History of Equatorial Guinea

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The history of Equatorial Guinea is the history of the current state of Equatorial Guinea , the colonial history of its three regions Mbini (or Rio Muni), Bioko and Annobón as well as the history of the inhabitants of today's national territory before contact with the Europeans.

Location of the three parts of the country Bioko, Rio Muni and Annobón
Bioko (in the background) as seen from the coast of Cameroon

location

Like other states in Sub-Saharan Africa , the state of Equatorial Guinea is also the result of arbitrary colonial demarcation, which in this case is particularly evident in its geography: The island of Bioko is much closer to the coasts of Nigeria and Cameroon than to the mainland part of Mbini of its own state . This mainland area has the shape of a rectangle, its borders have obviously been drawn with the ruler on the green table. The island of Annobón is located 600 km south of Bioko, separated from it by the island state of São Tomé and Príncipe , off the coast of Gabon . A history of the country must therefore distinguish between the three parts of the country due to the different colonial histories up to modern times.

Early history of the islands and the mainland area

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The island of Bioko was settled from the mainland, i.e. from the coasts of present-day Nigeria and Cameroon, between 700 and 1000 AD. The Fang (whose ethnic group still makes up around 80% of the population of Equatorial Guinea) may also have contributed to this settlement. In any case, the Bubi who emerged from this settlement speak a Bantu language . The name Bioko was only introduced in 1979.

Annobón

The island was uninhabited until the arrival of the first Europeans in 1473.

The mainland

The indigenous people of the mainland area were pygmies who, as in their other habitats, neither founded permanent settlements nor developed state structures. From the 17th to the 19th century, various Bantu groups immigrated to this area and displaced the indigenous people except for small groups. These Bantu were the Ndowe , Bujeba , Balengue and Benga (the so-called coastal tribes) and later the Fang , who now make up 80 percent of the population. While there were great empires north and south of Mbini in pre-colonial times, no states were established here.

Early contacts with the Europeans: Portuguese influence until 1778

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Bioko ("Fernando Poo") on an English map from 1729 with the addition "belongs to a wild people"

The island of Bioko was "discovered" as the first part of the later state in 1471 by the Portuguese navigator Fernão do Pó (Fernando Poo). He gave her the name "Formosa" (dt. The beautiful ), a designation that did not catch on (and thus became free as the name for the East Asian island of Taiwan ). From 1494 the island bore the name of its discoverer Fernando Poo among the Europeans. With the locals, however, it was called Bahasa (Wasa), Ischulla or Bisila. The Portuguese officially took possession of the island in 1474. In 1642 the Dutch set up a trading post on Fernando Poo without permission from the Portuguese. In 1648, however, the Portuguese took control again and on the neighboring island of Corisco , which today also belongs to Equatorial Guinea.

In the middle of the 18th century, a process of unification of the local Bubi began under the leadership of a local head named Molombo (around 1700 to 1760). This agreement and the withdrawal of the locals inland was the result of increasing slave hunts on the island. From 1760 to 1810 a certain Lopoa took over this leadership role. In the Treaties of Ildefonso and Pardo (1777 and 1778) Portugal renounced the island of Fernando Poo in favor of Spain (as well as Annobón and the mainland area) in exchange for Spain renouncing parts of what would later become Brazil in favor of Portugal.

Annobón

The Portuguese navigators Pedro Escobar and João de Santarém reached the small volcanic island of Annobón on January 1st, 1473 and named it after the Portuguese New Year greeting "Ano bom" ( Good year ). In contrast to Fernando Poo, they met a deserted island and from 1474 settled it with Africans from Angola, who dragged them here via Sao Tomé. In 1778 the Portuguese also left Annobón to the Spanish in the Treaty of Pardo.

