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{{Infobox Prime Minister
A '''national anthem''' is a generally [[patriotism|patriotic]] musical composition that evokes and eulogizes the history, traditions and struggles of its people, recognized either by a nation's [[government]] as the official national song, or by [[convention (norm)|convention]] through use by the people.
| honorific-prefix = <small>[[The Right Honourable]]</small><br />
| name = Stanley Baldwin
| honorific-suffix = <br /><small>[[Order of the Garter|KG]], [[Privy Council of the United Kingdom|PC]] </small>
| image=Stanley Baldwin ggbain.35233.jpg
| imagesize = 225px
| order=[[Prime Minister of the United Kingdom]]
| term_start =7 June 1935
| term_end =28 May 1937
| monarch =[[George V of the United Kingdom|George V]]<br />[[Edward VIII of the United Kingdom|Edward VIII]]<br />[[George VI of the United Kingdom|George VI]]
| predecessor =[[Ramsay MacDonald]]
| successor =[[Neville Chamberlain]]
| term_start2 =4 November 1924
| term_end2 =5 June 1929
| monarch2 =[[George V of the United Kingdom|George V]]
| predecessor2 =[[Ramsay MacDonald]]
| successor2 =[[Ramsay MacDonald]]
| term_start3 =23 May 1923
| term_end3 =16 January 1924
| monarch3 =[[George V of the United Kingdom|George V]]
| predecessor3 =[[Andrew Bonar Law]]
| successor3 =[[Ramsay MacDonald]]
| order4 =[[Chancellor of the Exchequer]]
| term_start4 =27 October 1922
| term_end4 =27 August 1923
| primeminister4 =[[Andrew Bonar Law]]
| predecessor4 =[[Robert Stevenson Horne, 1st Viscount Horne|Robert Stevenson Horne]]
| successor4 =[[Neville Chamberlain]]
| birth_date ={{birth date|1867|8|3|df=y}}
| birth_place =[[Bewdley]], [[Worcestershire]], United Kingdom
| death_date ={{death date and age|1947|12|14|1867|8|3|df=y}}
| death_place =[[Stourport-on-Severn]], [[Worcestershire]], United Kingdom
| spouse =[[Lucy Baldwin|Lucy Ridsdale]]
| religion =[[Church of England|Anglican]]
| alma_mater =[[Trinity College, Cambridge]]
| profession =[[Industrialist]]
| party =[[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservative]]
|}}
'''Stanley Baldwin, 1st Earl Baldwin of Bewdley''', [[Order of the Garter|KG]], [[Privy Council of the United Kingdom|PC]] (3 August 1867 &ndash; 14 December 1947) was a British [[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservative]] politician, statesman, and major figure on the political scene in the [[interwar years]]. He served three terms as [[Prime Minister of the United Kingdom]]; first from 1923-24 then 1924-29 and again from 1935-37.


== History ==
==Early life==
He was born at Lower Park House, Lower Park, [[Bewdley]] in [[Worcestershire]], England to [[Alfred Baldwin (politician)|Alfred Baldwin]] and [[MacDonald sisters, daughters of George Browne MacDonald|Louisa Baldwin (née MacDonald)]] and through his mother was a first cousin of the writer and poet Rudyard Kipling. Baldwin was educated at [[Hawtreys|St Michael's School]], [[Harrow School|Harrow]] and [[Trinity College, Cambridge]]. His university career was blighted by the presence, as [[Master of Trinity]], of a former schoolmaster who had punished him at Harrow for writing a piece of schoolboy smut. He was asked to resign from the Magpie & Stump (the Trinity College Debating Society) for never speaking, and after receiving a [[third-class degree]] in history went into the family business. As a young man he served very briefly as a [[Second Lieutenant]] in the Artillery Volunteers. He married [[Lucy Baldwin|Lucy Ridsdale]] on 12 September 1892.
Anthems rose to prominence in Europe during the nineteenth century; the oldest national anthem is "[[Het Wilhelmus]]", the [[Dutch people|Dutch]] national anthem, written between 1568 and 1572 during the [[Dutch Revolt]]. The Japanese anthem, "[[Kimi ga Yo]]", has its lyrics taken from a [[Kamakura period]] poem, yet it was not set to music until 1880.<ref name="jpri">Japan Policy Research Institute [http://www.jpri.org/publications/workingpapers/wp79.html JPRI Working Paper No. 79]. Published July 2001. Retrieved July 7, 2007</ref> "[[God Save the Queen]]", the national anthem of [[the United Kingdom]], was first performed in 1745 under the title "God Save the King". [[Spain]]'s national anthem, the "[[Marcha Real]]" (The Royal March), dates from 1770. The oldest of Denmarks two national anthems, "[[Kong Kristian stod ved højen mast]]" was adopted in 1780 and "[[La Marseillaise]]", the French anthem, was written in 1792 and adopted in 1795.


He proved to be very adept at the family business of iron manufacturing, and acquired a reputation as a modernising industrialist. Later he inherited £200,000 and a directorship of the [[Great Western Railway]] upon the death of his father [[Alfred Baldwin (politician)|Alfred Baldwin]] in 1908.
During the rise of the [[nation-state]] in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, a national anthem was often adopted as nationhood status was proclaimed. Colonialism influenced the choice of anthems outside the European continent, thus several anthems of non-European nations are in the European style. Only a handful of non-European countries have anthems rooted in indigenous traditions, including [[Qaumi Tarana|Pakistan]], [[Jana Gana Mana|India]], [[Kimi ga Yo|Japan]], [[Sayaun Thunga Phool Ka|Nepal]], [[Noble patria, tu hermosa bandera|Costa Rica]], [[Sorud-e Melli-e Iran|Iran]], [[Sri Lanka Matha|Sri Lanka]], and [[Kaba Ma Kyei|Myanmar]].


==Early political career==
An anthem can become a country's national anthem by a provision in the country's constitution, by a law enacted by its legislature or simply by tradition. The majority of national anthems are either [[March (music)|marches]] or [[hymn]]s in style. The countries of [[Latin America]] tend towards more [[opera]]tic pieces, while a handful of countries use a simple [[fanfare]].
In the [[United Kingdom general election, 1906|1906 general election]] he contested [[Kidderminster (UK Parliament constituency)|Kidderminster]] but lost amidst the [[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservative]] landslide defeat after the party split on the issue of free trade. In 1908 he succeeded his father as [[Member of Parliament]] (MP) for [[Bewdley (UK Parliament constituency)|Bewdley]]. During the [[World War I|First World War]] he became [[Parliamentary Private Secretary]] to Conservative leader [[Andrew Bonar Law]] and in 1917 he was appointed to the junior ministerial post of [[Secretary to the Treasury|Financial Secretary to the Treasury]] where he sought to encourage voluntary donations by the rich in order the repay the United Kingdom's war debt, notably writing to ''[[The Times]]'' under the pseudonym 'FST'. He personally donated one fifth of his quite small fortune. He served jointly with [[Hardman Lever|Sir Hardman Lever]], who had been appointed in 1916, but after 1919 Baldwin carried out the duties largely alone. He was appointed to the [[Privy Council of the United Kingdom|Privy Council]] in the 1920 Birthday Honours. In 1921 he was promoted to the Cabinet as [[President of the Board of Trade]].


In late 1922 dissatisfaction was steadily growing within the Conservative Party over its coalition with the [[Liberal Party (UK)|Liberal]] [[David Lloyd George]]. At a meeting of Conservative MPs at the [[Carlton Club]] in October Baldwin announced that he would no longer support the coalition and famously condemned Lloyd George for being a "dynamic force" that was bringing destruction across politics. The meeting chose to leave the coalition, against the wishes of most of the party leadership. As a result [[Andrew Bonar Law|Bonar Law]], the new Conservative leader, was forced to search for new ministers for his Cabinet and so promoted Baldwin to the position of [[Chancellor of the Exchequer]]. In the November [[united Kingdom general election, 1922|1922 general election]] the Conservatives were returned with a majority in their own right.
Although national anthems are usually in the most common language of the country, whether [[de facto]] or [[Official language|official]], there are notable exceptions. [[India]]'s anthem, [[Jana Gana Mana]], is a highly [[Sanskrit]]ized version of [[Bengali language|Bengali]]. On the other hand [[Pakistan]]'s anthem is not in Urdu or English (the official languages) or in anyone of its 72 provincial or regional languages but rather in [[Persian language|Persian]]. This is due to Pakistan tradition that it represents the culmination of Muslim states and empires in the region; the language of many of them was Persian. States with more than one national language may offer several versions of their anthem: For instance, [[Switzerland]]'s [[Swiss Psalm|anthem]] has different lyrics for each of the country's four official languages ([[French language|French]], [[German language|German]], [[Italian language|Italian]] and [[Romansh language|Romansh]]). [[Canada]]'s [[O Canada|national anthem]] has different lyrics for each of the country's official languages ([[English language|English]] and [[French language|French]]), and on some occasions is sung with a mixture of stanzas taken from its French and English versions. On the other hand, [[South Africa]]'s [[National anthem of South Africa|national anthem]] is unique in that five of the country's eleven official languages are used in the same anthem (the first [[stanza]] is divided between two languages, with each of the remaining three stanzas in a different language). Another [[multilingual]] country, Spain, has no words in its anthem, [[La Marcha Real]], although in 2007 a national competition to write words was launched<ref name="economist.com">The Economist[http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=9558331 Lost for words]. Published July 26, 2007. Retrieved August 17, 2007</ref>.


==Prime Minister (1923&ndash;1924)==
==Usage==
[[Image:Stanley Baldwin 02.jpg|thumb|Baldwin, unknown date]]
[[Image:LakeGenevaRaceway FinalNationalAnthem.jpg|thumb|right|300px|At the commencement of international sporting events, or occasionally (such as in the United States, here pictured) at domestic events, spectators customarily stand for the duration of the national anthem.]]
In May 1923 Bonar Law was diagnosed with terminal cancer and retired immediately. With many of the party's senior leading figures standing aloof and outside of the government, there were only two candidates to succeed him: [[George Nathaniel Curzon, 1st Marquess Curzon of Kedleston|Lord Curzon]], the [[Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs|Foreign Secretary]], and Baldwin. The choice formally fell to [[George V of the United Kingdom|King George V]] acting on the advice of senior ministers and officials. It is not entirely clear what factors proved most crucial, but some Conservative politicians felt that Curzon was unsuitable for the role of Prime Minister because he was a member of the [[House of Lords]] (though this did not stop other lords being seriously considered for the premiership on subsequent occasions). Curzon's lack of experience in domestic affairs, his personal character (found objectionable), and his aristocratic background at a time when the Conservative Party was seeking to shed its patrician image were all deemed impediments. Much weight at the time was given to the intervention of [[Arthur Balfour]].
National anthems are used in a wide array of contexts. They are played on national holidays and festivals, and have also come to be closely connected with sporting events. During sporting competitions, such as the [[Olympic Games]], the national anthem of the gold medal winner is played at each medal ceremony. National anthems are also played before games in many sports leagues, since being adopted in baseball during World War II.<ref>{{web cite |url=http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/multimedia/photo_gallery/0711/music.traditions.sports/content.3.html |title=Musical traditions in sports}}</ref> The use of a national anthem outside of its country, however, is dependent on the international recognition of that country. For instance, the [[Republic of China]] is [[Political status of Taiwan|not recognized]] by the Olympics as a separate nation and must compete as [[Chinese Taipei]]; its [[National Banner Song]] is used instead of its [[National Anthem of the Republic of China|national anthem]].<ref>[[Yomiuri Shimbun]] [http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/national/20070806TDY02005.htm Foul cried over Taiwan anthem at hoop tourney]. Published August 6, 2007</ref>


The King turned to Baldwin to become Prime Minister. Initially Baldwin was also [[Chancellor of the Exchequer]] whilst he sought to recruit the former Liberal Chancellor [[Reginald McKenna]] to join the government. When this failed he appointed [[Neville Chamberlain]].
In some countries, the national anthem is played to students each day at the start of school as an exercise in patriotism. In other countries the anthem may be played in a [[theatre]] before a [[Play (theatre)|play]] or in a [[movie theater|cinema]] before a [[film|movie]]. Many radio and [[television station]]s have adopted this and play the national anthem when they [[sign on]] in the morning and again when they [[sign off]] at night.


