History of Kenya

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The history of Kenya encompasses the history of the modern nation state as well as the protectorate and colony of Kenya from which the present state emerged. It also includes the history of this territory before British colonization at the end of the 19th century.

It thus includes groups that were and are extremely heterogeneous culturally, linguistically and religiously. Even in pre-colonial times, these groups had trade and other contacts with one another. In the state of Kenya they have grown together into one nation , which, however, has also been strongly shaped by ethnic interests, conflicts and identities since it came into being.

Map of Kenya

History of Kenya

Like most of the African continent south of the Sahara , East Africa has long been considered irrelevant to Western historiography. Africa is "not a historical part of the world, it has no movement or development to show," said Hegel , summarizing the knowledge of Africa in the 18th century. Until the beginning of the 20th century, this view, widespread among historians, changed little.

The coastal region of Kenya was an exception. The Arabic and Islamic influences that became evident in the architecture , writing, culture and language of Swahili meant that the history of East Africa was usually told as the history of the East African coast. Around 1900 a number of the first historical depictions of Kenya were created, all from the pen of European historians, which, however, were limited to the historical events on the coast, to their relationships with communities bordering the Indian Ocean and the rule of the Portuguese and Arab sultans .

After the beginning of colonial rule, numerous works were written on the history of the Europeans in Kenya, who celebrated the European conquest as a heroic pioneering act and cultural act. At the same time, however, missionaries, ethnologists and colonial administrators worked for the first time on various occasions to research the history of Africans in Kenya. This research was strongly shaped by social Darwinist and evolutionist views.

The main difficulty for the historiography of the inland areas in today's Kenya arose from the lack of writing of the peoples. After the founding of the national state of Kenya, a lively scientific culture developed in the country, which made a contribution to researching the pre-colonial history of Kenya. Since there were virtually no written sources to fall back on, this research is based on methods of oral history . Ancestral lines and the traditional history of family associations were collected in interviews , and founding and migration myths were analyzed and evaluated. Archaeological finds and sociolinguistic findings complemented the historical research.

prehistory

Fossil finds on what is now Kenya show that pre-humans such as Australopithecus and Kenyanthropus lived in this area more than four million years ago, as did their possible ancestors such as Orrorin . Finds of Homo habilis and Homo erectus (see e.g. Nariokotome-Junge ) show that the early species of the genus Homo were also native to Kenya.

Important archaeological and paleoanthropological sites are u. a. Lomekwi , Olorgesailie and Panga ya Saidi .

Early history until the arrival of the Portuguese around 1500

Gede ruins from the 13th century

The early history of Kenya is controversial. According to current research, the indigenous people of Kenya were hunters and gatherers , possibly including the Gumba , Okiek and Sirikwa . The first important group to migrate from North Africa, probably Ethiopia, were Kushite-speaking peoples around 2000 BC. In the area of ​​today's Kenya and introduced the livestock industry, including cattle breeding. From around the birth of Christ, Nilotic and Bantu-speaking peoples came to the region and brought new technologies such as iron processing with them.

Africa in the representation of the Ravennaten from the 7th century

At the same time, the Kenyan coast was closely integrated into an international trade network. Arab and Roman traders came here regularly. To what extent the interior of East Africa was also traveled is still controversial today. From ancient and medieval maps of the world it is clear that at least the existence of the great East African lakes and the snow-capped mountains was known, even if their location was indicated differently.

At the end of the first millennium, a chain of smaller and larger trading cities emerged on the coast, which were closely linked to the Arab world. Even the Islam spread. The coastal areas became part of the multicultural and multiethnic Swahili society . Mombasa and Lamu were each independent cities within the urban coastal society that flourished around 1300. Mosques and magnificent houses of the local elites were built in many places . Some cities even had their own coinage.

1500-1900

Early modern Mombasa in an illustration from 1572

The independence of the coast was severely restricted by the influence of the Portuguese from 1593 to 1698. Migration from many of the areas bordering the Indian Ocean, from India, Arabia and inland continued unabated. In 1698 the Arabian Oman conquered the area. From 1730, the Omani Yarubi dynasty appointed the native Mazrui clan to administrate the coast, which led to a more independent development. When the Yarubi dynasty in Oman was overthrown by the Busaidi dynasty , the Kenyan coast also came under stronger control of Oman again. Little was known about the societies and culture of interior Kenya. The Swahili coastal traders traded ivory and slaves through middlemen who inhabited the strip of land behind the coast. They heard from them that the inhabitants of the interior were dangerous and cruel ogres that strangers should beware of. It is estimated that there were around 2.5 million people in Kenya around 1800.