The mainland

The demarcated area of ​​Mbini (also Rio Muni ) did not exist until the 19th century. The Portuguese had - without exercising colonial control here - certain trading rights on the mainland strip between the Niger and the Ogooué River in what is now Gabon . They also ceded these rights to the Spaniards with the Treaty of El Pardo. It is possible that the influence of the slave-hunting Aro Confederation , an association of different peoples ( Igbo , Ibibio and Akpa ) of what is now southwestern Nigeria, extended to the area of ​​Mbini.

British, Portuguese and Spanish gentlemen: 1778–1850

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Monument to the first immigrants (1773) near Luba, Bioko

In 1778, under the leadership of the Conde de Argelejos , Spain sent an expedition to the island to take possession of it. The Conde stayed on site for four months. In October 1778 Spain set up a governor who, however, left the island with the rest of the Spaniards in 1780. For several decades, Spanish rule on the island remained theory.

In 1817 the British and Spaniards agreed to fight slavery and the Spaniards leased the island to the British. They founded a city on the north coast of the island under the name Port St. Clarence (later Santa Isabel, now Malabo ) and set up fleet bases here and in San Carlos . From here, British ships started with the order to arrest slave ships and free their occupants. Many of the freed slaves - whose hometowns were often thousands of kilometers away - settled on Fernando Poo / Bioko and soon formed a separate population group with labor immigrants from the mainland, the so-called Fernandinos . These Fernandinos were British-oriented and spoke (and speak) a greatly simplified English, the Pichinglis Creole or the Fernando Po Creole language . They often played an intermediary role between the British and the natives on the island as well as on the nearby mainland. The introduction of the cocoa bean to Fernando Poo, for example, was the work of a Fernandino named William Pratt, a freed slave from the West Indies . However, the British had no fun at their bases due to the extremely unhealthy climate for Europeans and closed them again in 1843. However, the British consul and Fernandino John Beecroft stayed on the island until 1854. The Spaniards appointed him governor in 1843, while at the same time he was colonizing the nearby mainland of Nigeria for the British. From 1862 the Spanish used the island as a penal colony for rebellious blacks from their colony of Cuba .

The local boys, who had withdrawn from the slave hunters inland, suffered from diseases and alcohol abuse during these decades. However, they maintained their centralized organization under a generally recognized head throughout the 19th century. The aforementioned Lopoa was followed by Madabita (1842–1860) and this Sepoko (1860–1875).

Annobón

The Spanish possessions in the Gulf of Guinea around 1890

The Spaniards met with considerable resistance at Annobón . The Spaniards refrained from exercising power directly - certainly due to the small economic importance of the small island. The island was administered from the Portuguese island of São Tomé. Internally there was an arrangement according to which a committee of five locals administered the island. The office of governor rotated between these five people in a rhythm that was determined by the time span within which ten ships each called the island. A Creole of its own developed. From 1885 Annobón was under the control of the Claretian Order , which Spain gave a free hand to exploit the island. It served as a place of exile for political opponents until after the end of the colonial era.

The mainland

Spain did not enforce its claim to power on the mainland until the middle of the 19th century and lost most of the 800,000 km² promised in the Treaty of El Pardo to other European powers until the Spanish territory was limited to the approximately 26,000 km² of today's Mbini.

Spain enforces its colonial claims: 1850–1950

In the middle of the 19th century there were considerations to sell the Spanish possessions on the Guinea coast to the British. After the Spanish Parliament rejected this, Spain began to implement its colonial claims with varying degrees of success and intensity in Fernando Poo, Annobón and on the mainland. In the last decades of the 19th century, the colonial power relied on the immigration of colonists and missionaries of the Claretian order from the mother country. Since the successes did not materialize, especially because of the murderous climate for Europeans, the colonial policy switched from 1902 to the transfer of 99-year-old exploitation licenses to large companies ( casas fuertes ).

In the Treaty of Paris in 1900, competing claims by neighboring colonial powers were regulated. At the beginning of the 20th century, the name Spanish Guinea also became common.