The Conservatives now had a clear majority in the [[British House of Commons|House of Commons]] and could govern for five years before holding a general election, but Baldwin felt bound by Bonar Law's pledge at the previous election that there would be no introduction of [[tariff]]s without a further election. With the country facing growing unemployment in the wake of free-trade imports driving down prices and profits, Baldwin decided to call an early general election in [[United Kingdom general election, 1923|December 1923]] to seek a mandate to introduce [[protectionism|protectionist tariffs]] and thus drive down unemployment.<ref>A. J. P. Taylor, ''English History, 1914&ndash;1945'' (Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 206.</ref> Protection was not universally popular in the Conservative Party: "one must speak of the election being fought by a divided party."<ref>Maurice Cowling, ''The Impact of Labour. 1920&ndash;1924. The Beginnings of Modern British Politics'' (Cambridge University Press, 1971), p. 329.</ref> The election outcome was inconclusive: the Conservatives had 258 MPs, Labour 191 and the reunited Liberals 159. Whilst the Conservatives retained a plurality in the House of Commons, they had been clearly defeated on the central election issue of tariffs. Baldwin remained Prime Minister until the opening session of the new Parliament in January 1924, at which time the government was defeated in a [[motion of confidence]] vote. He resigned immediately.
Nations in the cultural sense or subnational units may also have [[royal anthem]]s, [[presidential anthem]]s, [[state anthem]]s, or anthems for officially recognized constitutive parts of federal or confederal states. These are sometimes described as "regional anthems", as in the case of the regions of Belgium.{{Fact|date=July 2008}}


==Leader of the Opposition==
===Multinational usage===
Baldwin successfully held onto the party leadership despite calls for his resignation by some in the party.<ref>Cowling, ''The Impact of Labour'', p. 383.</ref> For the next ten months, an unstable minority Labour government under Prime Minister [[Ramsay MacDonald]] held office. On 13 March the Labour government was defeated for the first time in the Commons, although the Conservatives decided to vote with Labour later that day against the Liberals.<ref name="Cowling1">Cowling, ''The Impact of Labour'', p. 410.</ref> During a debate on the naval estimates the Conservatives opposed Labour but supported them on 18 March in a vote on cutting expenditure on the Singapore military base.<ref name="Cowling1"/> Baldwin also cooperated with MacDonald over Irish policy in order to stop it becoming a party political issue.<ref>Cowling, ''The Impact of Labour'', p. 411.</ref><ref>Keith Middlemas and John Barnes, ''Baldwin: A Biography'' (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969), pp. 269–70.</ref>


The Labour government were negotiating with the Soviet government over what was called the Russian Treaties: a commercial treaty with [[most favoured nation]] privileges and diplomatic status for their trade delegation; and a treaty that would settle the claims of pre-revolutionary British bondholders and holders of confiscated property, after which the British government would guarantee a loan to the Soviet Union.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 271–2.</ref> Baldwin decided to vote against the government over the Russian Treaties, which brought the government down on 8 October.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 273–4.</ref>
Some countries, like the [[United Kingdom]] are multinational, which adds complexity to ideas of nationhood and officialdom. "[[God Save the Queen]]" is the UK's official national anthem, but the [[constituent countries]] the UK comprises have their own official, '[[de-facto]]', or 'unofficial' anthems too. In the case of the United Kingdom, [[England]], [[Scotland]], [[Wales]] and [[Northern Ireland]] all have their own national sports teams, where national anthems are played. As England does not have an 'official' English national anthem, it usually uses the UK national anthem 'God Save the Queen', though for some sports it uses its [[National anthem of England|'unofficial' national anthems]], [[And did those feet in ancient time| Jerusalem]] and [[Land of Hope and Glory]]. Scotland and Wales play their own recognised national anthems at sporting and cultural events. In Northern Ireland, 'God Save the Queen' has been traditionally played at [[football (soccer)]] matches, though [[Londonderry Air]] is considered to be more neutral to the significant number in Northern Ireland who are opposed to being part of the UK.


The [[United Kingdom general election, 1924|general election]] held in October 1924 brought a landslide majority of 223 for the Conservative party, primarily at the expense of the now terminally declining Liberals. Baldwin campaigned on the "impracticability" of socialism, the [[Campbell Case]], the [[Zinoviev Letter]] (which Baldwin thought was genuine) and the Russian Treaties.<ref>Cowling, ''The Impact of Labour'', pp. 408–9.</ref> In a speech during the campaign Baldwin said:
Larger entities also sometimes have 'national' anthems, in some cases known as 'international anthems'. [[The Internationale]] is the anthem of the [[socialism|socialist]] movement, the [[Comintern|world communist movement]], the [[Comintern]] and for a time by the [[Soviet Union]]. The tune of the [[Ode to Joy]] from [[Symphony No. 9 (Beethoven)|Beethoven's Symphony No. 9]] is the [[European anthem]]; the [[United Nations]]<ref>United Nations Organization [http://www.un.org/geninfo/faq/factsheets/hymn.pdf Does the UN have a hymn or national anthem? Fact Sheet # 9]. [[PDF]]</ref> and the [[African Union]]<ref>African Union [http://www.africa-union.org/AU%20symbols/ausymblos.htm AU Symbols].</ref> also have unofficial anthems. The Olympic Movement also has its own [[Olympic Anthem|anthem]]. [[Esperanto]] Speakers at meetings often use the song [[La Espero]] as its anthem.


<blockquote>It makes my blood boil to read of the way which Mr. Zinoviev is speaking of the Prime Minister today. Though one time there went up a cry, "Hands off Russia", I think it's time somebody said to Russia, "Hands off England".<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 275.</ref></blockquote>
==Lyrics==
A few anthems have been composed by [[Nobel Prize in Literature|Nobel prize]] winners. [[India]] and [[Bangladesh]] adopted two songs written by the Indian [[Nobel Prize in Literature|Nobel prize]] winner and noted poet/author [[Rabindranath Tagore]] as their national anthems, [[Jana Gana Mana]] and [[Amar Shonar Bangla]], respectively. Nobel prize winner [[Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson]] wrote the lyrics for the [[Norway|Norwegian]] national anthem [[Ja, vi elsker dette landet]].


==Prime Minister (1924&ndash;1929)==
Some national anthems have no official lyrics at all, including those of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Spain, and San Marino.<ref>Associated Press [http://www.boston.com/news/world/europe/articles/2007/06/26/spains_national_anthem_to_get_words/ Spain's national anthem to get words]. Written by Harold Heckle. Published June 26, 2007.</ref>
[[Image:KingBaldwin1926.jpg|thumb|Rt. Hons. [[University of Toronto|W.L. Mackenzie King]] and Baldwin leaving a Memorial Service at [[Westminster Abbey]] during the [[Imperial Conference]], October 1926]]


Baldwin's new Cabinet now included many former political associates of Lloyd George: former Coalition Conservatives Austen Chamberlain (as Foreign Secretary), Lord Birkenhead (Secretary for India) and Arthur Balfour (Lord President after 1925), and the former Liberal Winston Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer. This period included the [[UK General Strike 1926|General Strike]] of 1926, a crisis that the government managed to weather, despite the havoc it caused throughout the UK. Baldwin created the [[Organisation for the Maintenance of Supplies]], a volunteer body of those opposed to the strike which was intended to complete essential work.<ref>[http://pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk/isj70/bookwatc.htm Bookwatch: The General Strike]</ref>
== See also ==
[[Image:KingRoyals1927.jpg|thumb|Visit of [[Edward VIII of the United Kingdom|Edward VIII]] to [[Rideau Hall]], [[Ottawa]] August 1927. Front row (left-right: 2nd, Rt. Hon. [[William Lyon Mackenzie King]]; 4th, [[Freeman Freeman-Thomas, 1st Marquess of Willingdon|Viscount Willingdon]]; 5th, H.R.H. the Prince of Wales; 6th, [[Prince George, Duke of Kent|H.R.H. Prince George]]; 8th, Baldwin]]
*[[List of national anthems]]
At Baldwin's instigation [[William Douglas Weir|Lord Weir]] headed a [[committee]] to "review the national problem of electrical energy". It published its report on 14 May 1925 and in it Weir recommended the setting up of a [[Central Electricity Board]], a state monopoly half-financed by the [[British Government|Government]] and half by local undertakings. Baldwin accepted Weir's recommendations and they became law by the end of 1926. The Board was a success. By 1939 electrical output was up fourfold and generating costs had fallen. Consumers of electricity rose from three-quarters of a million in 1920 to nine million in 1938, with annual growth of 7&ndash;800,000 a year (the fastest rate of growth in the world).<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 393–4.</ref>
*[[List of anthems by country]]

*[[List of anthems]]
==Leader of the Opposition==
In [[United Kingdom general election, 1929|1929]] Labour returned to office, the largest party in the House of Commons (although without an overall majority) despite obtaining fewer votes than the Conservatives. In opposition, Baldwin was almost ousted as party leader by the press barons Lords Rothermere and Beaverbrook, whom he accused of enjoying "power without responsibility, the prerogative of the harlot throughout the ages".

==Lord President of the Council==
By 1931 Baldwin and the Conservatives entered into a coalition with Labour Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald. This decision led to MacDonald's expulsion from his own party, and Baldwin, as [[Lord President of the Council]] became ''[[de facto]]'' Prime Minister deputising for the increasingly [[Dementia|senile]] MacDonald, until he once again officially became Prime Minister in 1935. His government then secured with great difficulty the passage of the landmark [[Government of India Act 1935]], in the teeth of opposition from Winston Churchill, whose views enjoyed much support among rank-and-file Conservatives.

===Disarmament===
Baldwin did not advocate total disarmament but believed that "great armaments lead inevitably to war".<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 722.</ref> However he came to believe that, as he put it on 9 November, 1932: "the time has now come to an end when Great Britain can proceed with unilateral disarmament".<ref name="Middlemas1">Middlemas and Barnes, p. 735.</ref> On 10 November 1932 Baldwin said:

<blockquote>I think it is well also for the man in the street to realise that there is no power on earth that can protect him from being bombed. Whatever people may tell him, [[the bomber will always get through]], The only defence is in offence, which means that you have to kill more women and children more quickly than the enemy if you want to save yourselves...If the conscience of the young men should ever come to feel, with regard to this one instrument [bombing] that it is evil and should go, the thing will be done; but if they do not feel like that &ndash; well, as I say, the future is in their hands. But when the next war comes, and European civilisation is wiped out, as it will be, and by no force more than that force, then do not let them lay blame on the old men. Let them remember that they, principally, or they alone, are responsible for the terrors that have fallen upon the earth.<ref name="Middlemas1"/></blockquote>

This speech was often used against Baldwin as allegedly demonstrating the futility of rearmament or disarmament, depending on the critic.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 736.</ref>

With the second part of the Disarmament Conference starting in January 1933, Baldwin attempted to see through his hope of air disarmament.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 736–7.</ref> However he became alarmed at Britain's lack of defence against air raids and German rearmament, saying it "would be a terrible thing, in fact, the beginning of the end".<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 738.</ref> In April 1933 the Cabinet agreed to follow through with the construction of the [[Singapore]] military base.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 739.</ref> On 15 September 1933 the German delegate at the Disarmament Conference refused to return to the Conference and Germany left altogether in October. On 6 October Baldwin, in a speech to the Conservative Party Conference in Birmingham, pleaded for a Disarmament Convention and then said:

<blockquote>...when I speak of a Disarmament Convention I do not mean disarmament on the part of this country and not on the part of any other. I mean the limitation of armaments as a real limitation...and if we find ourselves on some lower rating and that some other country has higher figures, that country has to come down and we have to go up until we meet.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 741.</ref></blockquote>

On 14 October Germany left the League of Nations. The Cabinet decided on 23 October that Britain should still attempt to cooperate with other states, including Germany, in international disarmament.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 742.</ref> However between mid-September 1933 and the beginning of 1934 Baldwin's mind changed from hoping for disarmament to favouring rearmament, including parity in aircraft.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 743.</ref> In late 1933 and early 1934 he rejected an invitation from Hitler to meet him, believing that visits to foreign capitals were the job of Foreign Secretaries.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 748–51.</ref> On 8 March 1934 Baldwin defended the creation of four new squadrons for the [[Royal Air Force]] against Labour criticisms and said of international disarmament:

<blockquote>If all our efforts for an agreement fail, and if it is not possible to obtain this equality in such matters as I have indicated, then any Government of this country&mdash;a National Government more than any, and ''this'' Government&mdash;will see to it that in air strength and air power this country shall no longer be in a position inferior to any country within striking distance of our shores.<ref name="Middlemas2">Middlemas and Barnes, p. 754.</ref></blockquote>

On 29 March 1934 Germany published its defence estimates' which showed a total increase of one-third and an increase of 250% in its air force.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 756.</ref>

A series of by-elections with massive swings against government candidates&mdash;most famous was [[Fulham East by-election, 1933|Fulham East]] with a 26.5% swing&mdash;in late 1933 and early 1934 convinced Baldwin that the British public was profoundly pacifist.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 745–6.</ref> Baldwin also rejected the "belligerent" views of those like Churchill and [[Robert Vansittart, 1st Baron Vansittart|Robert Vansittart]] because he believed that the Nazis were rational men who would appreciate the logic of mutual and equal deterrence.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 757.</ref> He also believed war to be "the most fearful terror and prostitution of man's knowledge that ever was known".<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 759.</ref>

==Prime Minister (1935&ndash;1937)==
With MacDonald's physical powers failing him, he and Baldwin changed places in June 1935; Baldwin was now Prime Minister, MacDonald Lord President of the Council.<ref>Taylor, p. 378.</ref> In October that year Baldwin called [[United Kingdom general election, 1935|a general election]]. Neville Chamberlain advised Baldwin to appeal to the country on a defence programme against Labour, and to make it the leading issue in the election because to announce a rearmament programme after the election would be more damaging due to it being perceived as deceiving the people.<ref>Maurice Cowling, ''The Impact of Hitler. British Politics and British Policy, 1933&ndash;1940'' (Chicago University Press, 1977), p. 92.</ref> However Baldwin did not make rearmament the central issue in the election. He said he would support the League of Nations, modernise Britain's defences and remedy deficiencies but also said: "I give you my word that there will be no great armaments".<ref name="Taylor1">Taylor, p. 383.</ref> The main issues in the election were housing, unemployment and the special areas of economic depression.<ref name="Taylor1"/> The election gave 430 seats to National government supporters (386 of these Conservative) and 154 seats to Labour.

===Rearmament===

On 31 July 1934 the Cabinet approved a report that called for expansion of the [[Royal Air Force]] to the 1923 standard by creating 40 new squadrons over the following five years.<ref>Correlli Barnett, ''The Collapse of British Power'' (London: Methuen, 1972), p. 412.</ref> Six days after receiving the news that the German air force would be as large as the RAF within one year the Cabinet decided on 26 November 1934 to speed up air rearmament from four years to two.<ref name="Barnett1">Barnett, p. 413.</ref> In April 1935 the Air Secretary reported that although Britain's strength in the air would be ahead of Germany for at least three years, air rearmament needed to be increased so the Cabinet agreed to the creation of an extra 39 squadrons for home defence by 1937.<ref name="Barnett1"/> However, on 8 May 1935 the Cabinet heard that it was estimated that the RAF was inferior to the [[Luftwaffe]] by 370 aircraft and that in order to reach parity the RAF must have 3,800 aircraft by April 1937&mdash;an extra 1,400 on the existing air programme. It was learnt that Germany was easily able to outbuild this revised programme as well.<ref>Barnett, p. 414.</ref> On 21 May 1935 the Cabinet agreed to expanding the home defence force of the RAF to 1,512 aircraft (840 bombers and 420 fighters).<ref name="Barnett1"/>

On 25 February 1936 the Cabinet approved a report calling for expansion of the [[Royal Navy]] and the re-equipment of the [[British Army]] (though not its expansion), along with the creation of "shadow factories" built by public money and managed by industrial companies. These factories came into operation in 1937. In February 1937 the Chiefs of Staff reported that by May 1937 the Luftwaffe would have 800 bombers compared to the RAF's 48.<ref>Barnett, pp. 414–15.</ref>

On 28 November 1934 Churchill moved an amendment to the vote of thanks for the King's Speech, which read: "...the strength of our national defences, and especially our air defences, is no longer adequate".<ref>R. A. C. Parker, ''Churchill and Appeasement'' (Macmillan, 2000), p. 45.</ref> His motion was known eight days before it was moved and a special Cabinet meeting decided how to deal with this motion and it dominated two other Cabinet meetings.<ref>Parker, p. 45.</ref> Churchill said Germany was rearming; requested that the money spent on air armaments be doubled or trebled in order to deter an attack; and that the ''Luftwaffe'' was nearing equality with the RAF.<ref>Martin Gilbert, ''Churchill. A Life'' (Pimlico, 2000), pp. 536–7.</ref> Baldwin responded by denying that the Luftwaffe was approaching equality and that it was "not 50 per cent" of the RAF. He added that by the end of 1935 the RAF would still have "a margin of nearly 50 per cent" in Europe.<ref>Gilbert, pp. 537–8.</ref> After Baldwin said the government would ensure the RAF had parity with the future German air force Churchill withdrew his amendment. On 22 May 1935 Baldwin confessed in the Commons: "I was wrong in my estimate of the future. There I was completely wrong."<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 818.</ref>

In the debate in the Commons on 12 November 1936 Churchill attacked the government on rearmament as being "decided only to be undecided, resolved to be irresolute, adamant for drift, solid for fluidity, all-powerful to be impotent. So we go on, preparing more months and years &ndash; precious, perhaps vital, to the greatness of Britain &ndash; for the locusts to eat". Baldwin replied:

<blockquote>I put before the whole House my own views with an appalling frankness. From 1933, I and my friends were all very worried about what was happening in Europe. You will remember at that time the Disarmament Conference was sitting in Geneva. You will remember at that time there was probably a stronger pacifist feeling running through the country than at any time since the War. I am speaking of 1933 and 1934. You will remember the election at Fulham in the autumn of 1933...That was the feeling of the country in 1933. My position as a leader of a great party was not altogether a comfortable one. I asked myself what chance was there...within the next year or two of that feeling being so changed that the country would give a mandate for rearmament? Supposing I had gone to the country and said that Germany was rearming and we must rearm, does anybody think that this pacific democracy would have rallied to that cry at that moment! I cannot think of anything that would have made the loss of the election from my point of view more certain...We got from the country &ndash; with a large majority &ndash; a mandate for doing a thing that no one, twelve months before, would have believed possible.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 970, p. 972.</ref></blockquote>

Churchill wrote to a friend: "I have never heard such a squalid confession from a public man as Baldwin offered us yesterday".<ref>Gilbert, p. 567.</ref> In 1935 Baldwin wrote to [[J. C. C. Davidson, 1st Viscount Davidson|J. C. C. Davidson]] (now lost) saying of Churchill: "If there is going to be a war &ndash; and no one can say that there is not &ndash; we must keep him fresh to be our war Prime Minister".<ref name="Middlemas3">Middlemas and Barnes, p. 872.</ref> [[Thomas Dugdale, 1st Baron Crathorne|Thomas Dugdale]] also claimed Baldwin said to him: "If we do have a war, Winston must be Prime Minister. If he is in [the Cabinet] now we shan't be able to engage in that war as a united nation".<ref name="Middlemas3"/> The General Secretary of the [[Trades Union Congress]], [[Walter Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine|Walter Citrine]], recalled on 5 April 1943 a conversation he had had with Baldwin: "Baldwin thought his [Churchill's] political recovery was marvellous. He, personally, had always thought that if war came Winston would be the right man for the job".<ref>Lord Citrine, ''Men and Work. An Autobiography'' (London: Hutchinson, 1964), p. 355.</ref>

The [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour Party]] strongly opposed the rearmament programme. [[Clement Attlee]] said on 21 December 1933: "For our part, we are unalterably opposed to anything in the nature of rearmament".<ref name="Barnett2">Barnett, p. 422.</ref> On 8 March 1934 Attlee said, after Baldwin defended the Air Estimates, "we on our side are out for total disarmament".<ref name="Middlemas2"/> On 30 July 1934 Labour moved a motion of censure against the government because of its planned expansion of the RAF. Attlee spoke for it: "We deny the need for increased air arms...and we reject altogether the claim of parity".<ref name="Barnett2"/> Sir [[Stafford Cripps]] also said on this occasion that it was fallacy that Britain could achieve security through increasing air armaments.<ref name="Barnett2"/> On 22 May 1935, the day after Hitler had made a speech claiming that German rearmament offered no threat to peace, Attlee asserted that Hitler's speech gave "a chance to call a halt in the armaments race".<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 819.</ref> Attlee also denounced the Defence White Paper of 1937: "I do not believe the Government are going to get any safety through these armaments".<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1030.</ref>

===Abdication of Edward VIII===

He faced the [[Edward VIII abdication crisis|abdication crisis]] of King [[Edward VIII of the United Kingdom|Edward VIII]]. It was he who told the King that he could not marry [[Wallis Simpson]], as he wished, and remain on the throne. In this he claimed to represent the views, not only of the nation, but of the Empire, whose principal political leaders Baldwin consulted. The King (as stated in his autobiography when Duke of Windsor) did not wish to provoke the political and constitutional crisis that would follow if he were to reject the advice of his Prime Minister, and abdicated in favour of his brother. With the abdication successfully weathered, Baldwin retired after the coronation of King [[George VI of the United Kingdom|George VI]] and was created '''Earl Baldwin of Bewdley'''.

==Later life==
Baldwin supported the [[Munich Agreement]] and said to Chamberlain on 26 September 1938: "If you can secure peace, you may be cursed by a lot of hotheads but my word you will be blessed in Europe and by future generations".<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1045.</ref> Baldwin made a rare speech in the House of Lords on 4 October where he said he could not have gone to Munich but praised Chamberlain's courage and said the responsibility of a Prime Minister was not to commit the country to war until he was sure that it was ready to fight. If there was a 95% chance of war in the future he would still choose peace. He also said he would put industry on a war footing tomorrow as the opposition to such a move had disappeared.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1046.</ref> Churchill said in a speech: "He says he would mobilise tomorrow. I think it would have been much better if Earl Baldwin had said that two and a half years ago when everyone demanded a Ministry of Supply".<ref>Cato, ''Guilty Men'' (London: Victor Gollancz Ltd, 1940), p. 84.</ref>

Two weeks after Munich Baldwin said in a conversation with Lord Hinchingbrooke: "Can't we turn Hitler East? Napoleon broke himself against the Russians. Hitler might do the same".<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1047.</ref>

Baldwin's years in retirement were quiet. With Chamberlain dead, Baldwin's perceived part in pre-war [[appeasement]] made him an unpopular figure during and after [[World War II]].<ref name="Middlemas4">Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1055.</ref> With a succession of British military failures in 1940 Baldwin started to receive critical letters: "insidious to begin with, then increasingly violent and abusive; then the newspapers; finally the polemicists who, with time and wit at their disposal, could debate at leisure how to wound the deepest."<ref name="Middlemas4"/> He did not have a secretary and so was not shielded from the often unpleasant letters sent to him.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1054, p. 1057.</ref> After a bitterly critical letter was sent to him by a member of the public Baldwin wrote: "I can understand his bitterness. He wants a scapegoat and the men provided him with one". His biographers Middlemas and Barnes claim that "the men" almost certainly meant the authors of ''[[Guilty Men]]''.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1058 and note 1.</ref>

In September 1941 Baldwin's old enemy Lord Beaverbrook asked all local authorities to survey their area's iron and steel railings and gates that could be used for the war effort. Owners of such materials could appeal for an exemption on grounds of artistic or historic merit, which would be decided by a panel set up by local authorities. Baldwin applied for exemption for the iron gates of his country home on artistic grounds and his local council sent an architect to assess them. In December the architect advised that they be exempt, but in February 1942 the Ministry of Supply overruled this and said all his gates must go, except the ones at the main entrance.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 1059–60.</ref> A newspaper campaign hounded him for not donating the gates to war production. The ''[[Daily Mirror]]'' columnist ''[[William Connor|Cassandra]]'' denounced Baldwin:

<blockquote>Here was the country in deadly peril with half the Empire swinging in the wind like a busted barn door hanging on one hinge. Here was Old England half smothered in a shroud crying for steel to cut her way out, and right in the heart of beautiful Worcestershire was a one-time Prime Minister, refusing to give up the gates of his estate to make guns for our defence &ndash; and his. Here was an old stupid politician who had tricked the nation into complacency about rearmament for fear of losing an election. ...Here is the very shrine of stupidity...This National Park of Failure...<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 1056–7.</ref></blockquote>

