Incident outside the headquarters of the Republican Guard in Cairo

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In an incident in front of the headquarters of the Republican Guard in Cairo on July 8, 2013 , Egyptian security forces shot dead at least 50 people who were among the supporters of the first democratically elected President of Egypt , Mohammed Morsi , who was overthrown by the Egyptian military in the July 3, 2013 coup . counted. 435 others were injured according to official information. The security forces reported the deaths of two police officers and a soldier and 42 injured. Egyptian and international human rights organizations put the number of protesters killed at 61 and the number of security forces killed at one police and one military member. According to other than independently assessed data, 95 fatalities occurred. In mid-September 2013, the authorities of the military-backed transitional government confirmed the deaths of 61 people.

According to the military led by the military council chief Abd al-Fattah as-Sisi , the Morsi supporters wanted to storm the building of the Republican Guard in Cairo, where the overthrown president was allegedly held by the coup military. According to Western research, however, it was a coordinated attack by the security forces on mostly peaceful civilians.

prehistory

In the run-up to and following the military coup of July 3, 2013 , the security forces used gun violence against pro-Morsi demonstrators in Cairo before July 8, 2013. Between June 30 and July 5, a series of four incidents of unprecedented civil violence (clashes between unofficial persons and / or civil groups) occurred, in which a 2014 report by the human rights organization Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights ( According to EIPR), at least 53 people were killed and the absence or non-intervention of state security forces is seen as one of the main causes of escalation. Before the expiry of the ultimatum given to the elected Egyptian government by the military on July 3, which initiated the military coup, there had been "serious clashes between supporters of Morsi and security forces" after thousands of supporters of the Morsi government had gathered in front of the University of Cairo to protest the ultimatum issued by the military.

2-3 July

In just one incident near Cairo University, 16 people were killed on the night of July 3.

After the end of the military ultimatum on July 3, 2013, the military sealed off the barracks to which Morsi had withdrawn with barriers and barbed wire, took power in Egypt, suspended the constitution and surrounded the presidential palace with army armor.

The military arrested President Morsi, who was legitimized by democratic elections, on July 3, detained him , according to information from the Muslim Brotherhood , detained him in the barracks of the Republican Guard in the Cairo district of Heliopolis and moved to the areas of Nasr City, Heliopolis and nearby Cairo University massively gathered troops while it sealed off pro-Mursi demonstrations in Cairo with dozens of tanks.

The Egyptian security authorities put the Islamists under massive pressure after the fall of Morsi. The large number of arrests, the lack of transparency by the authorities and the speed of events all contributed to the fact that Egyptian human rights organizations found it difficult to document the arrests and other repressive measures. Observers suspected that representatives of the Interior Ministry tried to blame the Muslim Brotherhood for their own offenses. Gamal Eid, director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI), criticized the Interior Ministry itself for denying errors from the time under Mubarak and instead ascribing any fault to the Muslim Brotherhood. As a result, leaders were arrested on the one hand, and supporters of the Islamists were arbitrarily arrested on the other.

July 4th

On July 4, at least 43 members of the Muslim Brotherhood were arrested during the day, and there were clashes between supporters and opponents of Morsi and deaths in various parts of Egypt.

5th July

Pro Mursi protesters in Damiette on July 5, 2013.

On Friday, July 5th, the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist organizations called for peaceful demonstrations across the country to protest against the military coup against Morsi's disempowerment. The military announced that it would intervene if the demonstrations got out of hand.

On July 5, Adli Mansur , who had been installed by the military as interim president the day before, was sworn in and, in his first decree, dissolved the previous parliament, the Shura Council , in which the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafists had an elected two-thirds majority,

Hundreds of thousands of demonstrators loyal to the overthrown government followed the call on July 5 in Cairo and other provinces to demand Morsi's reinstatement as president. The rallies were initially peaceful and uneventful. The largest parade took place in front of the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya Mosque in Nasr City. Thousands of pro-Mursi protesters continued to camp on the grounds around the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya Mosque in the Nasr City district. In front of the headquarters of the Republican Guards in Cairo, however, elite soldiers fired at the supporters of the ousted president in the early afternoon, with four Morsi supporters reportedly killed and hundreds injured when a demonstrator tried to hang a portrait of the ousted President Morsi there . Amnesty International's July 10 report found that the deaths of at least four people in protests outside the Republican Guard headquarters on July 5 were due to excessive and unnecessary lethal violence by the security forces. In December 2013, 13 Egyptian and international human rights organizations - including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch - reported that the military had shot dead five demonstrators outside the Republican Guard headquarters in Cairo on July 5, 2013 without an investigation into any military personnel. The military denied using live ammunition against demonstrators, claiming that the army only used blanks and tear gas, as well as warning shots in the air. However, BBC reporter Jeremy Bowen, who was wounded himself, said the military opened fire in Cairo on the previously disciplined Muslim Brotherhood as the crowd pushed forward. International journalists were also at risk. According to media reports, BBC reporter Jeremy Bowen himself was hit in the head by shotgun fire from Egyptian security forces while covering pro-Morsi demonstrations on July 5th.

Additional fatalities occurred in clashes between supporters and opponents of the ousted president, with security forces failing to intervene to end the violence. In total, at least 43 people were killed on July 5 or on the night of July 6 in Egypt and over 1,000 others were injured, most of them in clashes between supporters and opponents of the ousted President Morsi. The number of deaths since June 30th rose to almost 90.

Since July 5, protesters have gathered in front of the headquarters of the Republican Guard and camped in tents to demonstrate for the release of Morsi, as rumors said that the president, who had been ousted by the military, was still being held there. About Morsi's whereabouts, which was kept secret for the following four months and whose release was later unsuccessfully demanded by the EU foreign ministers, it was not until mid-November that it became known through a letter from Morsi that Morsi said against his will "from 2. July to July 5 in a house of the Republican Guard ", the elite military unit that had been subordinate to the Ministry of Defense and therefore Army Chief Sisi in July 2013 since the fall of Mubarak in February 2011 and guarded the presidential palace and other government buildings.