The status of the locals was increasingly officially regulated. In the 19th century by the “Curador Colonial” rules and from 1904 to 1959 by the “Patronato de Indígenas”. A distinction was made between the patronized indígenas (the indigenous population ) and the "emancipated". Only the emancipated were accepted as adults. The indigenous people were forbidden to own more than four hectares of land. In 1959, when the "Patronato" was abolished, just 200 locals had achieved the full status of "emancipated".

The great European wars had only a marginal impact on the Spanish possessions in Guinea. During the First World War, the neutral Spanish territory became a refuge for the defeated protection forces from the neighboring German colony of Cameroon . During the Spanish Civil War, the Franquists ruled Fernando Poo right after the war began . On the mainland, the Republicans were able to resist until October 1936. During the Second World War , the colonies had to switch their production entirely to food for the "motherland". At the beginning of 1942, the British seized several Axis ships in Malabo in Operation Postmaster .

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King Malabo around 1930

On Bioko (Fernando Poo) the new policy was more effective. The cultivation of cocoa increased, in 1913 it reached 5250 tons. An aggravating factor was the shortage of labor, which was supposed to be covered by the use of Spanish prisoners and the recruitment of people, especially from independent Liberia and, in part, also catch from mainland Spain.

The poor working conditions repeatedly led to resistance from those affected. In 1900 immigrant workers went on strike, which was put down by Spanish marines . The local boys defended themselves against the attempt to oblige them to forced labor, in 1910 with an uprising, the war of the boys . The Bubi continued to be under the authority of their respective king, between 1904 and 1937 this was Löpèlo Mëlaka , known as Malabo. The recruitment of labor from Liberia was good business for Liberian politicians and was partly in the nature of a slave trade. When these conditions became public, recruiting in Liberia was discontinued in 1930, resulting in severe labor shortages. From then on, workers were recruited from Cameroon and, from 1942 onwards, regulated at the state level, from eastern Nigeria. At the time of independence (1960), the approximately 30,000 Nigerians made up more than half of the island's population.

The Fernandinos mentioned above formed an increasingly economically successful small middle class on Fernando Poo. Originally oriented towards Protestants and British, they now adopted the Catholic faith throughout, which gave them and their children access to Catholic mission schools.

The mainland

The colonial takeover of power on the mainland continued well into the 20th century. Only in 1926 was the interior of Rio Muni actually subject to colonial administration. The logging was of particular economic importance here. To a lesser extent, migrant workers were also used here, as the local population avoided forced labor as much as possible and limited themselves to subsistence farming . 80% of coffee production was generated on the mainland around 1960.

Annobón, Elobey and Corisco

Postage stamp for the islands of Elobey, Annobón and Corisco, 1907

In 1885/87 the colonial powers left the island to the Order of the Claretians, because of the low economic importance and persistent resistance of the few hundred inhabitants of Annobón . Administratively, the island formed a unit with the small islands of Elobey Chico , Elobey Grande and Corisco just off the coast of the mainland. Between 1903 and 1910 there were even stamps for Annobón, Elobey and Corisco. The small archipelago of the two Elobey Islands and Corisco had long been in contact with European traders, the Protestant influence was strong here.

Changes in the colonial system, discussion about independence and unity of the country: 1950–1968

In 1950, a political association in the modern sense was founded in Spanish Guinea for the first time, which campaigned for the independence of the area, the " Cruzada Nacional de Liberacion de la Guinea Ecuatorial " (German National Crusade for the Liberation of Equatorial Guinea ). In a public memorandum to the UN, the movement accused Spain of illegally occupying Equatorial Guinea. The association gradually disbanded in the late 1950s after its President Acacio Mañe was assassinated by the Guardia Civil in 1958 . Successor organizations emerged in exile.

