Elena Bacaloglu

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Elena Bacaloglu, 1933

Elena A. Bacaloglu even Bakaloglu , Bacaloglu-Densusianu , Bacaloglu-Densuşeanu, Frenchified French Hélène Bacaloglu (born 19th December 1878 in Bucharest , Romania ;. Died 25. November 1947 in Bucharest) was a Romanian journalist, literary critic, novelist and militant fascist. Her writing career spawned an introduction to the work of Maurice Maeterlinck , several critical essays and two novels. She was married to the poets Radu D. Rosetti and Ovid Densuasianu .

Bacaloglu lived most of her later life in Italy, where she joined literary and political circles. Her subsequent work included campaigns for Pan-Latinism and Romanian irredentism . This second career peaked just before the end of World War I when Bacaloglu joined Italian fascism . She met Benito Mussolini and Benedetto Croce and helped transfer fascism from Italy to Romania. Their National Italo-Romanian Cultural and Economic Movement was a small and heterodox political party, but they knew how to draw attention by agreeing to political violence.

This older Romanian fascist movement joined the stronger National Romanian Fascia . This reorganized itself under Bacalogus leadership. The party survived the riots of 1923, but was dissolved by government decree in 1925 and completely replaced by the Iron Guard . Avoided by Mussolini, Bacaloglu lived her last decades relatively forgotten; entangled in political intrigue. Her fascist ideas were picked up by several members of her family, including her brother Sandi Bacaloglu and her son Ovid O. Densusianu.

biography

Youth and literary debut

The Bacaloglu family (from Turkish Bakkaloğlu , 'Krämersohn' , German Krämersohn) was socially and politically influential. It came from the Bulgarian-Romanian carrier of the Order of St. Stanislaus Ion DH Bacaloglu. Elena's ancestors were first mentioned in Bucharest in 1826. They came from the Principality of Wallachia and had speculated on land.

Elena's father was the Bucharest civil administrator Alexandru Bacaloglu (1845–1915), related to the scientist Emanoil Bacaloglu. Her mother was Sofia G. Izvoreanu (1854–1942). Elena's siblings were Constantin Bacaloglu (1871-1942), a doctor who had studied at the University of Alexandru Ioan Cuza Iași , Victor Bacaloglu (1872-1945), an engineer, writer and journalist and George (Gheorghe) Bacaloglu, an artillery officer and man of letters . Another brother, the lawyer Alexandru "Sandi" Bacaloglu, was less well known until an incident in 1923 exposed him to the public.

Compared to other Romanian women of the fin de siècle and even compared to a number of men, she was highly educated and graduated from the Faculty of Literature at the University of Bucharest and the Collège de France . During her studies she was interested in French culture, art history and philosophy. In Paris, where she was accompanied by her brother Constantin Bacaloglu, she met her future lover Ovid Densusianu . However, she first married Radu D. Rosetti , who was a very successful lawyer and became a less important neo-Romanesque poet. She was reportedly "crazy with love" and convinced her reluctant parents to acknowledge Rosetti. The couple got engaged on December 19, 1896 and were married in church the following January. The politician Nicolae Filipescu was the best man. Elena and Radu had a daughter together.

The marriage did not last: In 1897, Rosetti left his wife and daughter, who moved back to the house of her father Alexandru Bacaloglu. In June 1898, Elena Bacaloglu attempted suicide by shooting herself in the chest. She was saved by emergency surgery on her right lung. The divorce between Rosetti and Bacaloglu was recorded in 1899. On August 7, 1902, Elena married Ovid Densusianu, who soon after became the theorist of Romanian symbolism . Historian Lucian Nastasă describes their connection as unequal. Elena was "beautiful"; Ovid, less educated than his wife, was "small and hobbled". They had a son, Ovid Jr. (Ovid O. Densusianu), who was born in March or April 1904.

Bacaloglu's literary debut took place in 1903 when Editura Socec published her monograph “ Despre simbolizm și Maeterlinck” (German “About Symbolism and Maeterlinck ”). Together with the essays by Alexandru Bibescu (1893) and Izabela Sadoveanu-Evan (1908), this was an early Romanian attempt to define the boundaries between symbolism, decadence and modernity . In Bacaloglu's interpretation, symbolism and decadentism were two sides of the same coin: while the decadentists gave a voice to the “degeneration” of the “Latin race” at the end of the 19th century, the symbolists symbolized the revival of the Latins, a triumph of mysteries and metaphysics. These two areas were spanned by Maurice Maeterlinck's “Serres chaudes”, which Bacaloglu was the first to discuss from a Romanian perspective.

Elena Bacaloglu 1914 with autograph and dedication

In 1906 Bacaloglu published her psychological novel În luptă (German "Im Kampf"), which was followed in 1908 by the novel Două torțe (German "Two torches"). Her writings were rated poorly by the literary critic of the Romanian literary magazine " Viața Românească" , who wrote that " În luptă" could not be read to the end. The book was proposed to the Romanian Academy for the annual literary award, but was rejected. The reason given was the tortured writing style and its low roots in literary Romania. Other magazines, such as "Noua Revistă Română" and " Convorbiri Critice" published examples of her literary work.

Relocation to Italy

Meanwhile, Bacaloglu had separated from Ovid Densusianu. The divorce took place in 1904. After touring much of Western Europe, she spent most of her time in Italy, writing articles for the newspaper "Il Giornale d'Italia", the magazine "Madame" and the political magazine "L'Idea Nazionale". In 1908 she had an affair for several months with the poet and playwright Salvatore Di Giacomo , whose "Assunta Spina" she translated in August 1909 for the magazine " Convorbiri Critice" . She later married a third time, this time an Italian.