July 6th

Just four days after the coup, the announced formation of a new interim government suffered a serious setback. On the night of July 5th to 6th, interim president Adli Mansur had to withdraw the nomination of Mohammed el-Baradei, who is considered to be liberal, for the post of intermins prime minister and to cancel his swearing-in because the Salafist Nur party supporting the military coup ( party des Lichts ) had threatened to leave the anti-Morsi alliance in the event that el-Baradei was appointed to the office. In an interview with Der Spiegel, as in his interview with the BBC, El-Baradei defended the actions of the armed forces against Morsi, which he described as "outside the legal framework", but also as inevitable and for which he did not speak of a coup or Wanted to speak coup. The supporters of the warring camps of the Tamarod movement and the Muslim Brotherhood then called for new mass protests.

On July 7th, supporters of the coup celebrated the coup on Tahrir Square with portraits of military chief Sisi.

7th of July

One day before the mass killing of the Republican Guard on July 8th, an anti-Morsi demonstration of thousands of people took place in Tahrir Square , in which the overthrow of Morsi by the military was not a coup, but a "second revolution" was shown. On the same day, pro-Morsi demonstrators in Cairo called for Morsi to be reinstated as president.

Immediately before and around July 8, according to the Washington Post , a YouTube video recorded in October 2012 was known internationally with around one million clicks, in which a 12-year-old boy in an interview with the daily El Wady in Cairo before the replacement of the military regime through a “fascist theocracy”. The warning was partly understood in the media as a predictive warning of the danger of Islamization by the elected government, but it also sparked speculation on the Internet that it was being posed.

Death toll and injuries

Information from the military regime

The Egyptian daily Masrawy reported on July 10 that, according to official information, a total of 57 bodies had been found in the vicinity of the Republican Guard, of which 53 were identified and four were unidentified. The Egyptian military regime's Ministry of Health confirmed the deaths of 51 people and injuries to another 435 on July 8.

In mid-September 2013, the spokesman for the medico-legal authorities of the military-backed transitional government said that 61 people were killed in the clashes in the Republican Guard on July 8th.

According to army and police spokesmen, two police officers and one soldier were killed and 42 members of the security forces were injured.

Information from the coup opponents

An Internet brochure distributed by the Egyptians against Coup group gives a death toll of “111 martyrs” for the mass killing of July 8, known there as the Al-Haras-Al-Gomhori massacre , and speaks of 1,000 injured.

Emergency doctors from the Muslim Brotherhood also reported that 1,000 were injured shortly after the event.

Information classified as independent

Doctors of the Muslim Brotherhood show pictures of anti-coup protesters killed on July 8 in a daily newspaper (July 12, 2013).
  • The statistical database work Wiki Thawra , founded by a group of independent youth, whose documentation is devoted to the so-called Egyptian revolution and whose data is mainly based on reports from independent civil society organizations including the Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights (ECESR), the Hisham Mubarak Law Center (HMLC) and the Front to Defend Egypt's Protesters (FDEP) reported a death toll of 95 fatalities for the clashes against the Republican Guard on July 8, 2013.
  • According to a declaration signed by 13 Egyptian and international human rights organizations - including Amnesty International , Human Rights Watch and the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies - on December 10, 2013, the Republican Guard headquarters in Cairo were deployed on July 8, 2013 using the Military officials, 61 protesters, one military officer and one police officer killed without an investigation into military misconduct.

Various media information

According to a Reuters report on July 28, Egyptian security forces shot and killed 53 Morsi supporters in the July 8 incident. On July 19, Der Spiegel reported 54 protesters and one soldier killed.

procedure

At least 650 people were arrested during the clashes in front of the Republican Guard building on July 8th. The Cairo-based human rights organization Nadeem Center released 647 names of people arrested. Authorities confirmed the correctness of the number upon request, although the numbers originally officially announced were significantly lower. According to observers, those arrested were not members of the Muslim Brotherhood leadership, but people who were randomly arrested in many locations near the building. It is believed that many of them were innocent and merely demonstrated peacefully.

After weapons were found among the demonstrators, the judiciary ordered the closure of the headquarters of the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), which is considered the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood . The headquarters of the Muslim Brotherhood were closed after police indicated that additional weapons had been found there. The army erected barriers on all major routes into Cairo and Giza on July 8th. The military cordoned off a large area around the local mosque and two bridges over the Nile were blocked with armored vehicles.

In the early morning of July 10, media reports found the dumped body of a 37-year-old engineer from Hurghada , Farid Shawky, at the end of Tayaran Street leading to the headquarters of the Republican Guard , with evidence of torture such as traces of electroshock treatment on his Reportedly had nipples, wrists and ankles and severe bruises on the shoulders.

Information from the coup opponents

According to statements by the Muslim Brotherhood and eyewitnesses, the military is said to have opened fire on the crowd that had been organizing the sit-in around the headquarters of the Republican Guards for days at around 4 a.m. shortly before the end of morning prayer on the morning of July 8 , where the President Mohammed Morsi, ousted by the military, was suspected. The security forces are said to have shot between 33 and 35 of the praying demonstrators with targeted head shots. A doctor told Al Jazeera that the "majority of the wounded had gunshot wounds to the head". The director of the hospital in Nasr City , Mohammed Zanaty, told Al Jazeera on July 8 that five children had also died. The statement by the Muslim Brotherhood that the victims included "five babies and numerous women" ( Martin Gehlen , Tagesspiegel ) was denied by state health authorities. The British daily The Guardian itself testified to the deaths of two women who were shot, but stated on July 18 that children were shot and injured but not killed.

Video footage of the shootings has been posted on YouTube . Several of the video fragments appeared to show gunmen in military-style uniforms shooting at demonstrators from the roofs of surrounding buildings.