Spain's accession to the UN in 1955 was a decisive step towards decolonization . Spain found it difficult to evade the world organization's demand for the independence of its Central African colony and first reacted in 1959 with a change in the colonial system. Due to the so-called “provincialization” of 1959, there were elections for two provincial assemblies (with Europeans as presidents) in 1960, in which local “heads of families” were allowed to participate. With Wilwardo Jones Níger, there was a local mayor for the first time in the island's capital, Santa Isabel , and of the six representatives of Spanish Guinea in the Cortes , three were Africans. At the end of 1963 the two provinces were granted a certain degree of autonomy and in 1964 elections were held for the provincial parliaments. However, the actual power remained in the hands of the government of the "motherland", namely Carrero Blanco . Blanco was also the majority shareholder of Alena ( Compania Nacional de Colonización Africana ) and INASA and thus controlled large parts of the wood, cocoa and coffee production. As it became clear that the independence of the mainland could not be prevented, he wanted at least to keep the colony on the islands.

At the same time, desires of neighboring countries rose. Nigeria pointed out that the majority of Bioko's residents were Nigerians. Gabon made claims on the islands of Elobey Chico, Elobey Grande and Corisco off its coast, where petroleum was suspected. In 1961, an organization in exile (and the successor organization of the “crusade”) demanded that it be linked to neighboring Cameroon. There would have been nothing left of Equatorial Guinea.

Bonifacio Ondó Edu founded the movement for a national union . He was supported by Spanish entrepreneurs who were interested in developing the two most important parts of the country, Fernando Poo and Rio Muni, separately. In 1964, Bonifacio Ondo Edu became the first head of government of the autonomous Equatorial Guinea.

In 1966 the General Assembly of the UN voted for the independence of Equatorial Guinea. A constitutional conference was convened in Madrid in October 1967, in particular over the question of the unity of the new state.

Elections were held in the autumn of 1968. The most important opponent of Bonifacio Ondo Edus was Francisco Macías Nguema , an inconspicuous little employee of the colonial administration since 1950, minister of labor during the autonomy period and one of the few former «emancipated». Behind him stood a group of Spanish entrepreneurs, namely José Antonio Garcia Trevijano , who had not yet been rooted in the colony and who promised to do business with the future state. Nguema won the election in the second round with 68,130 votes, his opponent Ondó Edu from Union Bubi received 41,252. Nguema won his victory mostly with votes from the mainland, Ondó Edu won the majority on Fernando Poo. In the parliamentary elections, which also took place in September, his party IPGE received eight of the 35 seats. Garcia Trevijano, Nguema's «advisor», was rewarded for his services with his appointment as legal representative of Equatorial Guinea and the granting of extensive trade monopolies.

Independent Equatorial Guinea

Reign of Terror of Francisco Macías Nguema (1968–1979)

Equatorial Guinea's independence was declared on October 12, 1968. At this point in time, the new state was no worse off than other young African states in terms of the enrollment rate or the nutritional situation of the population. However, the economy was extremely dependent on the former colonial power. 90% of exports went to Spain and 80% of imports came from there. An initial economic growth of 7% annually and increasing involvement of non-Spanish ( French , US-American ) capital in the country gave hope. The newly elected president destroyed these hopes within a few years by devastating foreign policy measures and by increasingly establishing one of the worst terror regimes on the continent internally.

In 1968 the Biafra War raged in neighboring Nigeria. Nguema sided with the Nigerian central government, blocked the remittances of the Biafran workers from Bioko and forbade the Red Cross to supply the starving Biafra from this island . Thousands of migrant workers then left Bioko. Before independence, Nguema had never stood out for his radicalism and he had always behaved obsequiously to the Spaniards. That changed drastically after his election. In early 1969 he made several anti-Spanish speeches that led to attacks on Spaniards living in the country and called for the withdrawal of the last units of the Guardia Civil . In the same year, he took an allegedly attempted coup as an opportunity to declare a state of emergency on March 3 and liquidate his old opponent Ondo Edu and other opposition politicians. Most of the 7,000–8,000 Spanish in the country and numerous Portuguese left Equatorial Guinea.