It was not until the second half of the 19th century, when the price of ivory soared on the world market, that coastal traders began to travel inland themselves. The reports that provide information about Kenya before the colonial era come from this period. The Maasai , who conquered large parts of East Africa in the 19th century and even threatened the coastal cities, were particularly feared . The traders therefore tried to avoid the areas of Maasai influence. Their routes they led to the Great Lakes, the Lake Victoria and Lake Rudolf and up to Buganda. They bought ivory, slaves and rubber, and the caravans, which comprised between 300 and more than a thousand people, had an enormous need for food for their staff and for carriers for their goods. Trade intensified contacts with societies far from the coast, where firearms, brass and copper wire, fabrics and cloths and other goods, especially from Europe, were in great demand.

Towards the end of the 19th century, the United Kingdom began to increase its influence.

Colonial history

Postage stamp issued by the IBEA

The history of Kenya as a colony began in 1885 with a German protectorate over the holdings on the mainland coast of the Sultan of Zanzibar and the Sultan of Witu . The German-East African Society wanted to “acquire” areas on the Kenyan coast in 1885 and 1886, and in 1889/90 the German colonialist Carl Peters tried in vain to establish rights to Lake Baringo and Tana . Germany, however, granted the British all areas north of the Tanga - Lake Victoria line (last Witu in 1890).

1888 was Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA) to Kenya and managed until 1895 British East Africa . The IBEA set up individual stations along the existing caravan routes with very few staff. As long as the railway to Lake Victoria was under construction, it was primarily intended to secure the transport route to the Buganda Protectorate. As a result, those chiefs inside, who had already gained influence through the trade in ivory and slaves with the Swahili merchants from the coast, cultivated close contacts with the first Europeans in Kenya. The stations received support primarily from the Maasai, who signed up in large numbers as auxiliary military.

Early colonial times

When the British Crown took over administration of the area in 1895, little changed. The influence of the Europeans was limited to the regions around the few stations. It was only with the construction of the Uganda Railway from Mombasa to Lake Victoria , which was completed in 1901, and the devastating famine in 1899 , that the colonial administration succeeded in enforcing colonial rule in the coveted fertile regions.

Between 1890 and 1914 the population's resistance to the colonial takeover was broken with numerous so-called “punitive expeditions” in all parts of the country. The resistance was varied, since the societies were small and their weapons had little chance against those of the Europeans, always broken quickly. The cattle were stolen from the population, their crops and the villages burned. Large parts of the fertile areas were expropriated, declared White Highlands and leased or sold to white settlers. The African residents, such as the Nandi , Girima , Maasai and many Kikuyu, were resettled in reserves marked out for them, which they were not allowed to leave without permission. This regulation was difficult to enforce, however, as the administration was still very thinly staffed with Europeans and relied on the support of local African chiefs and an auxiliary police.

The completion of the railway favored the influx of white settlers from Europe, but also from other countries, such as South Africa and Australia, who settled on the land, which could be bought cheaply. In 1905 there were around 600 white settlers, in 1907 there were already 2,000. Their number continued to grow.

In contrast to Tanganyika, where Swahili , the language of the coastal society, had already spread in the 19th century due to the intensive caravan trade, in Kenya this language was viewed as the language of the colonial oppressors, since the colonial officials and their African employees speak this language communicated.

The First World War

The First World War had a decisive influence on Kenya and the further political development. East Africa was one of the few regions outside Europe that had long been an active theater of war . Thousands of Africans have been conscripted into military service in Kenya. Only a few belonged to the regular troops. Of the 350,000 or so African porters who took part in the campaign against German East Africa , around 150,000 had been recruited in British East Africa (Kenya), most of them under duress. The search for porters in Kenya took on forms from 1917 that were reminiscent of slave hunts. The men were driven from their fields, from their houses, from the streets into the barracks , without their relatives knowing anything about their whereabouts. Of the approximately 50,000 officially registered deaths (every third war participant from Kenya died) among Kenyan Africans during the First World War, only 4,300 belonged to the armed forces.

The war was followed by the global flu epidemic , which also claimed thousands of lives in Kenya. Estimates (which are very imprecise, however, as no census was carried out until 1960 and the African population was probably underestimated) speak of 10 to 15% deaths in the densely populated areas.