Video footage of the 26-year-old journalist Ahmed Samir Assem (also known as Ahmed Assem El-Senousy), who worked for the FJP's Al-Horia Wa Al-Adala (“Freedom and Justice”) newspaper, is said to be This July 8 newspaper show how he was allegedly shot himself by military snipers after taping security forces shooting at pro-Morsi protesters. The representation could not be verified independently. Ahmed Abu Seid, editor of Freedom and Justice, said Assem was hit in the forehead by a sniper with a bullet while he was filming the clashes from a building. The 30-second video, published in the British daily newspaper The Telegraph , is only a small part of Assem's 20-minute recordings, which also show that, contrary to the statements of the Egyptian military, the dead were unarmed demonstrators. The video shows numerous victims ("tens of victims"), said Abu Seid. The 29-year-old brother of the man killed, the police officer Eslam Assem, told the press that the family was planning to take legal action against the soldier, whose picture the camera of Ahmed Assem is said to have captured immediately before the fatal shot at him. The father of the man killed, the doctor Samer Assem, told the press that the Muslim Brotherhood was responsible for the death of his son, as it was one of his son, who had worked for the Muslim Brotherhood newspaper since the so-called revolution of 2011 against the resistance of his upper-class family "Brainwashed". Western media could not verify the authenticity of the video, but both the death of the photographer Assem in the riots in front of the barracks of the Republican Guards and the fact that several soldiers fired from roofs at the crowd were taken as evidence. The Muslim Brotherhood initially refused to hand over the raw video footage that Assam and others had recorded at the crime scene as evidence. Colleagues of the slain photographer Assem gave a press conference on the afternoon of July 8th, where they presented videos and photos allegedly taken by Assem. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) issued a statement condemning the incident as the killing of Assems by a sniper and lamented further reprisals against the press since the military coup. The video published in the Telegraph , which Assem is said to have recorded shortly before his shooting, became an "iconic symbol" (Dashiell Bennett / The Wire) of the ongoing protests, according to Western media reports. On July 17th, the Director General of UNESCO , Irina Bokowa , declared verbatim: "I condemn the killing of Ahmed Assem el-Senousy". Abeer al-Saady, the deputy chairman of the Egyptian Journalists Syndicate , said that his organization would give el-Senousy honorary membership and support his family with a pension.

Information from the coup proponents

The military, however, described the incident as an attack by "terrorist forces". While numerous witnesses, including opponents of Morsi, challenged the portrayal of the military, the military said that Morsi's supporters were the first to attack the military with stones, gunfire and army tear gas grenades. According to the Egyptian army at a press conference, Islamists had tried to storm the military facility where, according to rumors that had become known beforehand, President Mohammed Morsi, who had been ousted by the military, was supposed to be staying. A group of terrorists tried to attack the barracks, others are said to have pelted soldiers with stones and incendiary devices from a high-rise building. Authorities said 15 men on motorcycles started the attack on the officers' club and fired shots. Attackers tried to penetrate the area, leaving the soldiers with no choice but to defend the property. The US magazine New Yorker quoted a local resident who testified that a group of motorcyclists had approached the group of soldiers and Muslim brothers in the dark and apparently fired gunshots in the direction of the two groups. At a press conference, military spokesman Ahmed Ali said the security forces reacted with rubber bullets and tear gas grenades after they came under heavy rifle fire.

According to information from the army, 200 "attackers" were arrested and found with firearms, ammunition and incendiary devices.

The state television showed pictures which should support the army's version of armed terrorists at the core of the action. The television pictures show a man who has been identified as a supporter of Morsi and who fired a self-made weapon at advancing soldiers. A video sequence of the army of a shooting protester marked in red, recorded after three hours, was presented as proof of innocence by the army.

The police pointed out that since the "uprising" against President Morsi, which the police said began on June 28, 12 police officers have been killed and 107 injured. The military took the position that any military in the world was allowed to protect its facility. It warned the other side several times and was provoked on the morning of July 8th.

Egyptian and other Arab media

Immediately after the incident on July 8th, a bitter struggle began for the authority to interpret the events. Members of both camps of the Egyptian public, divided into supporters and opponents of the ousted President Morsi, shared video footage of the clashes on the Internet, revealing two contrary narratives about who was responsible for the killings.

The “Egyptian media”, which reported strictly according to the line after the military coup of July 3, particularly the state media, unquestioned spread the military's variant of the events of July 8. The TV channels close to the Muslim Brotherhood had been banned since the coup and the version of the Morsi supporters, according to which the army had opened fire on peaceful demonstrators during early prayer, without being provoked, received little attention. Egyptian newspapers and television programs gave the impression that the entire Egyptian public supported the military actions. The incident in front of the headquarters of the Republican Guard and the killing of numerous supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood was rarely, inaccurately and uncritically reported. While one state television station was broadcasting a religious program at the time, the other broadcast an interview with an officer who assured them that everything was in order. Reports of the military in the private media were also positive and avoided critical treatment of the issue.

The Muslim Brotherhood, who received almost half of all votes in the first democratic parliamentary elections and who had provided the president who had been overthrown by the military coup just a week earlier, were almost immediately apostrophized as “terrorists” and their organization presented as a “terrorist group”.

The Egyptian state television only showed the official video sequences that the army spokesman, Colonel Ahmed Ali, had distributed on CDs at the press conference. The scenes of violence posted on Facebook by residents of the forecourt of the barracks, which are said to have depicted events shortly after sunrise, were not presented to the Egyptian public in the media. The Egyptian newspaper "Al-Masry Al-Youm", classified as liberal, wrote: "The bloodbath is the responsibility of the Muslim Brotherhood". The well-known Saudi Arabian newspaper " Al-Watan " claimed that there was a "conspiracy of the armed wing of the Muslim Brotherhood against the military".

On the afternoon of July 8th, a joint press conference by the military and police on the carnage was held in front of the Presidential Guard building and was televised live. Right at the beginning of the event, Egyptian journalists such as the editor-in-chief of the state news agency Mena insulted the TV team of the Al Jazeera broadcaster, once considered the voice of the “Arab Spring”, as “traitors” because of their alleged proximity to the Muslim Brotherhood and cheered for that Al Jazeera journalist team led by Kairo's Al Jazeera boss Abdel Fatteh Fayed was led away by uniformed men under light pressure. The remaining journalists reacted to the version of the army that was subsequently presented with open applause. After the Alhjazeera team left, the military spokesman declared that Egypt was a "land of freedom and democracy". The remaining journalists did not ask him any questions after the official part of the conference. At the time, Mohamed Amjahid described the behavior of these journalists at the press conference as “cowardly” and the press conference as one-sided. The police spokesman said he was proud and the reputation of the security forces had been rehabilitated. In 2011, police officers were wrongly convicted of human rights violations. Now the people know that the police and secret services work exclusively for the common good.

Because of the reprisals by the military rulers and because of the one-sided reporting in the Egyptian media, the media close to the Morsis government, which had been overthrown by the military, now tried to spread their content via Twitter and other social networks . In addition to the clearly partisan attitude of the private and state Egyptian media, a major problem in obtaining information was the high rate of illiteracy and the low supply of televisions and Internet access in the Egyptian population. According to estimates by the Berlin political scientist Hamadi El-Aouni, around 40 percent of Egyptians only obtained information through the state media or the representations of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Western reports and research

As the Egyptian press backed the military, it became increasingly difficult for foreign media representatives to even cover what was happening in the country. Dirk Emmerich, a journalist for the German news channel n-tv , and members of his team were arrested and detained for seven hours while they were reporting on the attacks on the Muslim Brotherhood in front of the headquarters of the Republican Guard. Anti-Morsi demonstrators also mobilized against the foreign media. Many foreign journalists did not want to continue working in Egypt because of the hostility and security reasons.