There were fears that if the gates were not taken by the proper authorities, "others without authority might". So months before any other collections were made, Baldwin's gates were removed except for those at the main entrance. Two of Beaverbrook's friends after the war claimed that this was Beaverbrook's decision, despite Churchill saying "Lay off Baldwin's gates".<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1061.</ref> At [[Question Time]] in the House of Commons the Conservative MP Captain [[Alan Crosland Graham|Alan Graham]] said: "Is the honourable Member aware that it is very necessary to leave Lord Baldwin his gates in order to protect him from the just indignation of the mob?"<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1060.</ref>

During the war Winston Churchill consulted him only once, in February 1943, on the advisability of his speaking out strongly against the continued neutrality of [[Éamon de Valera]]'s [[Republic of Ireland|Ireland]]. Baldwin saw the draft of Churchill's speech and advised against it, which advice Churchill followed.<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 1065–6.</ref>

In private Baldwin defended his conduct in the 1930s:

<blockquote>...the critics have no historical sense. I have no Cabinet papers by me and do not want to trust my memory. But recall the Fulham election, the peace ballot, Singapore, sanctions, Malta. The English will only learn by example. When I first heard of Hitler, when Ribbentrop came to see me, I thought they were all crazy. I think I brought Ramsay and Simon to meet Ribbentrop. Remember that Ramsay's health was breaking up in the last two years. He had lost his nerve in the House in the last year. I had to take all the important speeches. The moment he went, I prepared for a general election and got a bigger majority for rearmament. No power on earth could have got rearmament without a general election except by a big split. Simon was inefficient. I had to lead the House, keep the machine together with those Labour fellows.<ref name="Middlemas5">Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1063.</ref></blockquote>

In December 1944, strongly advised by friends, Baldwin decided to respond to criticisms of him through a biographer. He asked [[G. M. Young]], who accepted, and asked Churchill to grant permission to Young to see Cabinet papers. Baldwin wrote:

<blockquote>I am the last person to complain of fair criticism, but when one book after another appears and I am compared, for example, to Laval, my gorge rises; but I am crippled and cannot go and examine the files of the Cabinet Office. Could G. M. Young go on my behalf?<ref name="Middlemas5"/></blockquote>

In June 1945 Baldwin's wife [[Lucy Baldwin|Lucy]] died. Baldwin himself by now suffered with [[arthritis]] and needed a stick to walk. When he made his final public appearance in London in October 1947 at the unveiling of a statue of [[George V of the United Kingdom|King George V]] a crowd of people recognized and cheered him, but by this time he was deaf and asked: "Are they booing me?"<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1070.</ref> Having been made [[List of Chancellors of the University of Cambridge|Chancellor of Cambridge University]] in 1930, he continued in this capacity until his death in his sleep at Astley Hall, near [[Stourport-on-Severn]], [[Worcestershire]], on 14 December 1947. He was cremated at [[Golders Green Crematorium]] and his ashes buried in [[Worcester Cathedral]].

His estate was probated at £280,971.

==Legacy==

Baldwin was essentially a [[One Nation Conservatism|One Nation]] Conservative. Upon his retirement in 1937 he had indeed received a great deal of praise; the onset of the Second World War would change his public image for the worse. Rightly or wrongly, Baldwin, along with Chamberlain and MacDonald, was held responsible for the United Kingdom's military unpreparedness on the eve of war in 1939.

[[Peter Howard (journalist)|Peter Howard]], writing in the ''Sunday Express'' (3 September 1939), accused Baldwin of deceiving the country of the dangers that faced it in order not to re-arm and so win the 1935 general election. Howard would late have a reconciliation with Baldwin and tried to get Baldwin to support [[Moral Re-Armament]].<ref>Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1062.</ref> During the ill-fated [[Battle of France]], in May 1940, Lloyd George in conversation with [[Winston Churchill]] and General Ironside railed against Baldwin and said "he ought to be hanged".<ref>Colonel Roderick Macleod and Denis Kelly (eds.), ''Time Unguarded. The Ironside Diaries. 1937&ndash;1940'' (New York: David McKay Company, 1963), p. 311.</ref> In July 1940 the famous book ''[[Guilty Men]]'' appeared, which blamed Baldwin for failing to re-arm enough. In May 1941 [[Hamilton Fyfe]] wrote an article ("Leadership and Democracy") for ''Nineteenth Century and After'' which also laid these charges against Baldwin. In 1941 [[A. L. Rowse]] criticised Baldwin for lulling the people into a false sense of security; as a practitioner in "the art of taking the people in":

<blockquote>...what can this man think in the still watches of the night, when he contemplates the ordeal his country is going through as the result of the years, the locust years, in which he held power?<ref>A. L. Rowse, 'Reflections on Lord Baldwin', ''Political Quarterly'', XII (1941), pp. 305–17. Reprinted in Rowse, ''End of an Epoch'' (1947).</ref></blockquote>

Churchill firmly believed that Baldwin's conciliatory stance toward Hitler gave the German dictator the impression that Britain would not fight if attacked. Though known for his magnanimity toward political opponents such as [[Neville Chamberlain|Chamberlain]], Churchill had none to spare for Baldwin. "I wish Stanley Baldwin no ill," Churchill said when declining to send him 80th birthday greetings in 1947, "but it would have been much better had he never lived." Churchill also believed that Baldwin, rather than Chamberlain, would be most blamed by subsequent generations for the policies that led to "the most unnecessary war in history". An index entry in the first volume of Churchill's "History of the Second World War" (''The Gathering Storm'') records Baldwin "admitting to putting party before country" for his alleged admission that he would not have won the 1935 election if he had pursued a more aggressive policy of rearmament. Churchill selectively quoted a speech in the Commons by Baldwin that gave the false impression that Baldwin was speaking of the general election when he was speaking of the Fulham by-election in 1933, and omits Baldwin's actual comments about the 1935 election: "We got from the country, a mandate for doing a thing [a substantial rearmament programme] that no one, twelve months before, would have believed possible".<ref>Robert Rhodes James, ''Churchill: A Study in Failure'' (Pelican, 1973), p. 343.</ref> In his speech on Baldwin's death, Churchill paid him a double-edged yet respectful tribute: "He was the most formidable politician I ever encountered".

In 1948 Reginald Bassett published an essay disputing the claim that Baldwin "confessed" to putting party before country, and claimed that Baldwin was referring to 1933/34 when a general election on rearmament would have been lost.<ref>Reginald Bassett, 'Telling the truth to the people:
the myth of the Baldwin 'confession',' ''Cambridge Journal'', II (1948), pp. 84–95.</ref>

In 1952 [[G. M. Young]] published a biography of Baldwin, which Baldwin had asked him to write. He asserted that Baldwin united the nation and helped moderate the policies of the Labour Party. However he accepted the criticism of Baldwin; that he failed to re-arm early enough and that he put party before country. Young contends that Baldwin should have retired in 1935. In response to this biography, D. C. Somervell published ''Stanley Baldwin: An examination of some features of Mr. G. M. Young's biography'' in 1953 with a foreword by [[Ernest Brown]]. This attempted to defend Baldwin against the charges made by Young. Both Young and Somervell were criticised by [[C. L. Mowat]] in 1955, who claimed they both failed to rehabilitate Baldwin's reputation.<ref>C. L. Mowat, 'Baldwin Restored?', ''The Journal of Modern History'', Vol. 27, No. 2. (June, 1955), pp. 169–174.</ref>

In 1956 Baldwin's son [[Arthur Baldwin, 3rd Earl Baldwin of Bewdley|A. W. Baldwin]] published a biography entitled ''My Father: The True Story''. It has been written that his son "evidently could not decide whether he was answering the charge of inanition and deceit which grew out of the war, or the radical "dissenters" of the early 1930s who thought the Conservatives were warmongers and denounced them for rearming at all".<ref>Barbara C. Malament, 'Baldwin Re-restored?', ''The Journal of Modern History'', Vol. 44, No. 1 (Mar., 1972), p. 88.</ref>

In an article written to commemorate the centenary of Baldwin's birth, in ''[[The Spectator]]'' ("Don't Let's Be Beastly to Baldwin", 14 July 1967) [[Rab Butler]] defended Baldwin's moderate policies which, he claimed, helped heal social divisions. In 1969 the first major biography of Baldwin appeared, of over 1,000 pages, written by Keith Middlemas and John Barnes, both Conservatives who wished to defend Baldwin.

In 1999 Philip Williamson published a collection of essays on Baldwin which attempted to explain his beliefs and defended his policies as Prime Minister. Williamson asserted that Baldwin had helped create "a moral basis for rearmament in the mid 1930s" that contributed
greatly to "the national spirit of defiance after Munich".<ref>Philip Williamson, ''Stanley Baldwin. Conservative Leadership and National Values'' (Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 361.</ref>

His defenders counter that the moderate Baldwin felt he could not start a programme of aggressive re-armament without a national consensus on the matter. Certainly, pacifist appeasement was the dominant mainstream political view of the time in Britain, France, and the United States.

==First Government, May 1923 – January 1924==
*Stanley Baldwin - [[Prime Minister]], [[Chancellor of the Exchequer]] and [[Leader of the House of Commons]]
*[[George Cave, 1st Viscount Cave|Lord Cave]] - [[Lord Chancellor]]
*[[James Gascoyne-Cecil, 4th Marquess of Salisbury|Lord Salisbury]] - [[Lord President of the Council]]
*[[Robert Cecil, 1st Viscount Cecil of Chelwood|Lord Robert Cecil]] - [[Lord Privy Seal]] (Viscount Cecil of Chelwood from 28 December 1923<ref name=Viscount>{{LondonGazette
|issue=32892
|linkeddate=1923-12-28
|startpage=9107
|accessdate=2008-08-20
}}</ref>)
*[[William Clive Bridgeman, 1st Viscount Bridgeman|William Clive Bridgeman]] - [[Secretary of State for the Home Department|Home Secretary]]
*[[George Nathaniel Curzon, 1st Marquess Curzon of Kedleston|Lord Curzon of Kedleston]] - [[Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs]] and [[Leader of the House of Lords]]
*[[Victor Cavendish, 9th Duke of Devonshire|The Duke of Devonshire]] - [[Secretary of State for the Colonies]]
*[[Edward George Villiers Stanley, 17th Earl of Derby|Lord Derby]] - [[Secretary of State for War]]
*[[William Wellesley Peel, 1st Earl Peel|Lord Peel]] - [[Secretary of State for India]]
*[[Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood|Sir Samuel Hoare]] - [[Secretary of State for Air]]
*[[Ronald Munro-Ferguson, 1st Viscount Novar|Lord Novar]] - [[Secretary for Scotland]]
*[[Leopold Stennett Amery|Leo Amery]] - [[First Lord of the Admiralty]]
*[[Philip Cunliffe-Lister, 1st Earl of Swinton|Sir Philip Lloyd-Greame]] - [[President of the Board of Trade]]
*[[Robert Arthur Sanders, 1st Baron Bayford|Sir Robert Sanders]] - [[Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food|Minister of Agriculture]]
*[[Edward Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax|Edward Frederick Lindley Wood]] - [[President of the Board of Education]]
*[[Anderson Montague-Barlow|Sir Anderson Montague-Barlow]] - [[Secretary of State for Employment|Minister of Labour]]
*[[Neville Chamberlain]] - [[Secretary of State for Health|Minister of Health]]
*[[William Joynson-Hicks, 1st Viscount Brentford|Sir William Joynson-Hicks]] - [[Secretary to the Treasury|Financial Secretary to the Treasury]]
*[[Laming Worthington-Evans|Sir Laming Worthington-Evans]] - [[United Kingdom Postmaster General|Postmaster-General]]

===Changes===
*August 1923 - Neville Chamberlain took over from Baldwin as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Sir William Joynson-Hicks succeeded Chamberlain as Minister of Health. Joynson-Hicks' successor as Financial Secretary to the Treasury was not in the Cabinet.