In the early 1910s, Bacaloglu lived in Rome , where in September 1912 she published a monograph on the love affair between the Romanian poet Gheorghe Asachi and his Italian muse Bianca Milesi. As the recipient of the “ Bene Merenti” medal awarded by the Romanian King Charles I , she translated the works of his wife Elisabeth zu Wied into French. She also represented Romania at the national exhibition in Castel Sant'Angelo and, as "Hélène Bacaloglu", held French-language conferences on the Italian poet, playwright and essayist Salvatore Di Giacomo . During this time she came into conflict with the Romanian antiquarian Alexandru Tzigara-Samurcaș. At the direction of the Romanian government, Tzigara replaced Bacaloglu in the Romanian Committee of the National Exhibition. He described Bacaloglu as an illegitimate, self-proclaimed agent and stated that the Italian press also distrusted her skills. Bacaloglu presented their own view of the events in a protest to the curators that was later issued as a brochure.

Your conferences on Di Giacomo were received with more sympathy. Alberto Cappelletti wrote a benevolent review in the newspaper " Il Giorno " and E. Console published it as a newspaper book. But all such collaboration ended abruptly when their peers became dissatisfied with their character and the quality of their paperwork. However, Bacaloglu was further valued by her Romanian friends and in 1912 elected to their Romanian Authors' Society ( Romanian Societatea Scriitorilor Români ).

Shortly after the outbreak of World War I, Elena Bacaloglu turned to political activism and interventionism . She campaigned for the still neutral Romania to join the Entente . It also supported the annexation of the Romanian-populated Transylvania . For this purpose she published the Italian-language essay “Per la Grande Rumania” (German “For a Greater Romania ”) and the French-language “Preuves d'amour” in Bucharest . Conférences patriotiques "(German" Proofs of love. Patriotic conferences "). In Bacaloglus activities was irredentism with the aim of pan-latinism connected. She joined the pan-Latinist association "Latina Gens", which welcomed members of all "Latin" nations and sought a "Latin Federation" of states. When she worked for this organization, she came closer to the Italian General Luigi Cadorna , described by Romanian officials as her “protector”, and the Italian Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino .

Elena Bacaloglu (last row, marked with a 5) and the Latina Gens , who in July 1916 grouped around Sebastião de Magalhães Lima (1) and Jules Destrée (2).

Elena Bacaloglu's efforts to popularize the Romanian targets with the troops fighting on the northern Italian front were interrupted in October 1917 by the Twelfth Battle of Insozo , which Italy lost, forcing Bacaloglus to flee to Genoa . She then played a role in creating the "Romanian Legion in Italy". In the Legion, Romanians from Transylvania and Italian sympathizers in Italy fought against the Central Powers . Despite their commitment, Elena Bacalogi and the Latina Gens were not invited to the Legion's founding ceremony in June 1918 in Cittaducale .

According to the Transylvanian doctor and publicist Victor Babes, Elena Bacaloglu was "the great propagandist of the glorification of Romania abroad and especially in Italy". The goal of "Greater Romania" fascinated two of the three brothers Elena Bacaloglus: Victor, author of patriotic plays, created the first all-Romanian newspaper in Bessarabia ; George fought heroically during the 1916 War , served several diplomatic missions and later became Prefect of Bihor County in Transylvania. Elena, Constantin and Victor were all correspondents for George Bacaloglu's cultural magazine " Cele Trei Crișuri" , and that until the 1930s.

Fascism experiment

After the war Elena stayed in Italy as a correspondent for the Bucharest daily newspaper Universul . As one of the first Romanians to become familiar with the modern ultra-right movement in Europe, she considered, driven by “enormous ambitions”, to integrate Italian fascism into the idea of ​​Greater Romania. She mastered this project since the “ Biennio rosso ” of 1919–1920, when she presented a pre-fascist approach to the Italian nationalist Gabriele d'Annunzio and wrote articles for Mussolini's daily newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia . Benito Mussolini , who headed the paramilitary Fasci Italiani , also received Bacologlu's letters, but was initially extremely skeptical. She also reached out to Italian journalists Giuseppe Bottai and Piero Bolzon, who agreed to join Bacaloglu's Romanian Fascist Steering Committee . At the time, Bacaloglu was friends with the philosopher and fascist admirer Benedetto Croce and corresponded regularly with him.

Just as she began this ideological mission, Bacaloglu was drawn into a conflict with the Romanian political establishment. In the Italian Chamber of Deputies , Mussolini's National Fascist Party took up its case: in August 1920, MP Luigi Federzoni accused the Romanian state of kidnapping and silencing Bacaloglu, "a person who deserves the highest respect". In 1922 the Casale Monferrato Tribunal heard her charges against Romania for copyright infringement. Bacaloglu again accused Romanian agents of the Siguranța secret police of attempting to kidnap her during the Genoa conference . In the same year, the fascist MP Alessandro Dudan sided with Bacaloglu in a conflict with the Romanian authorities, claiming that they were abusing their power. Bacaloglu and her demands were ignored by the following Romanian ambassadors who simply stated that she was paranoid.

Mussolini appreciated Bacaloglu's admiration. He corresponded with her, sent her step-by-step instructions on "Latin expansionism" and on economic cooperation against capitalism . These were presented by Bacaloglu in her brochure Movimento nazionale fascista italo-romeno. Creazione e governo ("National Italo-Romanian Fascist Movement. Creation and Control") published, which appeared in Milan after Mussolini's successful march on Rome . In order to “tie the fascist leader [Mussolini] closer to Romania's political course”, Bacaloglu made visible efforts to prevent a reconciliation between Italy and Romania's rival, the Kingdom of Hungary . She denounced Romania's foreign policy in articles for Italian newspapers, in which she portrayed liberal politicians as lackeys of the French Third Republic .