In 1970 he forcibly united the existing parties of Equatorial Guinea to form the " Partido Unico Nacional de los Trabajadores " party and on July 14, 1972 declared himself president for life. In 1973 Equatorial Guinea was declared a People's Republic with the promulgation of a new constitution. In a referendum on July 29, 1973, the constitution was approved with 99% of the vote. Although he had been president for life since the previous year, he was confirmed as president in October 1973 with almost 100% of the vote. Macias Nguema closed Spanish businesses and expropriated Portuguese plantation owners.

Macia's distrust became increasingly pathological. He filled all key positions in the military and business with members of his family clan. The youth organization Juventud en Marcha con Macias , which he founded , became the organ of terror. In the final phase of his rule, all churches were closed and the country declared an atheist state. Macias Nguema himself turned to traditional beliefs and magical practices. In addition, an extreme personality cult was practiced. Despite his honorary title El Gran Maestro de Educación Popular, Ciencia y Cultura Tradicional , Nguema particularly persecuted the educated and all schools were closed during his reign. In 1975 he Africanized his name to Masie Nguema Biyogo Ñegue Ndong. Derived from this (Biyogo), Fernando Poo was renamed Bioko in 1979.

Amnesty International estimated the number of victims at around 40,000. The boys were exposed to particular persecution. In addition, around 100,000 people fled the country, until 1978 the country lost around 20% of its population through flight and executions.

The economy collapsed during the 1970s. One reason was the lack of manpower. Even timber production on the mainland declined, as many workers used their work in the lumber yards as a springboard for fleeing abroad. Even in the mid-1970s, 45,000 predominantly Nigerian migrant workers were not spared violence on Bioko. In 1976 riots broke out against them, causing 25,000 of them to leave the country. When eleven Nigerians were shot dead and Nigerian embassy staff beaten that same year, the last 20,000 Equatorial Guinea also turned their backs. Macias Nguema then reintroduced forced labor . Mainly people from the mainland or Annobón, who were supposed to replace the Nigerians on Bioko, were affected. The forced labor consisted of a 12-hour day. Corporal punishment , food deprivation, and rape of women by guards were common. Payment was made exclusively with food.

The supply situation, which was scarce due to the economic difficulties, was exacerbated by bans: all cows in the country were slaughtered because milk was declared "reprehensible, capitalist food", as was bread , butter and ham . Fishing boats and cutters were destroyed to prevent residents from fleeing, which meant that fish and seafood were no longer available.

Completely isolated in terms of foreign policy, Nguema sought contact with the USSR and Cuba . France was also one of his supporters; in gratitude, the Spanish-speaking country later joined the group of francophone countries. Cuba provided medical and other experts as well as the president's bodyguard for a time. After 1976 the Cubans also gradually withdrew from the country.

The catastrophic economic situation meant that the needs of the military could no longer be satisfied. In June 1979, Nguema responded to protests from army circles over lack of pay by shooting five officers. A coup followed on August 3, carried out by various cousins ​​and nephews of the President and led by his nephew Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo . Mbasogo, who had been in command of the army until then and governor of Bioko, was appointed head of state. Macias Nguema, who was at first on the run, was captured and executed on September 29, 1979 after a show trial (which carefully excluded the crimes of the new rulers). Macias Nguema's reign of terror was over and a "milder" new one began.

Kleptocracy and Terror under Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo (since 1979)

Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo

The new ruler successfully sought international support and, in particular, better relations with Spain. He allowed the Catholic Church to work again and around 15,000 of the 130,000 refugees returned to the country. In fact, little changed in the human rights situation in the country. The forced labor continued in covert form, political prisoners were only released in exceptional cases, and the crimes of his predecessor's terrorist organizations were not punished. The corruption flourished. Nguema Mbasogo provided the members of his clan Esangui with influential posts. An alleged coup in 1981 gave him the opportunity to dispossess and dismiss internal competitors.

