Homeland with an exhibition put together by contemporary witnesses on the subject of loss of homeland through deportation .

On February 23, 1990, the "Association of Former Russia Deportees" was established to represent those affected in Timișoara. Initially the association had around 8,000 members, in 2010 the association had only 650 in the Banat and 1,600 nationwide in Romania.

rating

The deportation was preceded by the Europe-wide deportation of around 6 million forced laborers and civilian workers to National Socialist Germany .

The American international lawyer and historian Alfred de Zayas points out in several of his works that the conditions under which the “reparations displaced” worked in the Soviet Union were no different from slave labor in the labor camps of Nazi Germany. He also underlines that the kidnapping of German civilians for forced labor was also a war crime under international law and a crime against humanity . He refers to the Nuremberg trials . Likewise, the deportation of civilians from an occupied country under Article 52 of the Hague Land Warfare Regulations of 1907 is a war crime.

The Transylvanian sociologist Georg Weber also noted that Churchill and Roosevelt had agreed to a procedure in Yalta that until then only the Third Reich could be proven and that a few months later the Nuremberg Court of Justice was to be punished as "war crimes and crimes against humanity".

The Transylvanian historian Thomas Nägler points out that the deportation should be regarded as one of the first " cold war events "; a result of the mutual uncontrollability between East and West during the Second World War. After the war, the Romanian transitional government succeeded in keeping the remaining Romanian Germans in the Romanian people's association within the country, while the German settler groups were largely expelled from all other states in Central and Eastern Europe. With the deportation of all able-bodied Romanian Germans to the Soviet Union, the country would have experienced a setback in January 1945. The King and the leaders of Romania would have known of the Soviet intentions, but they would not have been able to prevent the kidnapping. From March 1945, however, the government now led by the Romanian Communist Party was responsible for the expropriation of the Romanian Germans and other persecutions such as their subsequent deportation to the Bărăgan steppe .

Elena Zamfirescu , director of the Romanian Foreign Ministry in 1995, described her former compatriots of German ethnicity as "the first martyrs of the turning point in the history of Romania".

The Transylvanian historian Michael Kroner advises, when assessing the Romanian attitude to procrastination, to differentiate between the government's official policy and the attitudes of different population groups and parties. He refers to cases in which Romanian and Roma residents of some villages in Transylvania drove Saxons gleefully, even jubilantly and triumphantly to the collection points. On the other hand, Romanians should be mentioned who were dismayed by the kidnapping and who had given those affected hiding places.

Representatives of the political parties were divided on the expulsion of the Germans from Romania. Even some communists spoke out in favor of staying in Romania, while a supposed ally of the Transylvanian Saxons, the national tsaranist Iuliu Maniu , spoke out in favor of resettlement. In 1944 Maniu was involved in the establishment of the shadow government that had taken power on August 23, 1944 after the fall of Ion Antonescu.

Thomas Nägler also noted that while the King and Prime Minister General Rădescu protested, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill viewed the confiscation of workers of German origin from Eastern Europe as a “right of the Soviets”. Churchill's statement to the Foreign Office in January 1945 was also known:

"Why are we making a fuss about the Russian deportations in Romania of Saxons and others?"
( German  Why are we making so much fuss about the Russian deportations of (Transylvanian) Saxons and others in Romania? )

The British author Mark Percival stated that Churchill was criticized in contemporary Romania for the alleged 90 percent "sell-out" of the country to Stalin in the percentages agreement of October 1944. On the one hand, however, the importance of this agreement had been overestimated and, on the other hand, the idea that Stalin and Churchill were dividing Europe among themselves would have been a popular and simple explanation for the developing division of Europe and would therefore have been in the discussion lines of some political groups in Romania and Greece fit. They would have seen the agreement as the background for the lack of British influence on Romanian issues in 1944 and 1945. It would have been a fact, however, that the Red Army was in Romania, and that the government in Moscow could in any case get its way, which made British reluctance insignificant. In addition, Britain had important commercial interests in Romania to protect and would not have accepted the inevitable communist rule until December 1945.