Sometime in 1921, Bacaloglu founded, with Mussolini's consent, an Italian-Romanian fascist association that was later called the National Italo-Romanian Fascist Movement ( Italian Movimento nazionale fascista italo-romeno , MNFIR). Their supporters began to found fascist leagues in Romania - one of the very first of these clubs was founded in the Transylvanian regional capital, Cluj . The main difference between Italian and Romanian fascists was their respective attitude towards the " Jewish question ": the Italo-Romanian movement was anti-Semitic ; the original fasci weren't. The goal was supported by, among others, Constantin Bacaloglu in his work at the University of Iași . In his collaboration with the anti-Semitic opinion leader Alexandru C. Cuza , he supported the violent students who wanted to expel most of the Romanian Jewish students and tolerated their use of fascist symbols. According to political scientist Emanuela Costantini, however, the anti-Semitic agenda of the movement was "moderate"; instead she underlined Bacaloglu's other ideas: " anti-industrialism with a populist tinge" and a version of nationalism that was heavily inspired by Action française .

The Romanian branch of Italian fascism was always a minority and fought for the attention of the numerous paramilitary groups. According to Costantini, they shared their anti-communism and contempt for democracy, but were the only ones directly inspired by Mussolini. In 1922, the MNFIR split and its more powerful parts under Titus Panaitescu Vifor joined the National Romanian Fascists (FNR). In 1923, Bacaloglu reappeared at the center of politics as the leader of the restored MNFIR, which was based directly on the Fasci Italiani . On December 30, 1923, she founded the weekly propaganda pamphlet Mişcarea Națională Fascistă , which also became the “political director”. Only about 100 people could be persuaded to join, although, as historian Francisco Veiga notes, many represented the more active strata of Romanian society (soldiers, students). Strong cells formed around the University of Cluj (Transylvania) and Constantin Bacaloglu's own University of Iași. Women were rarely represented: they were not allowed to vote under the 1923 Constitution, generally preferred specifically feminist organizations, and were never popular in the more important Romanian fascist parties (including, from 1927, the Iron Guard ).

Anti-fascist crackdown and shame

During its brief existence, Bacaloglus' Association loudly condemned the state of Romania and the Versailles Peace Treaty . She believed that the Little Entente , designed in part to counter Italian irredentism but including Romania, would leave the two countries to capitalist and Jewish exploitation. According to some reports, the "Romanian Fascio" had given itself this task in order to threaten the enemies of the deposed but politically ambitious Crown Prince Karl (who officially did not support the Romanian fascists). In October 1923, Nicolae Iorga , a historian opposed to Karl's return, accused the organization of sending him hate mail.

The MNFIR was persecuted by the government soon after the anti-Semitic student Corneliu Zelea Codreanu was arrested for terrorism. Corneliu Zelea Codreanu had tried to murder the employees of the Romanian daily Adevărul , including the Jewish manager Iacob Rosenthal . He spoke of other fascist allies during interrogations. His testimony was challenged by the pro-fascist newspaper Vestul României from Timișoara , which wrote: “The attempt […] is not the work of terrorists, as some of our colleagues have quickly claimed, but rather the revenge of Sandi Bacaloglu, who had the honor wanted to defend his sister, who had been compromised by an Adevărul article alleging that Elena Bacaloglu had been charged with insubordination in the Genoa Court of Appeal. ”Several other theories have circulated about Corneliu Zelea Codreanu's motivation, but it is known that to his group of murderers included FNR man Teodosie Popescu and that the act was celebrated in FNR media.

The news was picked up by another Transylvania newspaper, Clujul, which claimed that "the lawyer Bacaloglu" had taken "revenge on his sister's slanderer." Likewise, the Clujul claimed that Titus Panaitescu Vifor, who lived in Rome and was not involved in the Rosenthal incident, was still seen as the "fascist leader" - as the FNR president. In the meantime, George Bacaloglu had denied any connection to his sister's movement in a press interview. According to historian Armin Heinen, MNFIR was never a full-fledged party, while Titus Panaitescu Vifor's more powerful movement provided a more attractive platform for some of Bacaloglu's disaffected supporters. The FNR was explicitly National Socialist as well as corporationist , and therefore had little to do with Mussolini's program. With a little more members, it managed to absorb two nationalist political clubs. From this merger she emerged with a program that supported dictatorial politics and the expulsion of all foreigners.

Sandi Bacaloglu was soon incarcerated and charged with attempted murder and sedition. The court only acquitted him of the more serious charges and sentenced him to pay 50 lei . Reports on the fate of Elena Bacaloglu's fascist party diverge. She was named as the founder of the successor to the National Fascist Movement (MNF), which was dissolved by the Romanian police in 1925. This mainly Transylvanian party, however, had no direct relationship with the Bacaloglus. Before the police crackdown, the FNR in the Clujul announced the goal of destroying the “intrigues of foreigners” and that their motto was “Never forget the fascio!”. They also informed the Transylvanians that the recently released Sandi Bacaloglu, who described himself as Mussolini's envoy, was not a fascist and could not claim to represent any local fascist party.