==Second Cabinet, November 1924 – June 1929==
*Stanley Baldwin - Prime Minister and [[Leader of the House of Commons]]
*[[George Cave, 1st Viscount Cave|Lord Cave]] - [[Lord Chancellor]]
*[[George Nathaniel Curzon, 1st Marquess Curzon of Kedleston|Lord Curzon of Kedleston]] - [[Lord President of the Council]] and [[Leader of the House of Lords]]
*[[James Gascoyne-Cecil, 4th Marquess of Salisbury|Lord Salisbury]] - [[Lord Privy Seal]]
*[[Winston Churchill]] - [[Chancellor of the Exchequer]]
*[[William Joynson-Hicks, 1st Viscount Brentford|Sir William Joynson-Hicks]] - [[Home Secretary]]
*[[Austen Chamberlain|Sir Austen Chamberlain]] - [[Foreign Secretary]] and Deputy [[Leader of the House of Commons]]
*[[Leopold Stennett Amery|Leo Amery]] - [[Colonial Secretary]]
*[[Laming Worthington-Evans|Sir Laming Worthington-Evans]] - [[Secretary of State for War]]
*[[Frederick Edwin Smith, 1st Earl of Birkenhead|Lord Birkenhead]] - [[Secretary of State for India]]
*[[Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood|Sir Samuel Hoare]] - [[Secretary of State for Air|Secretary for Air]]
*[[Sir John Gilmour, 2nd Baronet|Sir John Gilmour]] - [[Secretary for Scotland]]
*[[William Clive Bridgeman, 1st Viscount Bridgeman|William Clive Bridgeman]] - [[First Lord of the Admiralty]]
*[[Robert Cecil, 1st Viscount Cecil of Chelwood|Lord Cecil of Chelwood]] - [[Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster]]
*[[Philip Cunliffe-Lister, 1st Earl of Swinton|Sir Philip Cunliffe-Lister]] - [[President of the Board of Trade]]
*[[Edward Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax|Edward Frederick Lindley Wood]] - [[Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food|Minister of Agriculture]]
*[[Eustace Percy, 1st Baron Percy of Newcastle|Lord Eustace Percy]] - [[Secretary of State for Education and Skills|President of the Board of Education]]
*[[William Wellesley Peel, 1st Earl Peel|Lord Peel]] - [[First Commissioner of Works]]
*[[Arthur Steel-Maitland|Sir Arthur Steel-Maitland]] - [[Secretary of State for Employment|Minister of Labour]]
*[[Neville Chamberlain]] - [[Secretary of State for Health|Minister of Health]]
*[[Douglas Hogg, 1st Viscount Hailsham|Sir Douglas Hogg]] - [[Attorney-General]]

===Changes===
*April 1925 - On Curzon's death, Lord Balfour succeeded him as Lord President. Lord Salisbury became the new Leader of the House of Lords, remaining also Lord Privy Seal.
*June 1925 - The post of [[Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs]] was created, held by [[Leopold Stennett Amery|Leo Amery]] in tandem with [[Secretary of State for the Colonies]].
*November 1925 - [[Walter Edward Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne|Walter Guinness]] succeeded E.F.L. Wood as Minister of Agriculture.
*July 1926 - The post of [[Secretary of Scotland]] was upgraded to [[Secretary of State for Scotland]].
*October 1927 - [[Ronald McNeill, 1st Baron Cushendun|Lord Cushendun]] succeeded Lord Cecil of Chelwood as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
*March 1928 - Lord Hailsham (former Sir D. Hogg) succeeded Lord Cave as Lord Chancellor. Hailsham's successor as Attorney-General was not in the Cabinet.
*October 1928 - Lord Peel succeeded Lord Birkenhead as Secretary of State for India. [[Charles Vane-Tempest-Stewart, 7th Marquess of Londonderry|Lord Londonderry]] succeeded Peel as First Commissioner of Public Works

==Third Cabinet, June 1935 – May 1937==
*Stanley Baldwin - Prime Minister and [[Leader of the House of Commons]]
*[[Douglas Hogg, 1st Viscount Hailsham|Lord Hailsham]] - [[Lord Chancellor]]
*[[Ramsay MacDonald]] - [[Lord President of the Council]]
*[[Charles Stewart Henry Vane-Tempest-Stewart, 7th Marquess of Londonderry|Lord Londonderry]] - [[Lord Privy Seal]] and [[Leader of the House of Lords]]
*[[Neville Chamberlain]] - [[Chancellor of the Exchequer]]
*Sir [[John Simon, 1st Viscount Simon|John Simon]] - [[Home Secretary]] and Deputy Leader of the House of Commons
*Sir [[Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood|Samuel Hoare]] - [[Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs|Foreign Secretary]]
*[[Malcolm MacDonald]] - [[Colonial Secretary]]
*[[James Henry Thomas|J.H. Thomas]] - [[Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs|Dominions Secretary]]
*[[Edward Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax|Lord Halifax]] - [[Secretary of State for War|Secretary for War]]
*[[Lawrence Dundas, 2nd Marquess of Zetland|Lord Zetland]] - [[Secretary of State for India]]
*[[Philip Cunliffe-Lister, 1st Earl of Swinton|Lord Swinton]] - [[Secretary of State for Air]]
*Sir [[Godfrey Collins]] - [[Secretary of State for Scotland]]
*[[Bolton Eyres-Monsell, 1st Viscount Monsell|Bolton Eyres-Monsell]] - [[First Lord of the Admiralty]]
*[[Walter Runciman, 1st Viscount Runciman of Doxford|Walter Runciman]] - [[President of the Board of Trade]]
*[[Walter Elliot (Scottish Unionist MP)|Walter Elliot]] - [[Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food|Minister of Agriculture]]
*[[Oliver Stanley]] - [[President of the Board of Education]]
*[[Ernest Brown]] - [[Minister of Labour]]
*Sir [[Kingsley Wood]] - [[Secretary of State for Health|Minister of Health]]
*[[William George Arthur Ormsby-Gore, 4th Baron Harlech|William Ormsby-Gore]] - [[First Commissioner of Works]]
*[[Anthony Eden]] - [[Minister without Portfolio]] with responsibility for League of Nations Affairs
*[[Eustace Percy, 1st Baron Percy of Newcastle|Lord Eustace Percy]] - [[Minister without Portfolio]] with responsibility for government policy

===Changes===
*November 1935 - Malcolm MacDonald succeeded [[James Henry Thomas|J.H. Thomas]] as Dominions Secretary. Thomas succeeded MacDonald as Colonial Secretary. Lord Halifax succeeded Lord Londonderry as Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords. [[Duff Cooper, 1st Viscount Norwich|Duff Cooper]] succeeded Halifax as Secretary for War. Sir Philip Cunliffe-Lister became [[Viscount Swinton]] and Bolton Eyres-Monsell became [[Viscount Monsell]], both remaining in the Cabinet.
*December 1935 Anthony Eden succeeded Sir Samuel Hoare as Foreign Secretary and was not replaced as Minister without Portfolio.
*March 1936 - [[Thomas Inskip, 1st Viscount Caldecote|Sir Thomas Inskip]] entered the Cabinet as Minister for the Coordination of Defence. Lord Eustace Percy left the Cabinet.
*May 1936 - William Ormsby-Gore succeeded J.H. Thomas as Colonial Secretary. [[James Stanhope, 7th Earl Stanhope|Lord Stanhope]] succeeded Ormsby-Gore as First Commissioner of Works.
*June 1936 - Sir Samuel Hoare succeeded Lord Monsell as First Lord of the Admiralty.
*October 1936 - Walter Elliot succeeded Collins as Secretary for Scotland. [[William Shepherd Morrison]] succeeded Elliot as Minister of Agriculture. [[Leslie Hore-Belisha]] entered the Cabinet as [[Secretary of State for Transport|Minister of Transport]].

==In film and television==

Baldwin has been portrayed in the following film and television productions:

*''[[The Forsyte Saga]]'' (1967 adaptation), played by [[Ralph Michael]]
*''[[The Woman I Love]]'' (1972), played by [[Robert Douglas (actor)|Robert Douglas]]
*''[[Days of Hope]]'' (1975), played by [[Brian Hayes (actor)|Brian Hayes]]
*''[[Edward and Mrs Simpson]]'' (1978), played by [[David Waller]]
*''[[The Life and Times of David Lloyd George]]'' (1981), played by [[Paul Curran (actor)|Paul Curran]]
*''[[Winston Churchill: The Wilderness Years]]'' (1981), played by [[Peter Barkworth]]
*''[[The Woman He Loved]]'' (1988), played by [[David Waller]]
*''[[You Rang, M'Lord?]]'' (1991), played by [[Patrick Blackwell]]
*''[[The Gathering Storm (2002 film)|The Gathering Storm]]'' (2002), played by [[Derek Jacobi]]
*''[[Wallis & Edward]]'' (2005), played by [[Richard Johnson (actor)|Richard Johnson]]

==Miscellaneous==
{{sisterlinks|s=Author:Stanley Baldwin}}
*He was a cousin of the author and journalist [[Rudyard Kipling]].
*His son [[Oliver Baldwin, 2nd Earl Baldwin of Bewdley|Oliver Baldwin]] was a [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour]] MP.
*He is the last Prime Minister to have been educated at the [[University of Cambridge]].<ref>[[Oxbridge rivalry#Indirect competition between the two universities]]</ref>
*He (along with [[Arthur Balfour]]) is one of six Prime Ministers to have been educated at [[Trinity College, Cambridge]].
*He was a [[low church]] [[Anglican]].
*He once claimed that if he were stranded on a desert island with only one book for company, he would choose the [[Oxford English Dictionary]].<ref>Simon Winchester, ''The Meaning of Everything'' (Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. xxiv-xxv.</ref>
*His niece [[Monica Baldwin]] gained brief notoriety after writing her best-selling memoir [[I Leap Over the Wall]] recounting the 28 years she spent as a nun in complete ignorance and isolation of the outside world from before [[World War I]] until halfway through [[World War II]], and her subsequent shocking re-immersion into modern society. Winston Churchill made, upon her reemergence, the sarcastic remark that she had been hardly less aware of events than her uncle.

==Notes==
{{reflist|3}}


==References==
==References==
*Reginald Bassett, 'Telling the truth to the people: the myth of the Baldwin 'confession',' ''Cambridge Journal'', II (1948), pp. 84–95.
{{reflist}}
*Maurice Cowling, ''The Impact of Labour. 1920–1924. The Beginnings of Modern British Politics'' (Cambridge University Press, 1971).
*Maurice Cowling, ''The Impact of Hitler. British Politics and British Policy, 1933–1940'' (Chicago University Press, 1977).
*Barbara C. Malament, 'Baldwin Re-restored?', ''The Journal of Modern History'', Vol. 44, No. 1 (Mar., 1972), pp. 87–96.
*C. L. Mowat, 'Baldwin Restored?', ''The Journal of Modern History'', Vol. 27, No. 2. (Jun., 1955), pp. 169–174.
*Keith Middlemas and John Barnes, ''Baldwin: A Biography'' (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969).
*A. L. Rowse, 'Reflections on Lord Baldwin', ''Political Quarterly'', XII (1941), pp. 305–17. Reprinted in Rowse, ''End of an Epoch'' (1947).
*A. J. P. Taylor, ''English History, 1914–1945'' (Oxford University Press, 1990).
*Philip Williamson, ''Stanley Baldwin. Conservative Leadership and National Values'' (Cambridge University Press, 1999).


==External links==
==External links==
*[http://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page137.asp More about Stanley Baldwin] on the Downing Street website.
{{Commons|National anthem}}
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*[http://www.navyband.navy.mil/anthems/national_anthems.htm Recordings of countries' anthems around the world] by the [[US Navy]] band
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Revision as of 20:36, 12 October 2008

Stanley Baldwin

KG, PC
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
In office
7 June 1935 – 28 May 1937
MonarchsGeorge V
Edward VIII
George VI
Preceded byRamsay MacDonald
Succeeded byNeville Chamberlain
In office
4 November 1924 – 5 June 1929
MonarchGeorge V
Preceded byRamsay MacDonald
Succeeded byRamsay MacDonald
In office
23 May 1923 – 16 January 1924
MonarchGeorge V
Preceded byAndrew Bonar Law
Succeeded byRamsay MacDonald
Chancellor of the Exchequer
In office
27 October 1922 – 27 August 1923
Prime MinisterAndrew Bonar Law
Preceded byRobert Stevenson Horne
Succeeded byNeville Chamberlain
Personal details
Born(1867-08-03)3 August 1867
Bewdley, Worcestershire, United Kingdom
Died14 December 1947(1947-12-14) (aged 80)
Stourport-on-Severn, Worcestershire, United Kingdom
Political partyConservative
SpouseLucy Ridsdale
Alma materTrinity College, Cambridge
ProfessionIndustrialist

Stanley Baldwin, 1st Earl Baldwin of Bewdley, KG, PC (3 August 1867 – 14 December 1947) was a British Conservative politician, statesman, and major figure on the political scene in the interwar years. He served three terms as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom; first from 1923-24 then 1924-29 and again from 1935-37.

