History of Angola

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Pre-colonial history

The original, albeit extremely sparse, population in what is now Angola were the ancestors of today's Khoisan - groups of hunters and gatherers who can still be found residual in southern Angola as well as in northern Namibia and Botswana . Between the 7th and 9th centuries, Bantu peoples settled in this area, absorbing or displacing the indigenous people. They were mainly arable farmers and hunted and occasionally caught fish as a supplement.

In the 14th century in the northwest of today's Angola, in the settlement area of ​​the Bakongo , the Kingdom of Congo with its capital Mbanza Kongo was founded. In the 15th century, under the Ambundu, the kingdom of Ndongo was founded southeast of it . The northeast, populated by Tu-Chokwe and Balunda , also belonged to the Kingdom of Lunda , the center of which was in the south of what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo . On the central highlands of Angola were formed in the 18th and 19th Several smaller political units emerged from the Ovimbundu in the 19th century . In the extreme south the Ovambo people emerged, who are resident on both sides of the Kunene River , the majority in what is now Namibia; Here too, political units were constituted. It is important to note that there was no “country” or “empire” Angola at that time, not even in the imagination of the inhabitants of what is now Angola.

Portuguese presence in the Congo and on the coast

Queen Nzinga in peace negotiations with Portuguese ambassadors in 1657

In 1483, the Portuguese navigator Diogo Cão landed as the first European in the region. This had two different consequences:

On the one hand, the Portuguese officially established relations with the Kingdom of the Congo "from state to state" . Portuguese, but also Italian and Spanish clergymen stayed permanently in the name of the Portuguese king at the court of this empire, the then and now M'Banza Kongo . They strove with some success to impart European knowledge, European culture and Catholic Christianity.

On the other hand, Portuguese trading posts were established over the course of a century, initially at the mouth of the Congo , especially in Soyo and its seaport of Mpinda. There, however, they were under the rule of the Congo Empire and therefore had limited leeway. In further steps they therefore settled on the Atlantic coast further south, outside the sphere of influence of the Congo Empire.

In 1576, today's capital Luanda was founded as a fortified settlement in a bay near the mouth of the Kwanza River , well suited as a seaport , in the area of ​​the Axiluanda, a subgroup of the Ambundu , which has only distant connections to the Congo Empire and the Ambundu upstream -Rich Matamba and Ndongo entertained. Luanda, populated by several hundred Portuguese, was not out for conquest and domination, but for the slave trade. Slaves were acquired from the more distant hinterland through African middlemen and sold to Brazil and the Caribbean, and to a lesser extent to Portugal. For self-sufficiency, Luanda ran agriculture, livestock and fishing in its immediate vicinity, and in the city itself all kinds of handicrafts. It maintained relationships not only with the Congo Empire, but also with Matamba and Ndongo, with occasional economic conflicts of interest and the Queen Nzinga of Ndongo and Matamba became a symbol of the assertiveness of African interests.

In the 17th century, following a similar pattern - e.g. Partly by Portuguese who came from Brazil - the trading settlement Benguela was founded further south , on a coastal strip that bordered the Ovimbundu area . Benguela also operated the slave trade, with the help of the Ovimbundu, who organized caravans between Benguela and what is now East Angola and from there brought not only slaves, but also ivory, wax, honey and other goods.

Take possession and demarcation of the hinterland

It was not until the 19th century that the Portuguese made attempts to establish themselves further inland from Luanda and Benguela. These attempts were half-hearted at first, only led to a rather selective expansion of the sphere of influence and were temporarily interrupted. They were resumed in the second half of the century, when the European race for Africa had started and Portugal also did everything in its power to secure as large areas as possible as colonies in Africa. A series of campaigns succeeded in subjugating various peoples or "kingdoms" on the territory of what is now Angola and in setting up a still loose network of trading, military and administrative posts and missions. However, until the beginning of the 20th century, this by far did not cover the entire current territory.

After Portugal's claims to the neighboring Belgian Congo had failed in 1885 due to Germany's objection, Lisbon had to give in to British pressure in 1890 and renounce the connection between Angola and Mozambique to form a closed South African colonial empire. Instead, the influence of British capital increased considerably in the Portuguese colonies .