National Christian Defense League Manifesto of 1928, published under the swastika mark. It proclaims: “Romanian brothers! The Romanian country faces a great danger. Jews, together with judged Romanians and the political parties as tools of the Jews, play with the future of the country and the people. "

Elena Bacaloglu became a persona non grata and was deported from Italy when Mussolini began to notice her dissenting attitude. A Romanian police report from this period suggests that “the Fascist Party of Romania” wanted to unite with Alexandru C. Cuza and Codreanus National Christian Defense League and the Romanian Action to form the country's first National Christian Party. In October 1925, Alexandru C. Cuza officially announced that the Romanian National Fascio, the Romanian Action and the Transylvanian Social-Christian Party had decided to disband and unite with the League with the common goal of "eliminating the Jews". Sandi Bacaloglu put his name as the representative of the Fascio under the appeal and became a member of the board of directors of the LAN together with Ioan Moța, Ion Zelea Codreanu, Iuliu Hațieganu, Valeriu Pop and Iuniu Lecca. Then Sandi Bacaloglu appeared in the general election of 1926 on a list with Alexandru C. Cuza and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu.

In 1927, his sister still called herself the leader of the "National Fascist Movement" with temporary headquarters in the "Solacoglu House" in Moșilor, a district of Bucharest. She continued to pursue her dispute with the Romanian state. She claimed that the authorities still owed her about 4 million lei, which she sought to collect from Interior Minister Octavian Goga and the president of the Writers' Society, Liviu Rebreanu . In her letters to Rebreanu, she obviously alluded to mutual support, but, according to researcher Andrei Moldovan, confused and snooty.

Later years

In 1928 Bacaloglu left Romania for a visit to the Kingdom of Spain, where she continued to advocate Pan-Latinism and worked with La Gaceta Literaria . She presented the latter as "the Central European type of woman who has dedicated herself to journalism in order to get her message across, to wander around and to pursue daring missions". For his part, Titus Panaitescu Vifor withheld his activities until January 1929 when he received a diplomatic post in Barcelona . He later returned to Bucharest as a representative of the Balcan Oriente news agency . The Romanian fascists were also revived for the third and last time in 1929 when a certain Colonel August Stoica wanted to use them in his putsch against the government, which was variously described as "operatic" or as a "chaotic conspiracy". The conspirators were rounded up and subjected to a public trial, the charges of which were based on the Marzescu law against fascist and communist uprisings.

Bacaloglu himself remained active on a small scale in Romanian politics and thus witnessed when Prince Karl ascended his throne again with the help of Iuliu Manius and the National Peasant Party. She reached out to the Maniu government and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with offers of assistance and complained about the previous persecution, but received little attention. She was finally allowed to return to Italy under the protection of the Undersecretary of the National Peasant Party, Savel Rădulescu (and allegedly Nicolae Titulescus from the League of Nations ), but lost support due to a subsequent change of power. She continued her appeals to Rebreanu (who was also asked to help George Bacaloglu to revive the Cele Trei Crișuri ) and the writer official Eugen Filotti. In 1931 she claimed that there was a conspiracy, led by diplomat Filip Lahovary and the leaders of the National Liberal Party of Romania, to kill her "by starvation" and to prevent her from speaking to people with influence. Bacaloglu also claimed that in exchange for financial support it could get Mussolini's approval of the National Peasant Party, which was in the opposition.

In the meantime, her son Ovid O. Densusianu had also stepped onto the public stage. Educated in Italy and Romania, Ovid Jr taught as a school teacher and then became press spokesman for the Ministry of Interior. He also had opportunities to become a writer and is best known for his novel Stăpânul (German: The Master) from 1937. He adhered to the fascist ideology of his mother and uncle: he was a employed journalist for the Iron Guard newspaper Porunca Vremii , translated political essays by Mussolini and Antonio Beltramelli and agitated for support for Italy during the Abyssinian War . In May 1936 he helped Mihail Manoilescu to found a local network of the Fascist Action Committee (CAUR).

Always a staunch critic of fascism, Ovid Densusianu Sr died unexpectedly on June 8, 1938, after an operation of blood poisoning. A year after the start of the First World War, Elena lived again in Rome, but had to return to Romania because, as she put it, “fake Latin nationalists” forced her to do so. She received new papers confirming her move to Bucharest and was still living there in April 1945. At the same time, Titus Panaitescu Vifor reactivated her fascism. He was appointed by the “National Legionnaires State” of the Iron Guards to head the Romanian Propaganda Office in Rome together with the writers Aron Cotruş and Vintilă Horia and in May 1941 became its president.

In old age, Bacaloglu witnessed the royal coup in Romania in 1944 , the Soviet occupation and communism. In 1947 she sold the letters she had received from Italian writers to the publicist Ilie E. Torouțiu, who gave them to the library of the Romanian Academy . She maintained friendly contacts with the left-wing writer Gala Galaction , but also experienced the persecution and downturn in the Bacaloglu family: their daughter, Radu D. Rosetti, was fired from her government job.

Bacaloglu died later that year (or, according to some sources, in 1949) and was buried in the Bellu Cemetery in Bucharest. Ovid Jr. was still alive then. After the official establishment of communist Romania, he focused on his work as a philologist, but was imprisoned in 1958 and spent six years as a political prisoner. He died in Bucharest on April 19, 1985.