Early life

He was born at Lower Park House, Lower Park, Bewdley in Worcestershire, England to Alfred Baldwin and Louisa Baldwin (née MacDonald) and through his mother was a first cousin of the writer and poet Rudyard Kipling. Baldwin was educated at St Michael's School, Harrow and Trinity College, Cambridge. His university career was blighted by the presence, as Master of Trinity, of a former schoolmaster who had punished him at Harrow for writing a piece of schoolboy smut. He was asked to resign from the Magpie & Stump (the Trinity College Debating Society) for never speaking, and after receiving a third-class degree in history went into the family business. As a young man he served very briefly as a Second Lieutenant in the Artillery Volunteers. He married Lucy Ridsdale on 12 September 1892.

He proved to be very adept at the family business of iron manufacturing, and acquired a reputation as a modernising industrialist. Later he inherited £200,000 and a directorship of the Great Western Railway upon the death of his father Alfred Baldwin in 1908.

Early political career

In the 1906 general election he contested Kidderminster but lost amidst the Conservative landslide defeat after the party split on the issue of free trade. In 1908 he succeeded his father as Member of Parliament (MP) for Bewdley. During the First World War he became Parliamentary Private Secretary to Conservative leader Andrew Bonar Law and in 1917 he was appointed to the junior ministerial post of Financial Secretary to the Treasury where he sought to encourage voluntary donations by the rich in order the repay the United Kingdom's war debt, notably writing to The Times under the pseudonym 'FST'. He personally donated one fifth of his quite small fortune. He served jointly with Sir Hardman Lever, who had been appointed in 1916, but after 1919 Baldwin carried out the duties largely alone. He was appointed to the Privy Council in the 1920 Birthday Honours. In 1921 he was promoted to the Cabinet as President of the Board of Trade.

In late 1922 dissatisfaction was steadily growing within the Conservative Party over its coalition with the Liberal David Lloyd George. At a meeting of Conservative MPs at the Carlton Club in October Baldwin announced that he would no longer support the coalition and famously condemned Lloyd George for being a "dynamic force" that was bringing destruction across politics. The meeting chose to leave the coalition, against the wishes of most of the party leadership. As a result Bonar Law, the new Conservative leader, was forced to search for new ministers for his Cabinet and so promoted Baldwin to the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer. In the November 1922 general election the Conservatives were returned with a majority in their own right.

Prime Minister (1923–1924)

Baldwin, unknown date

In May 1923 Bonar Law was diagnosed with terminal cancer and retired immediately. With many of the party's senior leading figures standing aloof and outside of the government, there were only two candidates to succeed him: Lord Curzon, the Foreign Secretary, and Baldwin. The choice formally fell to King George V acting on the advice of senior ministers and officials. It is not entirely clear what factors proved most crucial, but some Conservative politicians felt that Curzon was unsuitable for the role of Prime Minister because he was a member of the House of Lords (though this did not stop other lords being seriously considered for the premiership on subsequent occasions). Curzon's lack of experience in domestic affairs, his personal character (found objectionable), and his aristocratic background at a time when the Conservative Party was seeking to shed its patrician image were all deemed impediments. Much weight at the time was given to the intervention of Arthur Balfour.

The King turned to Baldwin to become Prime Minister. Initially Baldwin was also Chancellor of the Exchequer whilst he sought to recruit the former Liberal Chancellor Reginald McKenna to join the government. When this failed he appointed Neville Chamberlain.

The Conservatives now had a clear majority in the House of Commons and could govern for five years before holding a general election, but Baldwin felt bound by Bonar Law's pledge at the previous election that there would be no introduction of tariffs without a further election. With the country facing growing unemployment in the wake of free-trade imports driving down prices and profits, Baldwin decided to call an early general election in December 1923 to seek a mandate to introduce protectionist tariffs and thus drive down unemployment.[1] Protection was not universally popular in the Conservative Party: "one must speak of the election being fought by a divided party."[2] The election outcome was inconclusive: the Conservatives had 258 MPs, Labour 191 and the reunited Liberals 159. Whilst the Conservatives retained a plurality in the House of Commons, they had been clearly defeated on the central election issue of tariffs. Baldwin remained Prime Minister until the opening session of the new Parliament in January 1924, at which time the government was defeated in a motion of confidence vote. He resigned immediately.

Leader of the Opposition

Baldwin successfully held onto the party leadership despite calls for his resignation by some in the party.[3] For the next ten months, an unstable minority Labour government under Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald held office. On 13 March the Labour government was defeated for the first time in the Commons, although the Conservatives decided to vote with Labour later that day against the Liberals.[4] During a debate on the naval estimates the Conservatives opposed Labour but supported them on 18 March in a vote on cutting expenditure on the Singapore military base.[4] Baldwin also cooperated with MacDonald over Irish policy in order to stop it becoming a party political issue.[5][6]

The Labour government were negotiating with the Soviet government over what was called the Russian Treaties: a commercial treaty with most favoured nation privileges and diplomatic status for their trade delegation; and a treaty that would settle the claims of pre-revolutionary British bondholders and holders of confiscated property, after which the British government would guarantee a loan to the Soviet Union.[7] Baldwin decided to vote against the government over the Russian Treaties, which brought the government down on 8 October.[8]

The general election held in October 1924 brought a landslide majority of 223 for the Conservative party, primarily at the expense of the now terminally declining Liberals. Baldwin campaigned on the "impracticability" of socialism, the Campbell Case, the Zinoviev Letter (which Baldwin thought was genuine) and the Russian Treaties.[9] In a speech during the campaign Baldwin said:

It makes my blood boil to read of the way which Mr. Zinoviev is speaking of the Prime Minister today. Though one time there went up a cry, "Hands off Russia", I think it's time somebody said to Russia, "Hands off England".[10]

Prime Minister (1924–1929)

Rt. Hons. W.L. Mackenzie King and Baldwin leaving a Memorial Service at Westminster Abbey during the Imperial Conference, October 1926

Baldwin's new Cabinet now included many former political associates of Lloyd George: former Coalition Conservatives Austen Chamberlain (as Foreign Secretary), Lord Birkenhead (Secretary for India) and Arthur Balfour (Lord President after 1925), and the former Liberal Winston Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer. This period included the General Strike of 1926, a crisis that the government managed to weather, despite the havoc it caused throughout the UK. Baldwin created the Organisation for the Maintenance of Supplies, a volunteer body of those opposed to the strike which was intended to complete essential work.[11]

Visit of Edward VIII to Rideau Hall, Ottawa August 1927. Front row (left-right: 2nd, Rt. Hon. William Lyon Mackenzie King; 4th, Viscount Willingdon; 5th, H.R.H. the Prince of Wales; 6th, H.R.H. Prince George; 8th, Baldwin

At Baldwin's instigation Lord Weir headed a committee to "review the national problem of electrical energy". It published its report on 14 May 1925 and in it Weir recommended the setting up of a Central Electricity Board, a state monopoly half-financed by the Government and half by local undertakings. Baldwin accepted Weir's recommendations and they became law by the end of 1926. The Board was a success. By 1939 electrical output was up fourfold and generating costs had fallen. Consumers of electricity rose from three-quarters of a million in 1920 to nine million in 1938, with annual growth of 7–800,000 a year (the fastest rate of growth in the world).[12]

Leader of the Opposition

In 1929 Labour returned to office, the largest party in the House of Commons (although without an overall majority) despite obtaining fewer votes than the Conservatives. In opposition, Baldwin was almost ousted as party leader by the press barons Lords Rothermere and Beaverbrook, whom he accused of enjoying "power without responsibility, the prerogative of the harlot throughout the ages".

Lord President of the Council

By 1931 Baldwin and the Conservatives entered into a coalition with Labour Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald. This decision led to MacDonald's expulsion from his own party, and Baldwin, as Lord President of the Council became de facto Prime Minister deputising for the increasingly senile MacDonald, until he once again officially became Prime Minister in 1935. His government then secured with great difficulty the passage of the landmark Government of India Act 1935, in the teeth of opposition from Winston Churchill, whose views enjoyed much support among rank-and-file Conservatives.

Disarmament

Baldwin did not advocate total disarmament but believed that "great armaments lead inevitably to war".[13] However he came to believe that, as he put it on 9 November, 1932: "the time has now come to an end when Great Britain can proceed with unilateral disarmament".[14] On 10 November 1932 Baldwin said:

I think it is well also for the man in the street to realise that there is no power on earth that can protect him from being bombed. Whatever people may tell him, the bomber will always get through, The only defence is in offence, which means that you have to kill more women and children more quickly than the enemy if you want to save yourselves...If the conscience of the young men should ever come to feel, with regard to this one instrument [bombing] that it is evil and should go, the thing will be done; but if they do not feel like that – well, as I say, the future is in their hands. But when the next war comes, and European civilisation is wiped out, as it will be, and by no force more than that force, then do not let them lay blame on the old men. Let them remember that they, principally, or they alone, are responsible for the terrors that have fallen upon the earth.[14]

This speech was often used against Baldwin as allegedly demonstrating the futility of rearmament or disarmament, depending on the critic.[15]

With the second part of the Disarmament Conference starting in January 1933, Baldwin attempted to see through his hope of air disarmament.[16] However he became alarmed at Britain's lack of defence against air raids and German rearmament, saying it "would be a terrible thing, in fact, the beginning of the end".[17] In April 1933 the Cabinet agreed to follow through with the construction of the Singapore military base.[18] On 15 September 1933 the German delegate at the Disarmament Conference refused to return to the Conference and Germany left altogether in October. On 6 October Baldwin, in a speech to the Conservative Party Conference in Birmingham, pleaded for a Disarmament Convention and then said:

...when I speak of a Disarmament Convention I do not mean disarmament on the part of this country and not on the part of any other. I mean the limitation of armaments as a real limitation...and if we find ourselves on some lower rating and that some other country has higher figures, that country has to come down and we have to go up until we meet.[19]

On 14 October Germany left the League of Nations. The Cabinet decided on 23 October that Britain should still attempt to cooperate with other states, including Germany, in international disarmament.[20] However between mid-September 1933 and the beginning of 1934 Baldwin's mind changed from hoping for disarmament to favouring rearmament, including parity in aircraft.[21] In late 1933 and early 1934 he rejected an invitation from Hitler to meet him, believing that visits to foreign capitals were the job of Foreign Secretaries.[22] On 8 March 1934 Baldwin defended the creation of four new squadrons for the Royal Air Force against Labour criticisms and said of international disarmament:

If all our efforts for an agreement fail, and if it is not possible to obtain this equality in such matters as I have indicated, then any Government of this country—a National Government more than any, and this Government—will see to it that in air strength and air power this country shall no longer be in a position inferior to any country within striking distance of our shores.[23]

On 29 March 1934 Germany published its defence estimates' which showed a total increase of one-third and an increase of 250% in its air force.[24]

A series of by-elections with massive swings against government candidates—most famous was Fulham East with a 26.5% swing—in late 1933 and early 1934 convinced Baldwin that the British public was profoundly pacifist.[25] Baldwin also rejected the "belligerent" views of those like Churchill and Robert Vansittart because he believed that the Nazis were rational men who would appreciate the logic of mutual and equal deterrence.[26] He also believed war to be "the most fearful terror and prostitution of man's knowledge that ever was known".[27]

Prime Minister (1935–1937)

With MacDonald's physical powers failing him, he and Baldwin changed places in June 1935; Baldwin was now Prime Minister, MacDonald Lord President of the Council.[28] In October that year Baldwin called a general election. Neville Chamberlain advised Baldwin to appeal to the country on a defence programme against Labour, and to make it the leading issue in the election because to announce a rearmament programme after the election would be more damaging due to it being perceived as deceiving the people.[29] However Baldwin did not make rearmament the central issue in the election. He said he would support the League of Nations, modernise Britain's defences and remedy deficiencies but also said: "I give you my word that there will be no great armaments".[30] The main issues in the election were housing, unemployment and the special areas of economic depression.[30] The election gave 430 seats to National government supporters (386 of these Conservative) and 154 seats to Labour.