The experience of the war had a formative influence on the African war participants. The exchange with Africans not only from all over East Africa, but also from many other British colonies such as Gambia , Nigeria and Sierra Leone as well as with soldiers from India had a decisive influence on the development of political awareness and pan-African ideas. The war had taught that British supremacy was not an invariable given fact.

Expansion of the settler colony

The Prince of Wales School near Nairobi in 1932. It was reserved for the children of white settlers in Kenya.

Shortly before the First World War, the number of white settlers in Kenya had risen to 5,438, after which a new wave of immigration followed. Kenya especially wanted to attract the high-ranking among the demobilized British military. In 1921 there were almost twice as many white settlers in Kenya, over a third of whom lived from agriculture.

In 1920 Kenya officially became a crown colony . The influence of the settlers in the colony quickly increased in the administration. More and more the goal of a colony crystallized out, which was determined by the European, white settlers on the model of the South African Union . They pushed for further land expropriations and the downsizing of the reservations in order to force Africans onto their farms as cheap labor. Every African over the age of 16 had to register and carry his registration card in a metal container on a string around his neck. The days worked were recorded on it. In addition, the Africans had to bear a high tax burden, which should force them onto the wage labor market.

Early anti-colonial resistance

There was great dissatisfaction with the administrative system. The African heads appointed by the colonial administration and the so-called tribal retainers, African police officers, were poorly paid and lived on bribes and corruption. This supported a state of arbitrariness in which the African employees of the colonial power could enrich themselves with impunity, steal land and cattle from their neighbors and more and more people found themselves penniless.

Cover of a Kikuyu-language magazine from the 1920s. She regularly commemorated the imprisoned Harry Thuku, Jomo Kenyatta was one of the main authors.

In Nairobi and the mission centers in the early 1920s, political groups formed around educated mission students who tried to actively intervene in the colonial administrative process. The East African Association was founded in Nairobi, and was made up of Muslim and Christian Africans from all regions of Kenya. Africans from other parts of East Africa, such as Uganda, were also members. They held large meetings in the African neighborhoods of Nairobi, where they called for the abolition of registration cards and a tax cut. A similar organization, the Kikuyu Association , came into being in the rural Kikuyu area and went public with the same demands. In western Kenya, educated young Africans organized in the Maseno Mission Center in the Young Kavirondo Association , who opposed the tax burden, the expropriation of African land for European settlers and the humiliating registration system. Her figurehead was the Kikuyu Harry Thuku , who had traveled all over Kenya trying to turn dissatisfaction into political activity at public gatherings. When Thuku was arrested in March 1922, there was an open confrontation at the police station in Nairobi, where Thuku was incarcerated. Over twenty protesting Africans were killed and thuku were banished to northern Kenya. After that, political activities decreased for a short time.

Soon after, the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA) was formed, a Kikuyu-dominated political party that fought for the return of the expropriated land, tax cuts and for African MPs on the Legislative Council.

While the African resistance was hardly taken seriously, demands from the Indian population in Kenya created unrest in the administration. The Indians demanded the right to vote, unlimited entry and the removal of racial boundaries, to which the European settlers responded with furious resistance. They got together in an association and planned a military revolt that would result in an independent Kenya. But that never happened, instead a compromise was found. Five Indian and one Arab member could be elected to the eleven European members of the Legislative Council . In contrast, a de facto policy of apartheid was practiced towards the Africans.

Mission and Education

From the end of the 19th century, a large number of mission societies settled in the area. Catholic and Protestant, Reformed and Free Churches, British, American, Italian and French mission stations were opened mainly in the populous areas of central Kenya and in the western part. The possibility of acquiring a European education there in addition to the Christian religion was a great attraction for the residents. Many of Kenya's later politicians came from the first and second generation of educated missionary students, such as the first president of independent Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta .

Although the colonial government had de facto committed itself to offering all Africans the opportunity to attend school, it was primarily the missions that provided the educational opportunities. This soon resulted in conflicts, as the educated mission students strived for independence and soon resisted the cultural imperialism of the missions. The culmination of debates about the circumcision of girls and women among the Kikuyu in the late 1920s. After the mission banned this practice, thousands of Kikuyu turned away from the missions and established independent schools and churches.

The colonial economy

Although a large number of the white settlers made a living from agriculture, it was ultimately not profitable. In the beginning, many of the farmers benefited from land speculation. Since the land stolen from the Africans was given at bargain prices at the beginning of the century, many farmers were able to achieve high prices by reselling them to subsequent settlers. Failed attempts to grow cash crops like sisal and rubber cost a lot of money before coffee and tea became the main crop. Corn and wheat also made high profits, especially in the early 1920s when prices rose rapidly in the world market. The strong competition from African farmers was eliminated by excluding them from the export market. When world market prices fell in the late 1920s, however, only massive government grants could prevent the collapse of the settler economy.