The taz reported on July 8 that, according to eyewitnesses, among whom were supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood, the army only used tear gas and fired warning shots. "Thugs" in civilian clothes are responsible for the violence. Patrick Kingsley of the Guardian later refuted the statements of two residents, the journalist Mirna el-Helbawi and Noha Asaad, quoted in the US media, through his own research. After the bloodbath, they appeared on talk shows as witnesses for the army and supported the claim that the first shots had been fired by Morsi supporters.

According to a July 8 report in the New York Times , eyewitness testimony and video footage suggested that one of the two police officers killed, Mohamed el-Mesairy, was shot dead by soldiers.

A description of the impressions after the bloodbath, contrary to the version of the military, was given by Martin Gehlen in the Tagesspiegel on July 8:

“In the morning the asphalt at the scene of the incident was covered with pools of blood. Parked cars and street lights were riddled with bullets. The hail of bullets apparently came from a building with machine gun nests protected with sandbags on the roof. Videos of the riots showed soldiers targeting the crowd over the barracks wall. Muslim Brotherhood activists seized empty ammunition boxes labeled 'Egyptian Army'. Numerous pools of blood and bullets were hundreds of meters away from the guard building of the barracks and suggest that the soldiers also fired at the fleeing crowd. Surviving eyewitnesses all painted a similar picture of what happened. The attacks were carried out without any warning, first with tear gas, then with live ammunition. Total panic broke out in the crowd, also because it was still dark at the time of the massacre. "

- Martin Gehlen, July 8, 2013

Amnesty International Report (July 10)

The human rights organization Amnesty International backed the Muslim Brotherhood's allegations against the security forces and, based on "first-hand reports" on July 10, came to conclusions that completely contradicted the military's version of the allegation that protesters had protested during the July 8 clashes attacked first and that no women or children were injured. Amnesty Internationals' deputy director for North Africa and the Middle East, Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, said the documented testimony paints a “completely different picture”. Amnesty International's visits to morgues, Cairo hospitals (al-Ta'min-al-Sihi Hospital, Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya Field Hospital, Heliopolis Hospital, Manshiyat Bikri Hospital, and Demerdash Hospital) and venues of violence led Amnesty International believes that the security forces used "excessive" violence, including intentionally lethal violence. Even if some of the demonstrators used violence, the soldiers' reaction - according to Sahraoui - was absolutely disproportionate. Many of those killed and injured were shot in the head and upper body with shotgun pellets and live ammunition. Most of the patients injured on July 8 needed medical treatment from wounds caused by live ammunition and shotgun pellets. Several people were shot from behind, while security forces fired others in the eyes. In some cases, soldiers also killed deliberately - as in the case of the photographer Ahmed Assem. Amnesty International interpreted the delivery of two bodies from a police station as an indication that the security organs also tortured several people to death. Most testimonies, according to Amnesty International, indicated the presence of armed forces, including the Republican Guard and the Home Office, at the scene and at the time of the killings. Amnesty International announced on July 8 that an effective investigation was needed to prevent government officials from committing further human rights abuses. The commander of the Republican Guard of the Army, Lieutenant General Mohammed Saki, is the same person who was responsible for the army's deadly use against demonstrators in front of the cabinet building in December 2011. Amnesty International scheduled the violence to begin at the end of morning prayer around 3:30 a.m. on July 8th. According to eyewitness reports, the security forces started firing tear gas grenades at the crowd of protesters and the first shots were fired. Amnesty International blamed the demonstrators for the escalation. They responded with violence to the army's attempt to break up the protest, including erecting barricades and throwing stones at soldiers.

Human Rights Watch report (July 14)

The human rights organization Human Rights Watch (HRW) concluded in its report of 14 July to conclude the Egyptian military have disclosed no evidence for its assertion that demonstrators had tried to storm the building of the Republican Guard. HRW also found no evidence of such a process, but instead found out that demonstrators were praying peacefully or peacefully gathering as the military and police moved in to break up the sit-in. HRW spoke to 24 witnesses for their own investigation into the clashes, including demonstrators, local residents and seven doctors. In addition, HRW had looked through video footage of demonstrators and news channels for its report, which it considered "reliable". All witnesses who witnessed the beginning of the violence confirmed that shortly before dawn on July 8, military forces of the Egyptian riot police, Central Security Forces, “moved in to crush the peaceful sit-in by simultaneously pounding on protesters in front of the building of the Republican Guard at one end of the street and in front of the Mustafa Mosque at the other end of the street ”. Both witnesses and video material viewed by HRW confirmed, according to HRW, that at least a few supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood were in possession of firearms and had used both live and shotgun ammunition. Military snipers stationed on nearby rooftops and officers positioned elsewhere shot at a number of unarmed demonstrators and bystanders. However, the video material does not clarify from which side the first sharp shot was taken.

Joe Stork, the acting Middle East director at Human Rights Watch , called the incident "the bloodiest single event that Egypt has seen since the uprising against Mubarak". It took place at a time of "extreme political polarization". According to Human Rights Watch, prosecutors only investigated supporters and leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood for their alleged roles in the clashes, not the military and police forces. Stork criticized the "Egyptian military justice system" had repeatedly proven to be incapable of objectively investigating serious human rights violations. Military prosecutors and judges are subject to the same line of instruction as those they are investigating, which makes independence and impartiality impossible. Human Rights Watch considered it established that the army had engaged in lethal violence that far exceeded any apparent threat to the lives of military personnel.

Kingsley's Guardian Research (July 18)

Research by Patrick Kingsley, based on interviews with eyewitnesses, residents and doctors, as well as video analyzes and published in the Guardian on July 18 , came to the conclusion that, contrary to the official description, the event was a targeted and coordinated attack by the Security forces acted on mostly peaceful civilians, in whom the military apparently shot 54 people. Kingsley's report in the Guardian won the London Frontline Club's annual print journalism award in late October . The judges rated the work as "absolutely forensic and consistently excellent". It creates a report “out of the chaos” and is “significant because the event is so controversial”.