literature

  • Theodor Schieder : The fate of the Germans in Romania, Volume 3 of documentation of the expulsion of the Germans from East Central Europe . Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, Munich 2004, ISBN 3-423-34187-4 , pp. 418 .
  • Daniel Bayer: Deported and Repatriated: Notes and Memories 1945-1947, Volume 20 of the publications of the Südostdeutscher Kulturwerk . Südostdeutsches Kulturwerk, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-88356-145-2 , p. 149 .
  • Ortfried Kotzian: The resettlers. The Germans from Bessarabia, Bukovina, Dobrudscha, Galicia, Carpathian Ukraine and West Volhynia, series of studies by the East German Cultural Council Foundation, Volume 11 . Langen Müller, Munich 2004, ISBN 3-7844-2860-6 , p. 384 ( review ).
  • Günter Czernetzky: Donbass slaves: kidnapped Germans remember , Bayerischer Rundfunk , 1992, 45 minutes
  • Renate Göckler-Timoshenko: Those deported to Russia remember. Records of deportees from Romania. New Way Publishing House, Bucharest 1992.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Siebenbuerger.de , Siebenbürgische Zeitung, seminar: The Russian deportation of the Romanian Germans
  2. ^ Siebenbuerger.de , Siebenbürgische Zeitung, Wolfgang Gerhard Binder: Journey into the Unknown: Searching for Traces in Donbass , January 9, 2010
  3. ↑ Anneli Ute Gabanyi : History of the Germans in Romania , originally published in the Federal Agency for Civic Education : Information on Civic Education , Issue 267 Aussiedler
  4. ↑ Temeswar.Diplo.de , German Consulate in Timisoara, Klaus Brennecke: Greetings for the commemorative hour on the 65th anniversary of the deportation of Germans from Romania to the former Soviet Union , February 6, 2010
  5. ↑ a b c d Kulturraum-Banat.de , Elisabeth Packi , Wilhelm Weber: Russland- Verleppung
  6. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l Siebenbuerger.de , Siebenbürgische Zeitung, Michael Kroner : Deportation 60 years ago was a war crime under international law , January 28, 2005
  7. ↑ a b c d e f g h Ancestry.com , Saxon News Volksblatt: 50 years since the deportation to the former Soviet Union , February 10, 1995, pages 6-7
  8. ↑ banat.de , Berthold Neff: Only skin and bones, they staggered through the camp
  9. ↑ a b Franz-Etienne.de , historical review of the Banat Swabians . The original text was: Precizări în legătură cu ridicarea nemților. Președinția Consiliului de Miniștri comunică: Întru cât circulă diferite svonuri care nu au temei, se aduce la cunoștința populației de origină etnică germană următoarele: Sunt ridicați, din ordinul Înaltului Înaltului Înaltului Înaltului Comandament de mânaltului de locandament , următoarele categorii de cetățeni de origine etnică germană: Bărbații între anii 16-45 Femeile între anii 18-30, afară de acele care au copii ce nu au împlinit vârsta de un an. După ce before fi ajunși la locurile de destinație, familiile before fi încunoștiințate și autorizate să le scrie și să le trimită pachete. Ridicarea are caracter provizoriu, întru cât este vorba de muncă necesară pentru nevoile războiului.
  10. ↑ Spiegel.de , Der Spiegel 12/1949, purposefulness verproletarisiert , March 19, 1949
  11. ↑ a b Siebenbuerger.de , Siebenbürgische Zeitung, August Schuller: Deportation to Russia: From dealing with our life story , January 11, 2010
  12. ↑ ZGV.de ( Memento of December 23, 2014 in the Internet Archive ), Center against Expulsions , Erika Steinbach : Speech on the award of the Franz Werfel Human Rights Prize on October 31, 2009
  13. ↑ Wolfram Benz: The songs of the Swabians in Sathmar / Romania ( Memento from February 3, 2014 in the Internet Archive )
  14. ^ Heinrich Freihoffer : The Banat and the Banat Swabians. Volume 2: The ordeal of the Banat Swabians in the twentieth century. Landsmannschaft der Banat Swabians from Romania in Germany, Munich 1983, p. 680.
  15. ^ Siebenbuerger.de , Siebenbürgische Zeitung, Fritz Göckler: Deportation to the Soviet Union - draftsman identified , March 22, 2009
  16. ↑ unã, together împreunã, together, együttesen nr. 32 - noiembrie 2010 , Banater Zeitung, Balthasar Waitz : Best Banat books awarded / Debut prize for Stefan Ehling and his deportation novel "Martha" .
  17. ↑ Herta Müller : Breathing swing . Hanser Verlag , Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-446-23391-1 , p. 299 .
  18. ↑ youtube.com , interview with Herta Müller at: Literature in the foyer - SWR television on the novel "Atemschaukel", length 14.09 minutes
  19. ↑ Wolfram Benz: Das Liedgut der Schwaben in Sathmar / Romania ( Memento from February 3, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) , 1996, p. 7, accessed on January 26, 2014
  20. ↑ Billed.de ( Memento of November 5, 2013 in the Internet Archive ), Elisabeth Packi et al .: Against forgetting - 60 years since the deportation to Russia
  21. ↑ Banat-Blogger.blogspot.com , Elisabeth Packi : The Russia Deportation in the Banat , September 27, 2009
  22. ↑ www.siebenbuerger.de , The deportation of Russia is recognized as political persecution in Romania , SbZ Online, February 16, 2011
  23. ^ Decision published in the Official Journal of Romania on December 12, 2012, Monitorul Oficial al Romaniei, partea I, no. 837 din 12 december 2012
  24. ↑ www.siebenbuerger.de , Bernd Fabritius : Setback in the proceedings for compensation for deportation to Russia. SbZ Online on January 9, 2013
  25. ^ Siebenbuerger.de , Siebenbürgische Zeitung: Touching memorial event for the 60th anniversary of the deportations , April 27, 2006
  26. ^ Temeswar.Diplo.de , German Consulate in Timisoara, Karl Singer: Banater Forum 2010 , 6. February 2010
  27. ^ Siebenbuerger.de , Siebenbürgische Zeitung, Christian Schoger: Lively debate about deportation even after 60 years , January 28, 2005
  28. ↑ Hermannstädter Zeitung , Zeno Pinter: The picture of history enriches - the historian Dr. Thomas Nägler celebrates his 70th birthday on January 30th , issue 2117 of January 30th, 2009
  29. ↑ a b c Siebenbuerger.de , Siebenbürgische Zeitung, Thomas Nägler: The long start from Siebenbürgen , June 15, 2004
  30. ↑ John V. Denson: The Costs of War - Americas pirrhic victories . Transaction Publishers, Brunswick, New Jersey 1999, ISBN 978-0-7658-0487-7 , pp. 356 (English, limited preview in Google Book search).
  31. ↑ Vivid.ro ( Memento of 31 July 2010 at the Internet Archive ), Mark Percival
  32. ^ The division of Europe, according to Winston Churchill and Joseph Stalin (1944) , CVCE, in English
  33. ↑ Mark Percival: Churchill and Romania: The myth of the October 1944 'betrayal', in: Contemporary British History, Volume 12 Issue 3 . Routledge, Imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, 1998, ISSN  1361-9462 , pp. 151, here 41 - 61 (English, abstract ).