literature

  • Buletin politic etc. In: Vestul României . No. 32 , October 14, 1923, p. 3 (Romanian, documente.bcucluj.ro [PDF; 806 kB ]).
  • O mare prietenă a Italiei: Elena Bacaloglu . In: Cele Trei Crișuri . No. 7–8 , 1933, pp. 95-96 (Romanian).
  • Victor Babeș : Răspuns rostit de Dl Prof. Dr. Victor Babes . In: George Bacaloglu (ed.): Ardealul ca isvor cultural: Discurs de recepțiune rostit la Ateneul Român la 1st June 1924. Publicațiile Secției de Propagandă Crișul Negru, no. 10 . Cele Trei Crișuri, Oradea-Mare 1924, p. 12-16 (Romanian).
  • Maria Bucur: Romania . In: Kevin Passmore (Ed.): Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 1919–45 . Manchester University Press, Manchester 2003, ISBN 0-7190-6083-4 , pp. 57-78 (English).
  • Carmen Burcea: Propaganda româneascã în Italia în perioada interbelică . In: Revista de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale . No. 1 , 2005, p. 94–108 (Romanian, revista.ispri.ro [PDF; 1.4 MB ]).
  • Anca Calangiu, Mihai Vatan, Maria Negraru: Ovid Densusianu 1873–1938. Biobibliography . Ed .: Central University Library. Bucharest 1991 (Romanian).
  • George Călinescu: Istoria literaturii române de la origini până în prezent . Editura Minerva, Bucharest 1986 (Romanian).
  • Roland Clark: Sfîntă tinerețe legionară. Activismul fascist în România interbelică . Polirom, Iași 2015, ISBN 978-973-46-5357-7 (Romanian).
  • Emanuela Costantini: Nae Ionescu, Mircea Eliade, Emil Cioran: antiliberalismo nazionalista alla periferia d'Europa . Morlacchi Editore, Perugia 2005, ISBN 88-89422-66-1 (Italian).
  • Nicoleta Epure: Relațiile româno-italiene de la sfârșitul Primului Război Mondial la 'Marșul asupra Romei' (noiembrie 1918 - octombrie 1922). Geneza unor contradicții de lungă durată . In: Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University Analele UCDC. Seria Istorie . tape I , no. 1 , 2010, OCLC 895141035 , pp. 112–117 (Romanian, istorie.ucdc.ro [PDF; 7.0 MB ]).
  • Armin Heinen: Legiunea 'Arhanghelul Mihail': o contribuție la problema fascismului internațional . Humanitas, Bucharest 2006, ISBN 973-50-1158-1 (Romanian).
  • Angelo Mitchievici: Decadență și decadentism in contextul modernităitii românești și europene . Editura Curtea Veche, Bucharest 2011, ISBN 978-6-06588133-4 (Romanian).
  • Andrei Moldovan: Din corespondența lui Liviu Rebreanu . In: Vatra . No. 11 , 2011, p. 20–68 (Romanian, revistavatra.ro [PDF; 2.5 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  • Lucian Nastasă: Intimitatea amfiteatrelor. Ipostaze din viața privată a universitarilor "literari" (1864–1948) . Editura Limes, Cluj-Napoca 2010, ISBN 978-973-726-469-5 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 3.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  • Lucian Nastasă: Antisemitismul universitar în România (1919–1939). Mărturii documentare . Editura Institutului pentru Studierea Problemelor Minorităților Naționale & Editura Kriterion, Cluj-Napoca 2011, ISBN 978-6-06927445-3 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 4.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  • Neonila Onofrei, Lucreția Angheluță, Liana Miclescu, Cornelia Gilorteanu, Tamara Teodorescu: Bibliografia românească modernă (1831–1918). Vol. I: A-C . Editura științifică și enciclopedică, Bucharest 1984 (Romanian).
  • Stanley G. Payne: A History of Fascism, 1914-1945 . University of Wisconsin Press, Madison 1995, ISBN 978-0-299-14874-4 (English).
  • Filippo Sallusto: Itinerari epistolari del primo Novecento: lettere e testi inediti dell'archivio di Alberto Cappelletti . Luigi Pellegrini Editore, Cosenza 2005, ISBN 88-8101-321-5 (Italian).
  • Raluca Tomi: Italieni în slujba Marii Uniri. Mărturii inedite . In: Revista Istorică . No. 3–4 , 2010, pp. 279–292 (Romanian, iini-minorities.ro [PDF; 717 kB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).