According to the Guardian's extensive research , the army apparently opened fire on peaceful demonstrators in a two-front push. According to Kingsley's research, who conducted 31 interviews with eyewitnesses, local residents and clinic staff, and analyzed videos recorded by local residents and protesters, the Egyptian military's version was incorrect. The alleged attack by the motorcycle gang had therefore not taken place. Instead, the army advanced with armored vehicles and infantry troops from two sides towards the crowd gathered for morning prayers, whereupon the security forces first fired tear gas cartridges and from 3.40 a.m. without further warning, shot and live ammunition until around three hours later the fire stopped again at around 7 a.m. has been.

According to Kingsley's research, the following sequence of events can be timed as a chronological sequence:

  • Early morning on July 8th: Around 2,000 people gather in preparation for morning prayer shortly after 3 a.m. in the northeastern part of the city in front of the officers' club of the Republican Guard in Cairo on the road connection from the to the larger pro-Mursi protest camp on the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya Mosque leading to Tayaran Street and Salah Salem Street, a main thoroughfare in Cairo, where they have been camping since July 5, and where several pro-Morsi demonstrators were shot by state officials on the first day of the sit-in were.
  • 3:17 am to 3:30 am: The local mosques and imams call for the first of the five daily prayers ( fajr ) at 3:17 am . A contingent of soldiers behind the barbed wire limits is inactive. The situation is calm. A few dozen protesters man the barricades set up by pro-Morsi protesters 300 meters away on either side of the street. Others are still sleeping. The crowd of several hundred people and both women and children that meets Salah Salem Street in front of the Republican Guard turns away from the officers' club and kneels in prayer.
  • 3:30 a.m. to 4:00 a.m .: Around 3:30 a.m., pro-Mursi overseers are alerted during the prayer as armored vehicles belonging to the paramilitary police organization Central Security Forces (CSF) are approaching the eastern and western limits of the sit-in. The demonstrators then begin - in the traditional way by hitting metal parts against each other - to warn the crowd inside the sit-in acoustically. The prayer ends quickly. Addressing the army commander, the imam emphasizes that it is a peaceful crowd.
The armored CSF vehicles stopped in front of the sit-in and immediately began firing tear gas cartridges from the west and east sides, while the worshipers continued to panic. Security guards guarding the entrance to the officers' club in front of the middle of the sit-in also started shooting tear gas. Panic breaks out in the midst of the use of tear gas. Some protesters form a human chain around the fence at the entrance to the officers' club. Over 100 demonstrators, including women and children, are rushing to a nearby apartment block to seek protection from the tear gas and receive treatment against its effects. They are taken to the roof of the building and remain there until the police arrive a few hours later and arrest them. Others run to the roadblocks to see what is going on.
The security forces start shooting with rifles from outside the sit-in, without a resident later being able to see from the video recordings whether live ammunition was used. Protesters on the edge of the sit-in can hold their own for a short time. A single flash from the Mursi supporters, which could have come from a firearm, can later be recognized on video recordings. Soon after, the demonstrators, overwhelmed by tear gas, withdraw. Some are shot at from a distance. Others set tires on fire. to create smoke intended to obstruct security forces.
Around 3:45 a.m., the first dead protester arrives at the field hospital near the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya Mosque, along with a group of injured. Army and police teams and vehicles cross the perimeter of the sit-in and advance to the center of the camp while firing firearms. Some protesters are caught and beaten by the police. Others throw stones to defend themselves. At least two women received non-fatal gunshot wounds. There are no reports of a gang of motorcyclists, as later stated by the army to trigger the attack.
During the shooting, troops try to arrest the people who are in the two mosques on Salah-Salem Street. The people in the Safeya Mosque and those from the Mostafa Mosque who do not manage to barricade themselves are rounded up, driven to the officers' club and mistreated.
  • 3:45 to 4:30 a.m .: Some doctors rush from the direction of the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya Mosque via Tayaran Street to help the wounded on Salem-Salah Street. By 4:30 a.m., over 150 injured demonstrators had been taken to the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya field hospital, including a six-month-old female infant who was knocked out from the tear gas and is being stabilized again. Medics are also treating a 10-year-old boy who was injured by shotgun fire.
Shortly after the incident began, the power went out in the small field hospital on Tayaran Street, affecting the doctors' work in treating the injured. Tear gas causes shortness of breath for the doctors in the hospital. Video footage presented later shows a man throwing a stone from a building at 4:05 a.m. This is evidence of the earliest anti-army aggression that the army can muster.
  • 4:30 am to 5:30 am: At this point, most of the people on Salem Salah Street were being forced down Tayaran Street to the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya Mosque. A street fight breaks out. Video footage of the army with timestamps from 4:59 a.m. shows at least three supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood who appear to be carrying and firing single-shot weapons. At least half a dozen Mursi supporters throw incendiary bottles at security guards. A building catches on fire, possibly from a bottle of fire or from an exploding gas canister. Other Mursi supporters throw heavy objects from a roof. Military snipers fire at protesters from the roofs of army buildings on the east side of Tayaran Street and from Tayaran Street.
  • 5:00 am to 6:00 am: Military snipers along the buildings on Tarayan Street undertake the main offensive. They choose unarmed civilians. The photographer Ahmed Samir Assem is said to be shot dead by snipers by the Muslim Brotherhood while his camera appears to be recording the moment of his death. Soldiers repeatedly try to break into the small field hospital near the "massacre". Protesters erect a makeshift barricade halfway up Tayaran Street, blocking access to the sit-in at the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya Mosque.
  • 6:00 am to 7:00 am: The street fighting continues. In the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya field hospital, the medical supplies almost run out before supporters supply it with a large amount of donated medicine. One of the doctors in the small field hospital is arrested. Shooting ends at around 7 a.m.