The second World War

The Second World War thus represented a boom in the Kenyan economy. The white settlers of Kenya were supposed to take over a substantial part of the food supply for Great Britain, the government guaranteed them fixed prices. The influx of funds accelerated the mechanization of agriculture. African workers on the farms became increasingly redundant. This led to the fact that many settlers drove the African squatters from their land to the reservations, where the scarcity of land rose rapidly and caused anger and resentment among the African population. In turn, the settlers' political influence grew, especially when another wave of white immigrants after the war raised their number to 40,000. Their goal was the political independence of Great Britain on the model of the South African Union , an apartheid state that gave Africans no political rights.

Freedom struggle

On October 20, 1952, the colonial administration declared a state of emergency. The cause was the armed activities of the Mau Mau in central Kenya. Taxation, land expropriation, the deterioration of the living situation of the African squatters, the Africans in the reservations and cities and the exclusion of the African population from political and economic participation had led in the 1950s to the formation of radical groups and with violence against whites Settlers and pro-government Africans took action.

The Mau Mau operated mainly in Nairobi and with the means of guerrilla warfare from the forests. The colonial government reacted with severity. Numerous African leaders were arrested, including Jomo Kenyatta, who had no affiliation with the Mau Mau. The Mau Mau were pursued in a major offensive. Around a million Kikuyu were interned in camps in order to cut off links between the civilian population and the freedom fighters. In 1956 the Mau Mau were finally defeated.

At the same time, however, numerous civilian opposition groups had formed since the Second World War, trade unions organized strikes and political parties tried to achieve reforms. The realization that Africans could no longer be kept out of decision-making processes finally prevailed.

In 1960 the state of emergency was lifted and in June 1963 Jomo Kenyatta was appointed Prime Minister. In December 1963 Kenya gained independence.

History of women's suffrage

The history of women's suffrage is linked to colonial history: Kenya had a legislative assembly since 1907. Influenced by British suffrage, white women in Kenya got the right to vote in 1919, Asian women and men in 1923. Blacks with property and education got the right to vote in 1957, but few were women. Overall, with this change, around 60 percent of the population gained the right to vote. Arab women were completely excluded from the right to vote. Arab women from Mombasa submitted a petition to the colonial government protesting the denial of the right to vote. Your petition was successful. The initiators spent the following year convincing Arab women as voters to register as voters and exercise their voting rights. The general right to vote and stand for election for everyone over the age of 18 came with independence, on December 12, 1963. The first election of a woman to the national parliament, Phoebe Asoiyo , took place in December 1969.

The Jomo Kenyatta era 1963–1978

Statue of Jomo Kenyatta in front of the Parliament building in Nairobi.

Under Jomo Kenyatta as president, the young nation-state consolidated itself in a policy of Africanization and nationalization. The official development ideology was Kenyatta's Harambee philosophy, which called for people to work together to build the state. According to the principle of helping people to help themselves, numerous self-help projects have been created for road and bridge construction, school education and for water and health care.

Politically, Kenyatta's term of office was shaped by the transition from a multi-party to a one-party system with the Kenya African National Union (KANU) as the state party. Kenyatta also increasingly expanded the president's power and filled many key political and economic positions with Kikuyu, especially people from his home district of Kiambu . With the Gikuyu Embu Meru Association (GEMA) a circle of confidants was established, with whose help Kenyatta increasingly ruled, while the KANU as a party became almost insignificant.

During the Kenyatta term of office an ethnicization of politics began, which still shapes the political culture of Kenya today. Kenyatta mainly promoted Kikuyu, Luo and Kamba, for example by settling members of these groups in the Rift Valley and on the coast in order to increase their influence in the country.

All attempts to form oppositional parties and organizations were stopped. Political opponents were arrested or murdered, such as KANU General Secretary Tom Mboya . The administration of the country was centralized and federal interests were eliminated.