Web links

Commons : Elena Bacaloglu  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Alexandru Graur : Nume de persoane . Editura științifică, Bucharest 1965, p. 31 (Romanian).
  2. ↑ Gheorghe G. Bezviconi: Necropola Capitalei . Ed .: Nicolae Iorga Institute for History. Bucharest 1972, p. 58 (Romanian).
  3. ↑ George Potra: Documents privitoare la istoria orasului Bucureşti (1800-1848) . Editura Academiei, Bucharest 1975, p. 38, 247-248, 325-326, 525-526 .
  4. ↑ a b c Victor Babes : Răspuns rostit de Dl Prof. Dr. Victor Babes . In: George Bacaloglu (ed.): Ardealul ca isvor cultural: Discurs de recepțiune rostit la Ateneul Român la 1st June 1924. Publicațiile Secției de Propagandă Crișul Negru, no. 10 . Cele Trei Crișuri, Oradea-Mare 1924, p. 12-13 (Romanian).
  5. ↑ a b Buletin politic etc. In: Vestul României . No. 32 , October 14, 1923, p. 3 (Romanian, documente.bcucluj.ro [PDF; 806 kB ]).
  6. ↑ Lucian Nastasă: Intimitatea amfiteatrelor. Ipostaze din viața privată a universitarilor "literari" (1864–1948) . Editura Limes, Cluj-Napoca 2010, ISBN 978-973-726-469-5 , p. 51, 117, 133-134, 310 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 3.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  7. ^ Nicolae Scurtu: Note despre prozatoarea Elena Bacaloglu . In: România Literară . No. 22 , 2015 (Romanian).
  8. ↑ Lucian Nastasă: Intimitatea amfiteatrelor. Ipostaze din viața privată a universitarilor "literari" (1864–1948) . Editura Limes, Cluj-Napoca 2010, ISBN 978-973-726-469-5 , p. 133–134 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 3.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  9. ^ George Călinescu: Istoria literaturii române de la origini până în prezent . Editura Minerva, Bucharest 1986, p. 593 (Romanian).
  10. ↑ Various. Din Capitală. Drama din strada Lucacĭ . In: Epoca . June 18, 1898, p. 2 (Romanian).
  11. ↑ Ultimate informațiuni. In: Epoca . December 24, 1896, p. 3 (Romanian).
  12. ↑ Lucian Nastasă: Intimitatea amfiteatrelor. Ipostaze din viața privată a universitarilor "literari" (1864–1948) . Editura Limes, Cluj-Napoca 2010, ISBN 978-973-726-469-5 , p. 51 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 3.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  13. ↑ a b c Anca Calangiu, Mihai Vatan, Maria Negraru: Ovid Densusianu 1873-1938. Biobibliography . Ed .: Central University Library. Bucharest 1991, p. xxxv (Romanian).
  14. ↑ Lucian Nastasă: Intimitatea amfiteatrelor. Ipostaze din viața privată a universitarilor "literari" (1864–1948) . Editura Limes, Cluj-Napoca 2010, ISBN 978-973-726-469-5 , p. 134 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 3.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  15. ↑ Lucian Nastasă: Intimitatea amfiteatrelor. Ipostaze din viața privată a universitarilor "literari" (1864–1948) . Editura Limes, Cluj-Napoca 2010, ISBN 978-973-726-469-5 , p. 50–51 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 3.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  16. ↑ a b Anca Calangiu, Mihai Vatan, Maria Negraru: Ovid Densusianu 1873-1938. Biobibliography . Ed .: Central University Library. Bucharest 1991, p. xxxvi (Romanian).
  17. ↑ Maria Svet: Ovid Aron Densuşianu . In: Calendar Național 2004: Anul Ștefan cel Mare și Sfânt . National Library of Moldova, Chișinău 2004, p. 110 .
  18. ^ A b c d e Neonila Onofrei, Lucreția Angheluță, Liana Miclescu, Cornelia Gilorteanu, Tamara Teodorescu: Bibliografia românească modernă (1831–1918). Vol. I: AC . Editura științifică și enciclopedică, Bucharest 1984, p. 243-244 (Romanian).
  19. ↑ Anca Calangiu, Mihai Vatan, Maria Negraru: Ovid Densusianu 1873-1938. Biobibliography . Ed .: Central University Library. Bucharest 1991, p. xxi, xxxvi (Romanian).
  20. ↑ Angelo Mitchievici: Decadență și decadentism în contextul modernității românești și europene . Editura Curtea Veche, Bucharest 2011, ISBN 978-6-06588133-4 , p. 130-133 (Romanian).
  21. ↑ Angelo Mitchievici: Decadență și decadentism în contextul modernității românești și europene . Editura Curtea Veche, Bucharest 2011, ISBN 978-6-06588133-4 , p. 131-133, 135 (Romanian).
  22. ↑ a b Anca Calangiu, Mihai Vatan, Maria Negraru: Ovid Densusianu 1873-1938. Biobibliography . Ed .: Central University Library. Bucharest 1991, p. xxi (Romanian).
  23. ↑ PN: Recenzii. Elena Bacaloglu, În luptă . In: Viața Românească . No. 4 , 1906, pp. 175-176 (Romanian).
  24. ↑ Secţiunea literară. Premiul Năsturel . In: Analele Academiei Române. Seria II, Vol. XXIX, 1906-1907 . S. 251, 266-267 .
  25. ↑ Elena Bacaloglu: Vis și realitate . In: Noua Revistă Română . No. 9 , 1908, pp. 129-137 (Romanian).
  26. ↑ Elena Bacaloglu: Revista Revistelor . In: Noua Revistă Română . No. 6 , 1909, pp. 306 (Romanian).
  27. ↑ Lucian Nastasă: Intimitatea amfiteatrelor. Ipostaze din viața privată a universitarilor "literari" (1864–1948) . Editura Limes, Cluj-Napoca 2010, ISBN 978-973-726-469-5 , p. 57, 117, 275 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 3.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  28. ↑ Filippo Sallusto: Itinerari epistolari del primo Novecento: lettere e testi inediti dell'archivio di Alberto Cappelletti . Luigi Pellegrini Editore, Cosenza 2005, ISBN 88-8101-321-5 , p. 174 (Italian).