Reactions

National

  • Doctors of the Muslim Brotherhood, who run an emergency hospital next to the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya Mosque, insulted Chief of Staff Sisi as “butcher” and “murderer” at a press conference on July 8th. Spokesmen for the Muslim Brotherhood condemned the attack by the security forces as a "bloodbath" and a "massacre".
  • Yehia Moussa, official spokesman for the Egyptian Ministry of Health, who was present in the protest camp himself, said he was hit and injured several times by sharp gunshots. When he was called by state television for a live interview, as often happened after serious incidents, he said on the program that he and paramedics had witnessed that the massacre had been committed by the military and police acted by peaceful civilians who did not have weapons to defend themselves. According to this statement, however, the telephone connection from the TV channel was cut and Moussa lost his post as spokesman for the Ministry of Health that same day due to dissemination of misinformation.
  • Essam el-Erian, a leading leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, called the killings “a determined massacre” by a “fascist coup government.” The Muslim Brotherhood, from which Morsi emerged, called on its supporters because of the “July 8th massacre” - 42 of 51 fatalities were classified as party sympathizers - to a nationwide "uprising of the Egyptian people" against the armed forces that drove Egypt "into a new Syria" and led to the "return of a military dictatorship". A spokesman later made it clear that the call was for a "peaceful uprising". A party spokesman said: "Each province is organizing its own funeral ceremonies and demonstrations today." In front of the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya mosque in the Nasr City district of Cairo alone, thousands of Morsi's supporters gathered again to protest.
  • The later vice president and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Mohammed el-Baradei , who was appointed head of the interim government on July 6, but whose swearing-in was prevented at the last moment by strong opposition from the Party of Light , so that Mansur had withdrawn el-Baradei's nomination, condemned posted the "violence" on July 8, saying the only way is a peaceful transition. He called for an independent investigation, which, according to Martin Gehlen ( Tagesspiegel ), would "of course never" be carried out. Literally, el-Baradei tweeted: "Violence creates counter-violence and should be sharply condemned."
  • Former presidential candidate and left-wing opposition leader Hamdin Sabahi said the only beneficiaries were the Muslim Brotherhood and others who sought to polarize the situation and drive Egypt towards civil war.
  • The ultra-conservative Party of Light ( Nur-Party ) of the radical Islamist Salafists, which until then had been an Islamist partner on the side of the anti-Morsi alliance, then announced, through its spokesman Nader al-Bakkar, its temporary withdrawal from all negotiations with immediate effect through the formation of a transitional government and from the entire political process initiated by the army. Party spokesman Bakkar justified the decision on July 8 on the Internet service Twitter as a reaction to the "massacre" in front of the headquarters of the Republican Guard in Cairo. Bakkar said the Nur party had agreed to take part in the deliberations to prevent bloodshed, but, Bakkar said, "now the blood is flowing freely". A party spokesman compared the situation with the Mubarak regime: "It is as if the old regime is back in full armor."
  • The al-Azhar , the 1,000-year-old Institute of Islamic Studies, condemned the incident of July 8 as "painful incident" of a "dark period of struggle" ( Ahram Online mean). Sheikh Ahmed el-Tayeb , the grand imam of the al-Azhar mosque and the country's highest-ranking Sunni clergy, announced that he would go to a retreat in protest and only leave his house when the bloodshed ends. He called on all parties to the conflict to prevent the country from sliding into civil war. Martin Gehlen described the reaction of this other partner of the anti-Morsi coalition in the Tagesspiegel as self-imposing “Islamic retreats in silence” and rated it as “going down”.
  • The Tamarod "rebel" campaign, believed to be primarily responsible for the June 30 mass protests that preceded the overthrow of Morsi, accepted the army version of a terrorist attack for the July 8th bloodbath of the Muslim Brotherhood. She condemned the July 8 incident as "vengeful attacks by political Islamists against the army" ( Ahram Online ). Mohab Doss, a spokesman for Tamarod, alleged the incident was a "response" by the army to "intimidation" by Islamist groups.
  • Khalid Talima, a representative of the coalition formed before Morsi's overthrow of the anti-Morsi protests, said at a press conference under the headline “Muslim Brotherhood-American Conspiracy against the Revolution” that “violent actions by the Muslim Brotherhood” are expected and “cannot accept that armed gatherings would be passed off as peaceful protests or sit-ins ”.
  • The police, who had never fully accepted the authority of the democratically elected Morsi government, presented a revision of history on July 8th. Police spokesman Hany Abdel Lateef claimed that the Muslim Brotherhood - and not the police - were responsible for the killings of protesters during the revolt against President Mubarak in the so-called January 2011 revolution.
  • The new interim president Adli Mansur announced the establishment of a commission to investigate the incidents. At the same time he called on the demonstrators to stay away from barracks and other “vital facilities” of the state. His spokesman, Ahmed Elmoslmani, told Reuters news agency that the events would not stop efforts for a transitional government and preparations for elections and a constitution.

International

  • GermanyGermany Germany - The German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle expressed himself "dismayed" about the outbreak of violence. He appealed to all those responsible to act prudently and to refrain from “violence in any form”. Days before, Westerwelle had already viewed the coup in Egypt as a serious setback for democracy. Two days before the mass killing of July 8th, German President Joachim Gauck had called for a return to a government that met democratic standards and at the same time expressed understanding that "extraordinary measures will be taken in a situation where civil war is threatening".
  • European UnionEuropean Union European Union - The EU condemned the escalation of violence in Egypt and said it was reviewing its financial aid to Egypt. The spokesman for EU chief diplomat Catherine Ashton said on July 8: “We condemn and regret the violence. We expect that the political process will continue in a peaceful way ”. A “political mission” of the EU could also be sent to Cairo “at the appropriate time”. The EU's financial aid - for the period from 2012 to 2013, almost five billion euros in loans and grants were earmarked in the EU financial planning - according to the information, did not flow directly into the Egyptian state budget, as the Egyptian rulers failed to make the expected reform progress. Instead, non-governmental organizations and civil society groups would be supported.
  • TurkeyTurkey Turkey - The Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu , whose government spoke of an unacceptable "military coup" in connection with the removal of the elected president, condemned the clashes sharply and described them as "massacres". The Turkish government also criticized the EU for not calling the coup a coup.
  • United StatesUnited States United States - The US response, which did not condemn the military's overthrow of Morsi and called on security forces to exercise restraint, was assessed as mild. The US announced that it would continue to pay military and financial aid to the new rulers in Egypt even after the elected president was overthrown. Government spokesman Jay Carney said on July 8 that the programs would continue, at least for the time being. When asked by journalists, he replied: "It would not be in the best interests of the US to change our aid programs for Egypt immediately".
  • Human Rights Watch issued a July 14, 2013 statement calling on Interim President Adli Mansur to ensure "an objective investigation into military officials and police into the killings outside Republican Guard headquarters on July 8, 2013". The Human Rights Watch press release called for the investigation to be conducted by the civil justice system and be both institutionally and in practice independent of the military chain of command. The latest constitutional declaration by Mansur prevented a civil investigation into the clashes and gave "the military judiciary exclusive jurisdiction over crimes in which military personnel are involved". The human rights group stressed that the civil judicial body set up by Mansur was therefore unable to fully investigate the clashes. She called on Mansur to issue an additional statement to release that "civil courts investigate military personnel in cases of serious human rights violations, the victims of which are civilians."