Angola Treaty

Negotiations about a British-German alliance led to the so-called "Angola Treaty" in 1898 : In the event that Portugal (1891 national bankruptcy) should take out further loans to settle its debts, Germany and Great Britain agreed a joint loan, for which the Portuguese colonies as Deposit were provided. In the event of the expected insolvency of Portugal, Central Angola (Inner Angola) should then fall to Great Britain, while North, South and West Angola to Germany (as well as Northern Mozambique and Portuguese Timor to Germany, Southern Mozambique to Great Britain). In return, Germany refrained from supporting the Boers in their fight against Great Britain.

The agreement was concluded on August 30, 1898, but never implemented and was undermined in 1899 by the extension of the British "guarantee of protection" ( Windsor Treaty ) for Portugal and all its possessions.

In view of the conflict with German colonial rivals, the Portuguese colonial power tried to secure the border areas with German South West Africa. First the Humbe, then the Cuamato (Kwamato) , who belong to the Ovambo people, opposed the Portuguese advance to the south . The Cuamato were able to inflict an embarrassing defeat on the Portuguese in the battle of the Pembe ford (1904), but were nevertheless subdued by several Portuguese punitive expeditions in the following years.

During a visit by the British King to Berlin in 1913, a new treaty was signed for the division of the Portuguese colonies between Great Britain and the German Empire. Now Germany should get all of Angola. In addition, in exchange for the Belgian Congo (and Angola), Germany offered the British two thirds of its colony German South West Africa (now Namibia ). Since February 1914, preparations for the economic takeover of Angola began on the German side with the establishment of the Übersee Study Syndicate. On July 27, 1914, Chancellor Theodor von Bethmann Hollweg gave the British government his consent to the publication of the hitherto secret treaty on the division of the Portuguese colonies between England and Germany. The outbreak of the First World War in August 1914 made its implementation impossible.

Although Portugal only entered World War I in 1916, fighting broke out between Angola and German Southwest Africa as early as 1914. Triggered by the death of a German official, the dispute culminated in the battle for the Portuguese Fort Naulila , which was destroyed by German soldiers.

Autonomy and the struggle for independence

Angola's coat of arms from 1935

Angola's legal status changed in 1951 when it became a Portuguese overseas province . Angolans of African descent now had the opportunity to be legally recognized as an " assimilado " if certain criteria were met . This status granted extensive (from 1962 onwards full) equality with Portuguese citizens; “Mixed race” was granted this status in almost all cases; As a result, by 1950 the whites were in the minority among the “Assimilado”. This policy, which was intended to serve assimilation and integration, promoted the emergence and strengthening of anti-colonial forces. In the 1950s, a large number of underground groups formed in various places, including outside of Angola, which - following the example of other African countries - set themselves the goal of liberating Angola from colonial rule. After a spontaneous local survey in 1959, a war of independence broke out from 1960/61, which lasted until 1974. It was supported by three nationalist movements - FNLA , MPLA and UNITA - which campaigned for the independence of Angola as a whole, as well as the FLEC , which fought for the separate independence of Angola and Cabinda . However, the local uprisings were put down by the Portuguese military, which consisted increasingly of black African troops, as early as 1964; the subsequent guerrilla activities of the o. e. Movements had limited success and practically came to a standstill in 1973. As a result of the “ Carnation Revolution ”, which ended the Salazar regime on April 25, 1974 and initiated the immediate decolonization of the overseas territories, an armed power struggle began in Angola between the three nationalist movements and their respective allies. Despite intensive attempts at mediation by the new Portuguese government, no agreement was reached. On November 11, 1975, the MPLA in Luanda proclaimed the country's independence, and at the same time FNLA and UNITA did so together in Huambo. Two rival governments were formed, but that of FNLA & UNITA only lasted a few weeks. The decolonization conflict thus turned seamlessly into the civil war in Angola .

Cabinda, recognized as independent by the Organization for African Unity (now the African Union ) in 1974 under the name Portuguese Congo, was regarded by the three nationalist movements as an integral part of Angola, citing the situation created during the colonial period and - as during the colonial period - as an exclave to Counted national territory. The FLEC was pushed underground by the MPLA government after 1975, but it still exists today as the spokesman for the people's aspirations for independence and occasionally draws attention to itself through limited military actions.