  29. ^ A b c Stanley G. Payne: A History of Fascism, 1914–1945 . University of Wisconsin Press, Madison 1995, ISBN 978-0-299-14874-4 , pp. 135 (English).
  30. ^ George Călinescu: Istoria literaturii române de la origini până în prezent . Editura Minerva, Bucharest 1986, p. 983 (Romanian).
  31. ^ Carmen Burcea: Propaganda româneascã în Italia în perioada interbelică . In: Revista de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale . No. 1 , 2005, p. 101 (Romanian, revista.ispri.ro [PDF; 1.4 MB ]).
  32. ↑ Transeuntes literarios . In: La Gaceta Literaria . No. 46 , 1928, pp. 4 .
  33. ↑ Alexandru Tzigara-Samurcaș: Memorii. II: 1910-1918 . Grai și Suflet - Cultura Națională, Bucharest 1999, ISBN 973-95405-1-1 , p. 9 (Romanian).
  34. ^ Memento . In: Noua Revistă Română . No. 23 , 1912, pp. 356 .
  35. ↑ Filippo Sallusto: Itinerari epistolari del primo Novecento: lettere e testi inediti dell'archivio di Alberto Cappelletti . Luigi Pellegrini Editore, Cosenza 2005, ISBN 88-8101-321-5 , p. 174-175 (Italian).
  36. ↑ a b Raluca Tomi: Italieni în slujba Marii Uniri. Mărturii inedite . In: Revista Istorică . No. 3–4 , 2010, pp. 280–282 (Romanian, iini-minorities.ro [PDF; 717 kB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  37. ↑ a b Alessandro Dudan: 2a tornata di venerdì 16 giugno 1922. Interrogazioni e interpellanza . In: Atti Parlamentari. Legislature XXVI: CXXVII . Camera dei Deputati, June 16, 1922, p. 6329 (Italian, storia.camera.it [PDF; 15.8 MB ]).
  38. ^ Ileana-Stanca Desa, Elena Ioana Mălușanu, Cornelia Luminița Radu, Iliana Sulică: Publicațiile periodice româneşti (ziare, gazete, reviste) . Vol. 1. Catalog alfabetic 1931-1935. Editura Academiei, Bucharest 2009, ISBN 973-27-0980-4 , pp. 261 (Romanian).
  39. ↑ a b c O mare prietenă a Italiei: Elena Bacaloglu . In: Cele Trei Crișuri . No. 7–8 , 1933, pp. 95-96 .
  40. ↑ a b c d Maria Bucur: Romania . In: Kevin Passmore (Ed.): Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 1919–45 . Manchester University Press, Manchester 2003, ISBN 0-7190-6083-4 , pp. 77 .
  41. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Armin Heinen: Legiunea 'Arhanghelul Mihail': o contribuție la problema fascismului internațional . Humanitas, Bucharest 2006, ISBN 973-50-1158-1 , p. 102-104 (Romanian).
  42. ↑ a b c Nicoleta Epure: Relațiile româno-italiene de la sfârșitul Primului Război Mondial la 'Marșul asupra Romei' (noiembrie 1918 - octombrie 1922). Geneza unor contradicții de lungă durată . In: Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University Analele UCDC. Seria Istorie . tape I , no. 1 , 2010, OCLC 895141035 , pp. 115–116 (Romanian, istorie.ucdc.ro [PDF; 7.0 MB ]).
  43. ↑ a b Roland Clark: Sfîntă tinerețe legionară. Activismul fascist în România interbelică . Polirom, Iași 2015, ISBN 978-973-46-5357-7 , pp. 38 (Romanian).
  44. ↑ Attila Gido: Două decenii. Evreii din Cluj în perioada interbelică . Editura Institutului pentru Studierea Problemelor Minorităților Naționale, Cluj-Napoca 2014, ISBN 978-6-06837728-5 , p. 139 (Romanian).
  45. ↑ Francisco Veiga: La mística del ultranacionalismo: Historia de la Guardia de Hierro, Romania . Autonomous University of Barcelona, ​​Bellaterra 1989, p. 140 (Spanish).
  46. ↑ Lucian Nastasă: Antisemitismul universitar în România (1919–1939). Mărturii documentare . Editura Institutului pentru Studierea Problemelor Minorităților Naționale & Editura Kriterion, Cluj-Napoca 2011, ISBN 978-6-06927445-3 , p. 218, 234, 238, 240, 243, 268, 301, 304–305 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 4.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  47. ↑ a b c d e f g h Emanuela Costantini: Nae Ionescu, Mircea Eliade, Emil Cioran: antiliberalismo nazionalista alla periferia d'Europa . Morlacchi Editore, Perugia 2005, ISBN 88-89422-66-1 , p. 19-20 (Italian).
  48. ↑ Marin Petcu (ed.): Istoria jurnalismului din România în date. Enciclopedie cronologică . Polirom, Iași 2012, ISBN 978-973-46-3855-0 , p. 1941 (Romanian).
  49. ↑ Lucian Nastasă: Antisemitismul universitar în România (1919–1939). Mărturii documentare . Editura Institutului pentru Studierea Problemelor Minorităților Naționale & Editura Kriterion, Cluj-Napoca 2011, ISBN 978-6-06927445-3 , p. 40 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 4.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  50. ↑ Petre Ţurlea: Din nou despre poziţia partidului Nationalist Democrat faţă de Evrei . In: Vasile Ciobanu, Sorin Radu (ed.): Partide politice și minorități naționale din România în secolul XX . tape IV . TechnoMedia, Sibiu 2009, ISBN 978-6-06803053-1 , p. 139 (Romanian).
  51. ↑ Roland Clark: Sfîntă tinerete legionară. Activismul fascist în România interbelică . Polirom, Iași 2015, ISBN 978-973-46-5357-7 , pp. 56, 60, 203 (Romanian).
  52. ↑ Martirul Rosenthal . In: Clujul . No. 31 , November 9, 1923, pp. 1 (Romanian, documente.bcucluj.ro [PDF; 1,3 MB ]).
  53. ^ Fascism in Bihor . In: Vestul României . No. 29 , October 5, 1923, pp. 2 (Romanian, documente.bcucluj.ro [PDF; 796 kB ]).
  54. ↑ Sandy Bacaloglu e mentinut in arest . In: Vestul României . No. 32 , October 14, 1923, p. 4 (Romanian, documente.bcucluj.ro [PDF; 806 kB ]).