Importance and ratings

The July 8th bloodbath is believed to be unprecedented in modern Egyptian history up to this point. After more than 50 people were killed in the early morning violent clashes between the army and demonstrating Muslim Brotherhoods, tensions across the country escalated to extremes. The July 8th mass killing in front of the Republican Guard headquarters was the first well-documented incident of excessive and unlawful use of force by the military after the overthrow of Morsi, according to an alliance of 13 Egyptian and international human rights organizations.

The withdrawal of the Salafist Nur party ( Party of Light ) from the talks on the formation of a government, which was justified with the bloodbath, seemed to bring the political process of forming a transitional government to a complete standstill. The Nur party, as the second largest Islamist movement in Egypt, was seen as an important force in trying to include all political currents in the democratization process. With their retreat, Egypt threatened to slide into chaos in the eyes of observers. The departure of the Salafists, who were influential through the election results and who sought their own transitional concept after the bloodbath, increasingly put the rest of the "Tahrir Alliance" as protagonists of the so-called "Second Revolution" in the light of military coups without democratic legitimation and left the "Tahrir Alliance" “Appear as disintegrated. The Egyptian political scientist Mustafa El-Labbad, head of the privately funded think tank Al-Sharq Center for Regional and Strategic Studies in Cairo, described the Salafists' reactions to the July 8 carnage as “political games”. He pointed out that their main regional sponsor, Saudi Arabia, had welcomed the overthrow of Morsi and that, in his view, the Salafists were pursuing the goal of "outperforming" the Muslim Brotherhood. However, since they are accused in their own ranks of having betrayed the political Islamist camp, they feel compelled to justify their behavior by saying that they have stopped the further secularization of the country and wrested valuable compromises from the liberals. They would therefore use tactics, but not withdraw from the coalition against the Muslim Brotherhood.

Martin Gehlen described the mass killing of July 8th in the Tagesspiegel as a “massacre of the Muslim Brotherhood” and a “previously unprecedented massacre by the army and police of demonstrators of the Muslim Brotherhood”. Guardian's Patrick Kingsley called the killing of at least 51 people by Egyptian security forces on July 8 the "bloodiest state-led massacre since the fall of Hosni Mubarak" and "one of the bloodiest incidents in recent Egyptian history".

Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, Deputy Director of Amnesty International -Programms Middle East and North Africa , described the use of force by the security forces as disproportionate and as a cause of the death and injury of peaceful demonstrators, regardless of whether some protesters made by use of force would have.

Despite the casualties, the Muslim Brotherhood seemed to be shown little sympathy, but warned of the danger posed by the military, who had claimed to protect the people when Morsi was overthrown and not to take power in their own interests while they were in power own citizen shot.

The ZDF correspondent Roland Strumpf claimed in a report that was broadcast on ZDF special on July 8th that the Muslim Brotherhood had "dropped its democratic mask" with the events of July 8th and was literally threatening further escalation "until Egypt finally sinking into chaos ”. Strumpf argued and formulated similarly to Hamed Abdel-Samad , known in Germany as a critic of Islam , who denied in several media on July 5th and 6th that the events of July 3rd had been an outright military coup and instead claimed that Rather, Morsi had "against himself", "against democracy and against the will of most Egyptians", "because he was not acting in the interests of Egypt, but in the interests of his Muslim Brotherhood". Samad had also claimed: “The Islamists' masks have fallen. They now speak the only language they can speak, namely the language of violence! ”According to the claim of Samad,“ militias of the Muslim Brotherhood ”, which Morsi is said to have sent in December 2012, according to Samad,“ um to dissolve the demos bloody ". According to Samad, the Muslim Brotherhood was also responsible for the violence in front of the barracks of the Republican Guard in Cairo on November 5: “Now the Muslim Brotherhood are sending their militias on the streets, shooting wildly and trying to frighten the population and to create horror in order to bring their overthrown president back to power. ”Strumpf cited an interview with Abdul Gelil for his argument in the ZDF report, an insider who, according to Strumpf, has dropped out of the Muslim Brotherhood and who, due to his previous work for the Internet presence the Muslim Brotherhood credibly proves that the “only goal” of the Muslim Brotherhood is “the establishment of an Islamist state”. The Muslim Brotherhood is therefore an “almost military, tightly run” and “overpowering” organization that has “armed militias” and that “every means is right” to prevent the formation of a government. In an interview on July 12 on the Phoenix broadcaster, Strumpf assessed the demand by the German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle to set Mursi free again as an obstacle to the work of the Germans in Egypt. The strictly constitutional demand to release the ousted President Morsi is an affront for many Egyptians who are proud to have overthrown the "regime" of Morsi, whom they consider to be "non-person" and who do not have such a well-developed understanding of democracy as in Germany customarily decreed. With this argument, too, Strumpf corresponded to Samad's criticism of the attitude of the German Foreign Office, which had described the dismissal of Egyptian ex-President Mohammed Morsi as a setback for democracy.

Volker Perthes , director of the Science and Politics Foundation (SWP), told ZDF heute journal on July 9th that the repression of the new rulers against the Muslim Brotherhood was a mistake and would have to be stopped if the situation in Egypt is to stabilize again. As long as the Muslim Brotherhood suffered from repression and the president and parts of their leadership were in custody, integration would be difficult for them, especially since their bitterness over the military coup of July 3 still persists. The primary need is that the Military Council, the interim president and the interim government stop repression against the Muslim Brotherhood and that the Muslim Brotherhood be encouraged not to continue to incite violence. The relatively moderate Muslim Brotherhood as “Islamic mainstream” would have to be involved again if the next parliament was to prevent the Salafists, which are ideologically close to the fundamentalist- Wahhabi Gulf monarchies such as Saudi Arabia and the United Emirates , from forming the strongest political party.