Land question

After one of the main demands of the Mau Mau was the return of the expropriated land, the land policy of Kenyatta was a bitter disappointment for many Kenyans. The land stolen from European farms at the beginning of the century had to be bought by Kenyan farmers. For this purpose, the government made loans available to them, which in turn were financed by loans from Great Britain and the World Bank . Loyal Kikuyu and collaborators with the colonial government benefited primarily from this policy. By the early 1970s, less than 40% of the previously expropriated land had been sold to small Kenyan farmers, while almost 60% were large farms belonging to the African elite.

economy

Economically, Kenya was considered a model African country during Kenyatta's tenure. Good connections to Western countries, foreign aid and investments ensured an enormous economic upswing with annual growth rates of around 10%. However, this was also associated with high unemployment rates and growing social inequality. With the catchphrase of "Africanization of the economy" and by means of two laws passed by parliament in 1967, the Trade Licensing Act and the Import, Export, and Essential Supplies Act , he tried the Indian minority, the so-called "Asians", who in many Parts of the country determined to force trade out of it.

education

One of the main goals of the young independent Kenya was to improve the educational offers. Between 30% and 40% of the state budget went into expanding schools and education. Above all, there were more offers for secondary school education and the first university to be located in Nairobi. The so-called Harambee schools took up a large part of the emerging schools. Step by step, the school fees for primary and secondary schools were reduced and some of them were abolished.

The Daniel arap Moi era 1978–2002

The presidential dictatorship 1978–1992

After Kenyatta's death on August 22, 1978, then Vice-President Daniel Arap Moi became the new President. His populist politics, which he dressed in the Nyayo philosophy and which was based on the keywords love, peace and unity, made him extremely popular throughout Kenya, especially in the first years of his reign. He damned corruption and nepotism and banned tribal organizations like GEMA. At the same time, he replaced many Kikuyu in leadership positions with followers from his own ethnic group, the Kalenjin , from the Luhya and Maasai groups .

After an attempted coup by the Kenyan Air Force , Moi implemented a one-party system with a constitutional amendment in 1982, which legally legitimized him, like Kenyatta, to eliminate political opposition. At the same time, he relied heavily on KANU as a corporation. He decentralized the administration and thus gave the districts and provinces more of their own decision-making freedom.

However, the control functions of parliament, cabinet, electoral commission, judiciary, media and society were increasingly restricted in this phase in favor of a growing power of the president, although formally the power lay with parliament. Critics were persecuted and political assassinations created a climate of distrust and fear.

In economic terms, Moi's term of office coincided with the arrival of the global economic crisis on the African continent. Exports fell and per capita income fell.

Daniel arap Moi on a visit to New York in 2001

Democratization 1992–2002

Under pressure from Western governments and international institutions such as the World Bank, Moi began to open up to a multi-party system in the early 1990s. At the same time, a broad political opposition formed in Kenya, which pushed for reforms and came together under the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD) launched by Raila Odinga . At the end of 1991 the Kenyan parliament decided to reintroduce a multi-party system. Before the elections in December 1992, the opposition broke up and split into ethnic groups, which gave Moi and his KANU a slim majority in the elections.

Before the next elections, however, the newly formed opposition was able to get parliament to pass a reform package. The opposition was thus also involved in the government, in the election commissions and in access to the media.

On August 7, 1998, coordinated explosions occurred at the US embassies in Dar es Salaam in neighboring Tanzania , as well as in the capital Nairobi , where about 212 people died and 4,000 were injured.

President Mwai Kibaki

Demonstration of the Orange Democratic Movement

Mwai Kibaki (Moi's former vice-president) with the National Rainbow Coalition (National Alliance of Rainbow Coalition - NARC), the New African Rainbow Coalition, succeeded him in the presidency . The latest developments show, however, that Kibaki and his government are also very controversial, and NARC has been repositioned in public discourse as Nothing (H) As Really Changed. The current controversy is the discussion about the new constitution. On November 21, 2005, after a campaign that had polarized the country in a referendum, the population rejected the government's draft constitution ( Wako Draft ), which had been greatly modified compared to the original Bomas Zero Draft .

Corruption flourished under Moi's and Kibaki's presidencies . Individual scandals were uncovered in the 1990s, such as the Goldenberg scandal and the Anglo leasing scandal , but this remained without consequences; the perpetrators went unpunished.

President Uhuru Kenyatta

In 2003, Uhuru Kenyatta , a son of Jomo Kenyatta, lost the presidential election to Kibaki, in 2013 he won the election and was Kibaki's successor. He was previously indicted in 2010 before the International Criminal Court in The Hague for inciting unrest in the 2003 election; the charges were dropped in 2014 for lack of evidence. The largest infrastructure project in Kenyan history was opened in 2017: the Standard Gauge Railway from Mombasa to Nairobi, built by a Chinese company . In the same year, Kenyatta won the presidential election again against Raila Odinga , but it was canceled and repeated in October 2017. Odinga called for a boycott before the election. Kenyatta won with around 98% of the vote, with a turnout of around 35%.