  55. ↑ Știri . In: Renașterea. Organul Oficial al Eparhiei Ortodoxe a Vadului, Feleacului, Geoagiului și Clujului . No. 26 , 1924, pp. 7 (Romanian).
  56. ↑ Menira faşcistilor Romani. Programul faşcistilor . In: Clujul . No. 6 , February 10, 1924, p. 1 (Romanian, bcucluj.ro [PDF; 2.0 MB ; accessed on May 22, 2017]).
  57. ^ Carmen Burcea: Propaganda româneascã în Italia în perioada interbelică . In: Revista de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale . No. 1 , 2005, p. 101, 106 (Romanian, revista.ispri.ro [PDF; 1.4 MB ]).
  58. ↑ Lucian Nastasă: Antisemitismul universitar în România (1919–1939). Mărturii documentare . Editura Institutului pentru Studierea Problemelor Minorităților Naționale & Editura Kriterion, Cluj-Napoca 2011, ISBN 978-6-06927445-3 , p. 324–325 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 4.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  59. ↑ Alexandru C. Cuza : Chemare către toți românii . In: Înfrățirea Românească . No. 11 , October 1, 1925, p. 3–4, 10 (Romanian, documente.bcucluj.ro [PDF; 1.7 MB ; accessed on May 22, 2017]).
  60. ↑ 200 Anti-Semitic Leaders Are Candidates for Election in Roumania . In: Jewish Daily Bulletin . tape III . Jewish Telegraphic Agency, New York May 12, 1926, p. 1, 8 (English, jta.org [PDF; 9.5 MB ; accessed on May 22, 2017]).
  61. ↑ Andrei Moldovan: Din corespondenţa lui Liviu Rebreanu . In: Vatra . No. 11 , 2011, p. 42 (Romanian, revistavatra.ro [PDF; 2.5 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]). revistavatra.ro ( Memento of the original from March 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.revistavatra.ro
  62. ↑ Andrei Moldovan: Din corespondenţa lui Liviu Rebreanu . In: Vatra . No. 11 , 2011, p. 24 (Romanian, revistavatra.ro [PDF; 2.5 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]). revistavatra.ro ( Memento of the original from March 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.revistavatra.ro
  63. ↑ Cámara de Comercio rumanoespañola . In: La Vanguardia . January 9, 1929, p. 8 (Spanish, lavanguardia.com [PDF; accessed May 22, 2017]).
  64. ^ Carmen Burcea: Propaganda româneascã în Italia în perioada interbelică . In: Revista de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale . No. 1 , 2005, p. 102 (Romanian, revista.ispri.ro [PDF; 1.4 MB ]).
  65. ↑ Bazil Gruia, "Complotul fascist", in Chemarea Tinerimei Române , No. 21/1929, p. 4.
  66. ↑ Process of fasciştilor . In: Dreptatea . September 15, 1929, p. 2 (Romanian).
  67. ^ Carmen Burcea: Propaganda româneascã în Italia în perioada interbelică . In: Revista de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale . No. 1 , 2005, p. 101, 106 (Romanian, revista.ispri.ro [PDF; 1.4 MB ]).
  68. ↑ Andrei Moldovan: Din corespondenţa lui Liviu Rebreanu . In: Vatra . No. 11 , 2011, p. 45–46 (Romanian, revistavatra.ro [PDF; 2.5 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]). revistavatra.ro ( Memento of the original from March 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.revistavatra.ro
  69. ↑ Andrei Moldovan: Din corespondenţa lui Liviu Rebreanu . In: Vatra . No. 11 , 2011, p. 44 (Romanian, revistavatra.ro [PDF; 2.5 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]). revistavatra.ro ( Memento of the original from March 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.revistavatra.ro
  70. ↑ Lucian Nastasă: Intimitatea amfiteatrelor. Ipostaze din viața privată a universitarilor "literari" (1864–1948) . Editura Limes, Cluj-Napoca 2010, ISBN 978-973-726-469-5 , p. 310 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 3.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  71. ^ George Călinescu: Istoria literaturii române de la origini până în prezent . Editura Minerva, Bucharest 1986, p. 1032 (Romanian).
  72. ↑ Veronica Turcuș: Din raporturile intelectualității universitare clujene interbelice cu elita academică italiană: Emil Panaitescu în corespondență cu Giuseppe Lugli . In: Romanian Academy (George Bariț Institute of History) Historica Yearbook . 2011, p. 10 (Romanian).
  73. ^ Perpessicius: Note. O. Densușianu și fascismul . In: Revista Fundațiilor shelves . No. 4 , 1945, p. 932-933 (Romanian).
  74. ↑ Lucian Nastasă: Intimitatea amfiteatrelor. Ipostaze din viața privată a universitarilor "literari" (1864–1948) . Editura Limes, Cluj-Napoca 2010, ISBN 978-973-726-469-5 , p. 429–430, 448–449, 463–464 (Romanian, history-cluj.ro [PDF; 3.2 MB ; accessed on May 19, 2017]).
  75. ↑ Partea II. Particulare . In: Monitorul Oficial al României . April 24, 1945, p. 2520 (Romanian).
  76. ^ Carmen Burcea: L'immagine della Romania sulla stampa del Ventennio (II) . In: The Romanian Review of Political Sciences and International Relations . tape VII , no. 2 , 2010, p. 31 (Italian, ispri.ro [PDF; 861 kB ; accessed on May 22, 2017]).
personal data
SURNAME Bacaloglu, Elena
ALTERNATIVE NAMES Bacaloglu, Elena A .; Bakaloglu, Elena; Bacaloglu-Densusianu, Elena; Bacaloglu-Densuşeanu, Elena; Bacaloglu, Hélène
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Romanian journalist, literary critic, novelist and militant fascist
DATE OF BIRTH December 19, 1878
PLACE OF BIRTH Bucharest
DATE OF DEATH November 25, 1947
Place of death Bucharest