The establishment of a people 's republic

The first government was formed from members of the MPLA . On November 11, 1975, the Movimento proclaimed a People's Republic of Angola in Luanda based on the Eastern European model and declared itself the only legal party. The MPLA leader Agostinho Neto became the first head of state . At the same time, FNLA and UNITA jointly proclaimed a Republic of Angola in Huambo and formed a counter-government. Immediately afterwards a civil war broke out between MPLA, UNITA and FNLA, in which foreign powers, mainly South Africa and Cuba , intervened.

A joint attempt by UNITA and FNLA with the support of South Africa to take Luanda was fought off with Cuban help in the battle of Kifangondo in late 1975. The FNLA did not recover from this defeat, withdrew to Zaire and from then on practically sank into insignificance.

Civil war

The MPLA , operating as a Marxist since 1977 , was supported by Cuba , the Soviet Union and other socialist states. At the height of the conflict there were around 50,000 Cuban soldiers in the country (see Cuban military operation in Angola ). The UNITA received from the US financial and weapons and was from South Africa , where even the apartheid regime , supported ruled by air and ground forces, arms sales and training programs.

The FNLA , supported by Zaire and almost entirely borne by Bakongo , initially allied itself with UNITA, but got out of the fighting after heavy losses. As a result, South Africa increasingly supported UNITA. In 1983 about 5000 South African soldiers penetrated up to 250 km deep into southern Angola in order to destroy bases of the rebel movement SWAPO from South West Africa (today Namibia ). According to South African information, 418 SWAPO fighters and 29 South African soldiers were killed by mid-August 1983. South Africa suffered severe defeats in battles and skirmishes with Cuban formations. This aroused South Africa's willingness to negotiate and withdraw from Angola. This unsuccessful military engagement in Angola is ultimately also responsible for the weakening of South Africa's position in Namibia, which was granted independence in 1990, as well as the abolition of the apartheid regime itself.

Transition to multi-party democracy

In 1991 the two civil war parties MPLA and UNITA agreed to implement a multi-party system. The MPLA abandoned the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism. After the MPLA had become the dominant faction in parliament in the first democratic elections - monitored by the UN - in 1992 and in the simultaneous presidential election in Angola in 1992, the then and now incumbent President José Eduardo dos Santos (MPLA) held the relative, albeit not the im had achieved the absolute majority required for the first ballot, on the initiative of UNITA war broke out again with the argument of electoral fraud . As a result, the second ballot, in which José Eduardo dos Santos should have run against UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi , did not take place.

peace contract

The Lusaka Protocol signed on November 20, 1994 , a peace treaty between the government and UNITA, enabled the integration of the previous "rebels". A national unity government with the participation of UNITA was established in 1997, but the bloody fighting started again at the end of 1998 and led, among other things, to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people who fled to cities, in mountainous regions that were difficult to access or to neighboring countries. From UNITA - which continued to take part in the government - a part split off that rejected the resumption of the fighting ordered by UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi .

President José Eduardo dos Santos suspended the functioning of parts of the democratic authorities due to the conflict. On February 22nd, 2002, Jonas Savimbi was shot while fleeing from government troops . As a result, a ceasefire was concluded between the two rival parties. UNITA gave up its armed struggle and assumed the role of the leading opposition party.

The resistance of the internationally increasingly isolated UNITA, however, had already flagged. As early as 1998, Angolan government troops were strong enough to intervene in Zaire (Democratic Republic of the Congo), Congo (from Cabinda) and northern Namibia and thus cut off UNITA's last supply routes (diamond smuggling).

Angola today

Since the end of the civil war, the political situation in Angola has solidified, with normal multi-party democracy formally functioning, but in reality an authoritarian regime in which real power lies with President José Eduardo dos Santos . He wields this power through a network of dependent persons, uses the MPLA as an instrument, and directs government action. In parliamentary elections, the MPLA received around 80% of the vote, which mainly reflects the low credibility of the other parties (especially UNITA and FNLA). In 2010 a new constitution was passed according to which the leader of the strongest party automatically becomes president and head of government; thus the exercise of office by José Eduardo dos Santos was put on a legal basis after 18 years. The constitution abolishes the separation of powers through a series of mechanisms and thus sanctions the existing situation in the form of an authoritarian presidential system.

Thanks to his high income from oil production, not only did the reconstruction of the destroyed cities, villages and infrastructures take place at the same time as this political development, but also a remarkable economic development. However, this goes hand in hand with an extraordinarily high level of corruption and social inequality. In terms of foreign policy, Angola stands on two legs: most of the oil production is carried out with the help of US companies, while at the same time close economic cooperation has developed with China, which is present in Angola with a number of companies and an estimated 300,000 Chinese.