Rearmament

On 31 July 1934 the Cabinet approved a report that called for expansion of the Royal Air Force to the 1923 standard by creating 40 new squadrons over the following five years.[31] Six days after receiving the news that the German air force would be as large as the RAF within one year the Cabinet decided on 26 November 1934 to speed up air rearmament from four years to two.[32] In April 1935 the Air Secretary reported that although Britain's strength in the air would be ahead of Germany for at least three years, air rearmament needed to be increased so the Cabinet agreed to the creation of an extra 39 squadrons for home defence by 1937.[32] However, on 8 May 1935 the Cabinet heard that it was estimated that the RAF was inferior to the Luftwaffe by 370 aircraft and that in order to reach parity the RAF must have 3,800 aircraft by April 1937—an extra 1,400 on the existing air programme. It was learnt that Germany was easily able to outbuild this revised programme as well.[33] On 21 May 1935 the Cabinet agreed to expanding the home defence force of the RAF to 1,512 aircraft (840 bombers and 420 fighters).[32]

On 25 February 1936 the Cabinet approved a report calling for expansion of the Royal Navy and the re-equipment of the British Army (though not its expansion), along with the creation of "shadow factories" built by public money and managed by industrial companies. These factories came into operation in 1937. In February 1937 the Chiefs of Staff reported that by May 1937 the Luftwaffe would have 800 bombers compared to the RAF's 48.[34]

On 28 November 1934 Churchill moved an amendment to the vote of thanks for the King's Speech, which read: "...the strength of our national defences, and especially our air defences, is no longer adequate".[35] His motion was known eight days before it was moved and a special Cabinet meeting decided how to deal with this motion and it dominated two other Cabinet meetings.[36] Churchill said Germany was rearming; requested that the money spent on air armaments be doubled or trebled in order to deter an attack; and that the Luftwaffe was nearing equality with the RAF.[37] Baldwin responded by denying that the Luftwaffe was approaching equality and that it was "not 50 per cent" of the RAF. He added that by the end of 1935 the RAF would still have "a margin of nearly 50 per cent" in Europe.[38] After Baldwin said the government would ensure the RAF had parity with the future German air force Churchill withdrew his amendment. On 22 May 1935 Baldwin confessed in the Commons: "I was wrong in my estimate of the future. There I was completely wrong."[39]

In the debate in the Commons on 12 November 1936 Churchill attacked the government on rearmament as being "decided only to be undecided, resolved to be irresolute, adamant for drift, solid for fluidity, all-powerful to be impotent. So we go on, preparing more months and years – precious, perhaps vital, to the greatness of Britain – for the locusts to eat". Baldwin replied:

I put before the whole House my own views with an appalling frankness. From 1933, I and my friends were all very worried about what was happening in Europe. You will remember at that time the Disarmament Conference was sitting in Geneva. You will remember at that time there was probably a stronger pacifist feeling running through the country than at any time since the War. I am speaking of 1933 and 1934. You will remember the election at Fulham in the autumn of 1933...That was the feeling of the country in 1933. My position as a leader of a great party was not altogether a comfortable one. I asked myself what chance was there...within the next year or two of that feeling being so changed that the country would give a mandate for rearmament? Supposing I had gone to the country and said that Germany was rearming and we must rearm, does anybody think that this pacific democracy would have rallied to that cry at that moment! I cannot think of anything that would have made the loss of the election from my point of view more certain...We got from the country – with a large majority – a mandate for doing a thing that no one, twelve months before, would have believed possible.[40]

Churchill wrote to a friend: "I have never heard such a squalid confession from a public man as Baldwin offered us yesterday".[41] In 1935 Baldwin wrote to J. C. C. Davidson (now lost) saying of Churchill: "If there is going to be a war – and no one can say that there is not – we must keep him fresh to be our war Prime Minister".[42] Thomas Dugdale also claimed Baldwin said to him: "If we do have a war, Winston must be Prime Minister. If he is in [the Cabinet] now we shan't be able to engage in that war as a united nation".[42] The General Secretary of the Trades Union Congress, Walter Citrine, recalled on 5 April 1943 a conversation he had had with Baldwin: "Baldwin thought his [Churchill's] political recovery was marvellous. He, personally, had always thought that if war came Winston would be the right man for the job".[43]

The Labour Party strongly opposed the rearmament programme. Clement Attlee said on 21 December 1933: "For our part, we are unalterably opposed to anything in the nature of rearmament".[44] On 8 March 1934 Attlee said, after Baldwin defended the Air Estimates, "we on our side are out for total disarmament".[23] On 30 July 1934 Labour moved a motion of censure against the government because of its planned expansion of the RAF. Attlee spoke for it: "We deny the need for increased air arms...and we reject altogether the claim of parity".[44] Sir Stafford Cripps also said on this occasion that it was fallacy that Britain could achieve security through increasing air armaments.[44] On 22 May 1935, the day after Hitler had made a speech claiming that German rearmament offered no threat to peace, Attlee asserted that Hitler's speech gave "a chance to call a halt in the armaments race".[45] Attlee also denounced the Defence White Paper of 1937: "I do not believe the Government are going to get any safety through these armaments".[46]

Abdication of Edward VIII

He faced the abdication crisis of King Edward VIII. It was he who told the King that he could not marry Wallis Simpson, as he wished, and remain on the throne. In this he claimed to represent the views, not only of the nation, but of the Empire, whose principal political leaders Baldwin consulted. The King (as stated in his autobiography when Duke of Windsor) did not wish to provoke the political and constitutional crisis that would follow if he were to reject the advice of his Prime Minister, and abdicated in favour of his brother. With the abdication successfully weathered, Baldwin retired after the coronation of King George VI and was created Earl Baldwin of Bewdley.

Later life

Baldwin supported the Munich Agreement and said to Chamberlain on 26 September 1938: "If you can secure peace, you may be cursed by a lot of hotheads but my word you will be blessed in Europe and by future generations".[47] Baldwin made a rare speech in the House of Lords on 4 October where he said he could not have gone to Munich but praised Chamberlain's courage and said the responsibility of a Prime Minister was not to commit the country to war until he was sure that it was ready to fight. If there was a 95% chance of war in the future he would still choose peace. He also said he would put industry on a war footing tomorrow as the opposition to such a move had disappeared.[48] Churchill said in a speech: "He says he would mobilise tomorrow. I think it would have been much better if Earl Baldwin had said that two and a half years ago when everyone demanded a Ministry of Supply".[49]

Two weeks after Munich Baldwin said in a conversation with Lord Hinchingbrooke: "Can't we turn Hitler East? Napoleon broke himself against the Russians. Hitler might do the same".[50]

Baldwin's years in retirement were quiet. With Chamberlain dead, Baldwin's perceived part in pre-war appeasement made him an unpopular figure during and after World War II.[51] With a succession of British military failures in 1940 Baldwin started to receive critical letters: "insidious to begin with, then increasingly violent and abusive; then the newspapers; finally the polemicists who, with time and wit at their disposal, could debate at leisure how to wound the deepest."[51] He did not have a secretary and so was not shielded from the often unpleasant letters sent to him.[52] After a bitterly critical letter was sent to him by a member of the public Baldwin wrote: "I can understand his bitterness. He wants a scapegoat and the men provided him with one". His biographers Middlemas and Barnes claim that "the men" almost certainly meant the authors of Guilty Men.[53]

In September 1941 Baldwin's old enemy Lord Beaverbrook asked all local authorities to survey their area's iron and steel railings and gates that could be used for the war effort. Owners of such materials could appeal for an exemption on grounds of artistic or historic merit, which would be decided by a panel set up by local authorities. Baldwin applied for exemption for the iron gates of his country home on artistic grounds and his local council sent an architect to assess them. In December the architect advised that they be exempt, but in February 1942 the Ministry of Supply overruled this and said all his gates must go, except the ones at the main entrance.[54] A newspaper campaign hounded him for not donating the gates to war production. The Daily Mirror columnist Cassandra denounced Baldwin:

Here was the country in deadly peril with half the Empire swinging in the wind like a busted barn door hanging on one hinge. Here was Old England half smothered in a shroud crying for steel to cut her way out, and right in the heart of beautiful Worcestershire was a one-time Prime Minister, refusing to give up the gates of his estate to make guns for our defence – and his. Here was an old stupid politician who had tricked the nation into complacency about rearmament for fear of losing an election. ...Here is the very shrine of stupidity...This National Park of Failure...[55]

There were fears that if the gates were not taken by the proper authorities, "others without authority might". So months before any other collections were made, Baldwin's gates were removed except for those at the main entrance. Two of Beaverbrook's friends after the war claimed that this was Beaverbrook's decision, despite Churchill saying "Lay off Baldwin's gates".[56] At Question Time in the House of Commons the Conservative MP Captain Alan Graham said: "Is the honourable Member aware that it is very necessary to leave Lord Baldwin his gates in order to protect him from the just indignation of the mob?"[57]

During the war Winston Churchill consulted him only once, in February 1943, on the advisability of his speaking out strongly against the continued neutrality of Éamon de Valera's Ireland. Baldwin saw the draft of Churchill's speech and advised against it, which advice Churchill followed.[58]

In private Baldwin defended his conduct in the 1930s:

...the critics have no historical sense. I have no Cabinet papers by me and do not want to trust my memory. But recall the Fulham election, the peace ballot, Singapore, sanctions, Malta. The English will only learn by example. When I first heard of Hitler, when Ribbentrop came to see me, I thought they were all crazy. I think I brought Ramsay and Simon to meet Ribbentrop. Remember that Ramsay's health was breaking up in the last two years. He had lost his nerve in the House in the last year. I had to take all the important speeches. The moment he went, I prepared for a general election and got a bigger majority for rearmament. No power on earth could have got rearmament without a general election except by a big split. Simon was inefficient. I had to lead the House, keep the machine together with those Labour fellows.[59]

In December 1944, strongly advised by friends, Baldwin decided to respond to criticisms of him through a biographer. He asked G. M. Young, who accepted, and asked Churchill to grant permission to Young to see Cabinet papers. Baldwin wrote:

I am the last person to complain of fair criticism, but when one book after another appears and I am compared, for example, to Laval, my gorge rises; but I am crippled and cannot go and examine the files of the Cabinet Office. Could G. M. Young go on my behalf?[59]

In June 1945 Baldwin's wife Lucy died. Baldwin himself by now suffered with arthritis and needed a stick to walk. When he made his final public appearance in London in October 1947 at the unveiling of a statue of King George V a crowd of people recognized and cheered him, but by this time he was deaf and asked: "Are they booing me?"[60] Having been made Chancellor of Cambridge University in 1930, he continued in this capacity until his death in his sleep at Astley Hall, near Stourport-on-Severn, Worcestershire, on 14 December 1947. He was cremated at Golders Green Crematorium and his ashes buried in Worcester Cathedral.

His estate was probated at £280,971.

Legacy

Baldwin was essentially a One Nation Conservative. Upon his retirement in 1937 he had indeed received a great deal of praise; the onset of the Second World War would change his public image for the worse. Rightly or wrongly, Baldwin, along with Chamberlain and MacDonald, was held responsible for the United Kingdom's military unpreparedness on the eve of war in 1939.

Peter Howard, writing in the Sunday Express (3 September 1939), accused Baldwin of deceiving the country of the dangers that faced it in order not to re-arm and so win the 1935 general election. Howard would late have a reconciliation with Baldwin and tried to get Baldwin to support Moral Re-Armament.[61] During the ill-fated Battle of France, in May 1940, Lloyd George in conversation with Winston Churchill and General Ironside railed against Baldwin and said "he ought to be hanged".[62] In July 1940 the famous book Guilty Men appeared, which blamed Baldwin for failing to re-arm enough. In May 1941 Hamilton Fyfe wrote an article ("Leadership and Democracy") for Nineteenth Century and After which also laid these charges against Baldwin. In 1941 A. L. Rowse criticised Baldwin for lulling the people into a false sense of security; as a practitioner in "the art of taking the people in":

...what can this man think in the still watches of the night, when he contemplates the ordeal his country is going through as the result of the years, the locust years, in which he held power?[63]

Churchill firmly believed that Baldwin's conciliatory stance toward Hitler gave the German dictator the impression that Britain would not fight if attacked. Though known for his magnanimity toward political opponents such as Chamberlain, Churchill had none to spare for Baldwin. "I wish Stanley Baldwin no ill," Churchill said when declining to send him 80th birthday greetings in 1947, "but it would have been much better had he never lived." Churchill also believed that Baldwin, rather than Chamberlain, would be most blamed by subsequent generations for the policies that led to "the most unnecessary war in history". An index entry in the first volume of Churchill's "History of the Second World War" (The Gathering Storm) records Baldwin "admitting to putting party before country" for his alleged admission that he would not have won the 1935 election if he had pursued a more aggressive policy of rearmament. Churchill selectively quoted a speech in the Commons by Baldwin that gave the false impression that Baldwin was speaking of the general election when he was speaking of the Fulham by-election in 1933, and omits Baldwin's actual comments about the 1935 election: "We got from the country, a mandate for doing a thing [a substantial rearmament programme] that no one, twelve months before, would have believed possible".[64] In his speech on Baldwin's death, Churchill paid him a double-edged yet respectful tribute: "He was the most formidable politician I ever encountered".