See also

literature

Web links

Commons : History of Kenya  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. GFW Hegel: Lectures on the philosophy of history. P. 163.
  2. Bethwell A. Ogot: Introduction. In: Kenya before 1900. pp. Vii-ix.
  3. Bethwell A. Ogot: Introduction. In: Kenya before 1900. pp. Xvi-xix.
  4. ^ William Robert Ochieng ': Kenya's Internal and International Trade in the Nineteenth Century. In: William Robert Ochieng ', Robert M. Maxon: An Economic History of Kenya. Nairobi 1992, pp. 35-49, p. 35.
  5. ^ Norman Leys: Kenya. London 1924, p. 287.
  6. ^ Carl G. Rosberg, John Nottingham: The Myth of Mau Mau. Nationalism in Colonial Kenya. Nairobi 1985, p. 31.
  7. ^ Mary Parker: Political and Social Aspects of the Development of Municipal Government in Kenya with Special Reference to Nairobi. London 1949, pp. 5-8.
  8. ^ CG Rosberg, J. Nottingham: The Myth of Mau Mau. 1985, p. 46.
  9. ^ John Anderson: Struggle for the School. The interaction of missionary, colonial government, and nationalist enterprise in the development of formal education in Kenya. London 1970.
  10. David M. Anderson, David Throup: The Agrarian Economy of Central Province Kenya, 1918-1939. In: Ian Brown (Ed.): The Economy of Africa and Asia in the Inter-War Depression. London 1989, pp. 8-28.
  11. Anderson: Histories of the Hanged. Norton, 2004, ISBN 0-3930-5986-3 , pp. 82-83.
  12. ^ Gerhard Hauck : Society and State in Africa. Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-86099-226-0 , pp. 154-163.
  13. a b c d e June Hannam, Mitzi Auchterlonie, Katherine Holden: International Encyclopedia of Women's Suffrage. ABC-Clio, Santa Barbara, Denver, Oxford 2000, ISBN 1-57607-064-6 , pp. 6-7.
  14. a b c Rosa Zechner: Mothers, fighters for independence, feminists. In: Frauensolidarität im C3 - Feminist Development Policy Information and Education Work (Ed.): Frauen * solidarität , No. 145, 3/2018, pp. 7–9, p. 8.
  15. ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 209.
  16. ^ Mart Martin: The Almanac of Women and Minorities in World Politics. Westview Press Boulder, Colorado, 2000, p. 210.
  17. ^ William Ochieng ': A History of Kenya. London 1985, p. 159.
  18. ^ Gerhard Hauck: Society and State in Africa. Brandes and Apsel, Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-86099-226-0 , pp. 189–191.
  19. Ben Knighton: Going for "cai" at Gatundu. Reversion to a Kikuyu ethnic past or building a Kenyan national future . In: Daniel Branch, Nic Cheeseman, Leigh Gardner (eds.): Our turn to eat. Politics in Kenya since 1950 . Lit, Berlin 2010, ISBN 978-3-8258-9805-2 , pp. 107-128.
  20. ^ Gerhard Hauck: Society and State in Africa. Brandes and Apsel, Frankfurt am Main 2001, p. 188.
  21. ^ Gerhard Hauck: Society and State in Africa. Brandes and Apsel, Frankfurt am Main 2001, pp. 192–193.
  22. David Himbara: The failed Africanization of commerce and industry in Kenya . In: World Development , Vol. 22 (1994), No. 3, pp. 469-482.
  23. Hartmut Bergenthum: History in Kenya in the 2nd half of the 20th century. Münster 2004, pp. 63–74.
  24. ^ Gerhard Hauck: Society and State in Africa. Brandes and Apsel, Frankfurt am Main 2001, pp. 192–196.
  25. Markus M. Haefliger: Kenya's fight with the dragon. Alleged progress in the fight against corruption is offset by many setbacks . In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung, January 26, 2016, p. 9.
  26. ^ Kenya: President Kenyatta re-elected. deutschlandfunk.de from October 30, 2017, accessed on October 30, 2017
  27. See Lasse Heerten: Review. to: F. Klose: Human rights in the shadow of colonial violence. The wars of decolonization in Kenya and Algeria 1945–1962. Munich 2009. In: H-Soz-u-Kult. March 18, 2010.