Guerrilla groups that have been fighting for the independence of the Cabinda exclave since the 1970s have not been finally defeated, but they do not pose a serious problem for the stabilization of the country.

See also

literature

  • Gerald Bender: Angola Under the Portuguese , London: Heinemann, 1978
  • David Birmingham: The Portuguese Conquest of Angola , London: Oxford University Press, 1965.
  • David Birmingham: Empire in Africa: Angola and its Neighbors , Athens / Ohio: Ohio University Ores, 1986
  • Armando Castro: O sistema colonial português em África (Meados do século XX) , Lisbon: Caminho, 1978
  • Patrick Chabal and others: A History of Postcolonial Lusophone Africa , London: Hurst, 2002 (with article on Angola by David Birmingham)
  • Basil Davidson :: Portuguese-speaking Africa . In: Michael Crowder (Ed.): The Cambridge History of Africa . Vol. 8. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1984 pp. 755-806.
  • Fernando Andresen Guimarães: The Origins of the Angolan Civil War , London + New York: Macmillan Press + St. Martin's Press, 1998
  • Beatrix Heintze : Studies on the history of Angola in the 16th and 17th centuries . Rüdiger Köppe, Cologne 1996
  • Lawrence W. Henderson: Angola: Five Centuries of Conflict , Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1979
  • W. Martin James & Susan Herlin Broadhead, Historical dictionary of Angola , Lanham / MD: Scarecrow Press, 2004, ISBN 978-0-8108-4940-2
  • John Marcum: The Angolan Revolution , vol. I, The anatomy of an explosion (1950–1962) , Cambridge, Mass. & London, MIT Press, 1969; vol. II, Exile Politics and Guerrilla Warfare (1962-1976) , Cambridge, Mass. & London, 1978
  • Christine Messiant: L'Angola colonial, histoire et société: Les prémisses du mouvement nationaliste , Basel: Schlettwein, 2006.
  • René Pélissier: La colonie du Minotaure: Nationalismes et revoltes en Angola (1926–1961) , Orgeval: self-published, 1978
  • René Pélissier: Les campagnes coloniales du Portugal , Paris: Pygmalion, 2004
  • Edmundo Rocha: Contribuição ao estudo da Génese do Nacionalismo Angolano (período de 1950–1964): testemunho e estudo documental , Luanda: Kilombelombe, 2003
  • Rolf Peter Tschapek: Building blocks of a future German Central Africa. German interest in the South African colonies of Portugal from the end of the 19th century to the First World War. Steiner Verlag, Viersen 2000, ISBN 978-3-515-07592-3
  • Jan Vansina : Kingdoms of the Savanna: A History of Central African States until European Occupation , Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1998.
  • Rainer Grajek: Religion in Angola, and social policy in Angola.

Web links

Commons : History of Angola  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ These were often referred to as " Bushmen " in colonial literature.
  2. ↑ Elikia M'Bokolo: Afrique Noire offers perhaps the best way to classify these conditions and processes in a regional overview . Histoire et Civilizations jusqu'au XVIIIème siècle. Volume I, Hatier, Paris 1993; Revised and slightly expanded Portuguese edition: África Negra: História e Civilizações até ao XVIIIº século , Vulgata, Lisbon 2003.
  3. ^ Joseph Miller, Way of Death: Merchant capitalism and the Angolan slave trade, 1730-1830 , London & Oxford: James Currey
  4. ↑ René Pélissier , Les guerres grises: Resistance et revoltes en Angola (1845–1941) , Montamets / Orgeval: Selbstverlag, 1977. Is the most careful review of this process to this day.
  5. ^ Rolf Peter Tschapek: Building blocks of a future German Central Africa: German Imperialism and the Portuguese Colonies, German Interest in the South African Colonies of Portugal from the end of the 19th century to the First World War. Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2000, pp. 15 and 209.
  6. ↑ See John Marcum, The Angolan Revolution , 2 vols., Cambridge / Mass. & London: MIT Press, 1969 and 1978, respectively
  7. ^ Franz-Wilhelm Heimer , The Decolonization Conflict in Angola , Munich: Weltforum Verlag, 1980