On July 8th, when Hasim al-Beblawi was appointed interim prime minister , the interim president Mansur, installed by the military, selected a man who was known as a “liberal economic expert ” one day “after the bloodbath of the military and police on demonstrators of the Muslim Brotherhood with over 50 dead” “Was true. After Mubarak's fall in 2011, Beblawie had been finance minister and deputy prime minister in the interim cabinet of interim prime minister Essam Scharaf for six months and resigned from all offices after the military carried out a massacre of Coptic demonstrators in front of the state television building on Maspero on October 9, 2011. On July 10, 2013, Martin Gehlen wrote in the Tagesspiegel that the massacre of Copts on October 9, 2011 was “the worst after the crimes against members of the Muslim Brotherhood [on July 8, 2013] in front of the barracks of the Republican Guards” Assaults by soldiers against the civilian population in recent Egyptian history ", but none of the officers responsible have ever been held responsible for them. At that time, too, the army leadership initially claimed that the Coptic Christians had shot at soldiers and killed several, which subsequently turned out to be untrue.

In particular, the Republican Guard in Cairo, which was viewed as a group of thugs, came under fire. The members of the special unit of the Egyptian army dressed in black were notorious and feared even under President Mubarak. They were used when there was a threat to the state or the president and beat demonstrators, ordered raids against criminals, interrogated suspects and tortured prisoners. Since the fall of Mubarak, they switched to the use of tear gas and rubber bullets - first against the revolutionaries, later against the Muslim Brotherhood. According to Amnesty International, the Republican Guard also used their heavy weapons in the carnage in front of the Republican Guard headquarters on July 8th. Whether the Republican Guard was involved in the July 8 mass killing of Morsi's supporters was subsequently neither confirmed nor ruled out. Since the Republican Guard is equipped with the Swiss SIG 550 assault rifle and the weapon has been subject to an export ban in Switzerland since 2009 due to the human rights situation in Egypt, the question of whether the SIG rifles in the mass killing, sometimes referred to as a "massacre", is raised July 8 was used, observed in connection with the motion of the Council of States Security Commission to relax the exports of war material by changing the Swiss War Material Ordinance. Shortly before the bloodbath of August 14, 2013 in the Cairo protest camps in front of Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya Square in Nasr City and on Nahda Square in Dokki , Western media reported that the Republican Guard was in favor of disbanding these protest camps Muslim Brotherhood should be used.

Further development

One day after the July 8 event, the economist and ex-finance minister Hasim al-Beblawi was appointed interim prime minister. On the evening of July 9th, one day before the beginning of the fasting month of Ramadan , the Egyptian state television reported that the Nobel Peace Prize laureate Mohamed el-Baradei had received the post of Vice President and Foreign Minister. Mansur also responded by presenting a timetable for the adoption of an expert-revised constitution and the election of a new parliament within the next six or seven months . Mansur enacted a constitutional declaration of 33 articles that replaced the constitution suspended by the military over the next few months. In a maximum period of four and a half months, a committee of experts should revise the previous constitution, after which it would be presented to the people again for a referendum. Parliamentary elections should then be held within 60 days. The Tamarod campaign sharply criticized the declaration and called it “the basis for a new dictatorship”. She criticized her for not having been informed and consulted about the content of the document in advance. The Muslim Brotherhood also rejected the constitutional declaration and announced new protests.

With the beginning of the fasting month of Ramadan on July 10th, the protests initially decreased. According to Egyptian lawyers, more than 660 men, including prominent members of the Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing, the FJP, have been arrested in Cairo alone between July 3 and mid-July, since Morsi was deposed by the military. Many of them were arrested on July 8 during the violent clashes outside the Republican Guard headquarters. By mid-July, around 650 of those arrested nationwide had been released, while an unknown number remained in detention because they could not pay bail.

The night before the transitional government was sworn in on July 16, violence escalated again after a week of relative calm. During demonstrations there were clashes with security forces, in which seven people, all Morsi supporters, were killed. At least 92 people had been killed within two weeks since the military coup against President Morsi. At the swearing in, the commander of the armed forces Sisi was given significantly more powers and an influential post in the transitional government as the first deputy of interim prime minister Hasim al-Beblawi . This increased evidence that the military would play a stronger political role than was generally expected.

Neither of the two Islamist parties that had jointly won Egypt's free elections for the first time since the popular uprising in 2011 (including two parliamentary elections, one presidential election and two constitutional referendums) and, as a result, around three-quarters of the seats before the coup were involved in the new transitional government had taken in parliament. As a result, during the transitional government installed by the military, the greatest wave of violence in recent Egyptian history hit Egypt, the majority of which came from the Muslim Brotherhood.

The mass killing of July 8th on the grounds of the Republican Guard in Cairo-Heliopolis was already exceeded on July 27th by the mass killing in the protest camp in front of the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya Mosque in Cairo-Nasr-City. In July alone, Human Rights Watch recorded 137 deaths from the disproportionate use of force by security forces in Cairo.

After the end of Ramadan, the “massacre by the security forces of around 1,000 pro-Mursi demonstrators” in the protest camps in front of the Rābiʿa-al-ʿAdawiyya mosque and on Nahda Square in front of the university in Gizeh-Dokki followed on August 14 as the most serious of the three mass killings since the fall of Morsi in early July. Patrick Kingsley concluded that the second and third of these “massacres” were also the result of unprovoked and planned attacks by the state.

On August 16, according to information from human rights organizations, 120 people and two police officers were killed again in clashes on Ramses Square as a protest center and on protest marches.

On October 6, at least 57 demonstrators were killed, mostly during the breaking up of protest marches from the Dokki district and Ramses Square to Tahrir Square. The events of July 8, July 27, August 14, August 16 and October 6 were listed as mass killings of Morsi supporters by Egyptian and international human rights organizations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch .

This series of violence, which has continued since the fall of Morsi, was interpreted as a sign of growing instability in Egypt.

References

literature

Reports from human rights organizations:

Web links

Pictures and Videos:

Commons : Protests in Egypt 2013  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files
Documentary in Arabic about the mass killing at the Presidential Guard of Al Jazeera. A translation and background with German subtitles is available on YouTube:
At dawn , YouTube, published by the YouTube channel Against the military coup in Egypt on January 26, 2014.

Geographical representations of the protest camp in front of the headquarters of the Republican Guard in Cairo:

Individual evidence

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Coordinates: 30 ° 4 ′ 51 ″  N , 31 ° 19 ′ 0 ″  E