In 1948 Reginald Bassett published an essay disputing the claim that Baldwin "confessed" to putting party before country, and claimed that Baldwin was referring to 1933/34 when a general election on rearmament would have been lost.[65]

In 1952 G. M. Young published a biography of Baldwin, which Baldwin had asked him to write. He asserted that Baldwin united the nation and helped moderate the policies of the Labour Party. However he accepted the criticism of Baldwin; that he failed to re-arm early enough and that he put party before country. Young contends that Baldwin should have retired in 1935. In response to this biography, D. C. Somervell published Stanley Baldwin: An examination of some features of Mr. G. M. Young's biography in 1953 with a foreword by Ernest Brown. This attempted to defend Baldwin against the charges made by Young. Both Young and Somervell were criticised by C. L. Mowat in 1955, who claimed they both failed to rehabilitate Baldwin's reputation.[66]

In 1956 Baldwin's son A. W. Baldwin published a biography entitled My Father: The True Story. It has been written that his son "evidently could not decide whether he was answering the charge of inanition and deceit which grew out of the war, or the radical "dissenters" of the early 1930s who thought the Conservatives were warmongers and denounced them for rearming at all".[67]

In an article written to commemorate the centenary of Baldwin's birth, in The Spectator ("Don't Let's Be Beastly to Baldwin", 14 July 1967) Rab Butler defended Baldwin's moderate policies which, he claimed, helped heal social divisions. In 1969 the first major biography of Baldwin appeared, of over 1,000 pages, written by Keith Middlemas and John Barnes, both Conservatives who wished to defend Baldwin.

In 1999 Philip Williamson published a collection of essays on Baldwin which attempted to explain his beliefs and defended his policies as Prime Minister. Williamson asserted that Baldwin had helped create "a moral basis for rearmament in the mid 1930s" that contributed greatly to "the national spirit of defiance after Munich".[68]

His defenders counter that the moderate Baldwin felt he could not start a programme of aggressive re-armament without a national consensus on the matter. Certainly, pacifist appeasement was the dominant mainstream political view of the time in Britain, France, and the United States.

First Government, May 1923 – January 1924

Changes

  • August 1923 - Neville Chamberlain took over from Baldwin as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Sir William Joynson-Hicks succeeded Chamberlain as Minister of Health. Joynson-Hicks' successor as Financial Secretary to the Treasury was not in the Cabinet.

Second Cabinet, November 1924 – June 1929

Changes

  • April 1925 - On Curzon's death, Lord Balfour succeeded him as Lord President. Lord Salisbury became the new Leader of the House of Lords, remaining also Lord Privy Seal.
  • June 1925 - The post of Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs was created, held by Leo Amery in tandem with Secretary of State for the Colonies.
  • November 1925 - Walter Guinness succeeded E.F.L. Wood as Minister of Agriculture.
  • July 1926 - The post of Secretary of Scotland was upgraded to Secretary of State for Scotland.
  • October 1927 - Lord Cushendun succeeded Lord Cecil of Chelwood as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
  • March 1928 - Lord Hailsham (former Sir D. Hogg) succeeded Lord Cave as Lord Chancellor. Hailsham's successor as Attorney-General was not in the Cabinet.
  • October 1928 - Lord Peel succeeded Lord Birkenhead as Secretary of State for India. Lord Londonderry succeeded Peel as First Commissioner of Public Works

Third Cabinet, June 1935 – May 1937

Changes

  • November 1935 - Malcolm MacDonald succeeded J.H. Thomas as Dominions Secretary. Thomas succeeded MacDonald as Colonial Secretary. Lord Halifax succeeded Lord Londonderry as Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords. Duff Cooper succeeded Halifax as Secretary for War. Sir Philip Cunliffe-Lister became Viscount Swinton and Bolton Eyres-Monsell became Viscount Monsell, both remaining in the Cabinet.
  • December 1935 Anthony Eden succeeded Sir Samuel Hoare as Foreign Secretary and was not replaced as Minister without Portfolio.
  • March 1936 - Sir Thomas Inskip entered the Cabinet as Minister for the Coordination of Defence. Lord Eustace Percy left the Cabinet.
  • May 1936 - William Ormsby-Gore succeeded J.H. Thomas as Colonial Secretary. Lord Stanhope succeeded Ormsby-Gore as First Commissioner of Works.
  • June 1936 - Sir Samuel Hoare succeeded Lord Monsell as First Lord of the Admiralty.
  • October 1936 - Walter Elliot succeeded Collins as Secretary for Scotland. William Shepherd Morrison succeeded Elliot as Minister of Agriculture. Leslie Hore-Belisha entered the Cabinet as Minister of Transport.

In film and television

Baldwin has been portrayed in the following film and television productions:

Miscellaneous

Notes

  1. ^ A. J. P. Taylor, English History, 1914–1945 (Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 206.
  2. ^ Maurice Cowling, The Impact of Labour. 1920–1924. The Beginnings of Modern British Politics (Cambridge University Press, 1971), p. 329.
  3. ^ Cowling, The Impact of Labour, p. 383.
  4. ^ a b Cowling, The Impact of Labour, p. 410.
  5. ^ Cowling, The Impact of Labour, p. 411.
  6. ^ Keith Middlemas and John Barnes, Baldwin: A Biography (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969), pp. 269–70.
  7. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 271–2.
  8. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 273–4.
  9. ^ Cowling, The Impact of Labour, pp. 408–9.
  10. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 275.
  11. ^ Bookwatch: The General Strike
  12. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 393–4.
  13. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 722.
  14. ^ a b Middlemas and Barnes, p. 735.
  15. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 736.
  16. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 736–7.
  17. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 738.
  18. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 739.
  19. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 741.
  20. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 742.
  21. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 743.
  22. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 748–51.
  23. ^ a b Middlemas and Barnes, p. 754.
  24. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 756.
  25. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 745–6.
  26. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 757.
  27. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 759.
  28. ^ Taylor, p. 378.
  29. ^ Maurice Cowling, The Impact of Hitler. British Politics and British Policy, 1933–1940 (Chicago University Press, 1977), p. 92.
  30. ^ a b Taylor, p. 383.
  31. ^ Correlli Barnett, The Collapse of British Power (London: Methuen, 1972), p. 412.
  32. ^ a b c Barnett, p. 413.
  33. ^ Barnett, p. 414.
  34. ^ Barnett, pp. 414–15.
  35. ^ R. A. C. Parker, Churchill and Appeasement (Macmillan, 2000), p. 45.
  36. ^ Parker, p. 45.
  37. ^ Martin Gilbert, Churchill. A Life (Pimlico, 2000), pp. 536–7.
  38. ^ Gilbert, pp. 537–8.
  39. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 818.
  40. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 970, p. 972.
  41. ^ Gilbert, p. 567.
  42. ^ a b Middlemas and Barnes, p. 872.
  43. ^ Lord Citrine, Men and Work. An Autobiography (London: Hutchinson, 1964), p. 355.
  44. ^ a b c Barnett, p. 422.
  45. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 819.
  46. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1030.
  47. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1045.
  48. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1046.
  49. ^ Cato, Guilty Men (London: Victor Gollancz Ltd, 1940), p. 84.
  50. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1047.
  51. ^ a b Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1055.
  52. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1054, p. 1057.
  53. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1058 and note 1.
  54. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 1059–60.
  55. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 1056–7.
  56. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1061.
  57. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1060.
  58. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, pp. 1065–6.
  59. ^ a b Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1063.
  60. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1070.
  61. ^ Middlemas and Barnes, p. 1062.
  62. ^ Colonel Roderick Macleod and Denis Kelly (eds.), Time Unguarded. The Ironside Diaries. 1937–1940 (New York: David McKay Company, 1963), p. 311.
  63. ^ A. L. Rowse, 'Reflections on Lord Baldwin', Political Quarterly, XII (1941), pp. 305–17. Reprinted in Rowse, End of an Epoch (1947).
  64. ^ Robert Rhodes James, Churchill: A Study in Failure (Pelican, 1973), p. 343.
  65. ^ Reginald Bassett, 'Telling the truth to the people: the myth of the Baldwin 'confession',' Cambridge Journal, II (1948), pp. 84–95.
  66. ^ C. L. Mowat, 'Baldwin Restored?', The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 27, No. 2. (June, 1955), pp. 169–174.
  67. ^ Barbara C. Malament, 'Baldwin Re-restored?', The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Mar., 1972), p. 88.
  68. ^ Philip Williamson, Stanley Baldwin. Conservative Leadership and National Values (Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 361.
  69. ^ You must specify date= when using {{London Gazette}}.
  70. ^ Oxbridge rivalry#Indirect competition between the two universities
  71. ^ Simon Winchester, The Meaning of Everything (Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. xxiv-xxv.

References

  • Reginald Bassett, 'Telling the truth to the people: the myth of the Baldwin 'confession',' Cambridge Journal, II (1948), pp. 84–95.
  • Maurice Cowling, The Impact of Labour. 1920–1924. The Beginnings of Modern British Politics (Cambridge University Press, 1971).
  • Maurice Cowling, The Impact of Hitler. British Politics and British Policy, 1933–1940 (Chicago University Press, 1977).
  • Barbara C. Malament, 'Baldwin Re-restored?', The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Mar., 1972), pp. 87–96.
  • C. L. Mowat, 'Baldwin Restored?', The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 27, No. 2. (Jun., 1955), pp. 169–174.
  • Keith Middlemas and John Barnes, Baldwin: A Biography (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969).
  • A. L. Rowse, 'Reflections on Lord Baldwin', Political Quarterly, XII (1941), pp. 305–17. Reprinted in Rowse, End of an Epoch (1947).
  • A. J. P. Taylor, English History, 1914–1945 (Oxford University Press, 1990).
  • Philip Williamson, Stanley Baldwin. Conservative Leadership and National Values (Cambridge University Press, 1999).

External links

  • More about Stanley Baldwin on the Downing Street website.
  • "Archival material relating to Stanley Baldwin". UK National Archives.
Political offices
Preceded by Joint Financial Secretary to the Treasury
1917 – 1921
with Sir Hardman Lever
Succeeded by
Preceded by President of the Board of Trade
1921 – 1922
Succeeded by
Chancellor of the Exchequer
1922 – 1923
Succeeded by
Preceded by Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
23 May 1923 – 16 January 1924
Succeeded by
Leader of the House of Commons
1923 – 1924
Preceded by Leader of the Opposition
1924
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
4 November 1924 – 5 June 1929
Leader of the House of Commons
1924 – 1929
Leader of the Opposition
1929 – 1931
Succeeded by
Preceded by Lord President of the Council
1931 – 1935
Succeeded by
Preceded by Lord Privy Seal
1932 – 1934
Succeeded by
Preceded by Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
7 June 1935 – 28 May 1937
Succeeded by
Leader of the House of Commons
1935 – 1937
Parliament of the United Kingdom
Preceded by Member of Parliament for Bewdley
1908 – 1937
Succeeded by
Party political offices
Preceded by Leader of the British Conservative Party
1923 – 1937
Succeeded by
Academic offices
Preceded by Rector of the University of Edinburgh
1923 – 1926
Succeeded by
Preceded by Rector of the University of Glasgow
1928 – 1931
Succeeded by
Preceded by Chancellor of the University of St Andrews
1929 – 1947
Succeeded by
Preceded by Chancellor of the University of Cambridge
1930 – 1947
Succeeded by
Peerage of the United Kingdom
New creation Earl Baldwin of Bewdley
1937 – 1947
Succeeded by