On August 15, 1982, he put a new constitution to the vote, which was adopted with 95.38% of the vote. In April he had appointed Cristino Seriche Bioko as Prime Minister. The new constitution began his first seven-year term as "elected" president. In May 1983 there was an actual coup attempt, which the 600-strong Moroccan life guards of the President put down. The previous unity party PUNT was dissolved after he came to power, the election of the 41 members of the new parliament on August 28, 1983 took place without parties. In 1987 he founded a new unity party, the Partido Democrático de Guinea Ecuatorial (PDGE), which won all seats in the parliamentary elections in July 1988. He himself was re-elected in June 1999 with 99 percent.

In 1984, Equatorial Guinea joined the Central African Customs and Economic Union UDEAC, and in 1985 it joined the African CFA Franc Zone . In economic terms, all the data up until the early 1990s showed a clear downward trend. Colossal national debt , mismanagement and falling world market prices prevented an economic recovery or production figures for wood and cocoa that even came close to the time before independence. An attempt to improve the financial situation was made by the regime in 1988 at the expense of Annobón Island . The American Axim Consortium Group received a license in 1988 to bury around seven million tons of nuclear waste. To date, around two million tons of waste are added every year. Obiang takes this year about 200 million US dollars a. The population sees nothing of this money and lives in abject poverty. The island is on the verge of ecological collapse - the plants cannot cope with the concentration of toxins in the groundwater and are dying. Every second child born on the island suffers from malnutrition , anemia or other diseases. During colonial times, the island was sometimes referred to as a "colony within a colony" - an unfortunate tradition that, like other colonial traditions, is continued under Teodoro Obiang.

In the mid-1990s, the numbers for traditional export products improved. Above all, however, the small country suddenly mutated into «Kuwait of Africa». ExxonMobil's production of the significant offshore oil reserves had begun, pouring a large amount of money into the country, and mostly into the pockets of the President and his family. At the same time, relations with the USA improved . The European Union had the Development Cooperation adjusted because of the human rights situation 1996th Equatorial Guinea currently produces around 403,000 barrels of crude oil a day, with reserves estimated at 1.77 billion barrels. The construction of a large gas liquefaction plant is planned in Malabo . The renovation of the presidential palace was worth around $ 2.5 million to the government in 1999. Also in 1999, a city ​​fire in Malabo destroyed the homes of 600 people. To date, the fire brigade has not had a single fire engine.

In the course of the general democratization in Africa after 1989, Obiang Nguema also changed his course, at least superficially, and had a new constitution approved in a referendum on November 16, 1991 with 94.3% of the votes. On November 21, 1993, elections with multiple parties took place for the first time since 1968, in which his PDGE received 68 of the 80 seats. Due to a series of arrests and mistreatment of members of the opposition, the opposition had no chance from the outset. At the end of his second seven-year term as president, he was re-elected on February 25, 1996, this time with 97.85% of the vote, with no opponent. The opposition boycotted the elections. The next parliamentary elections on March 7, 1999 brought his PDGE 75 of the 80 seats. He was able to win the presidential election on December 15, 2002 with 97.1% of the vote. The four opposition candidates had withdrawn in advance, Celestino Bonifacio Bacalé still received 2.2%. In some polling stations, the president allegedly won 103%. There are therefore some reasons to view these numbers with suspicion. In the next parliamentary elections on April 25, 2004, his PDGE ran as part of a coalition that received 98 of the 100 seats, the PDGE alone 68. His former Prime Minister Cristino Seriche Bioko founded the opposition party VDDC at the end of 2004, which aims to replace it.

Failed coup in 2004

In March 2004 there was an unsuccessful coup attempt. In this context, a group of 70 mercenaries led by the British Simon Mann were arrested at Harare airport in Zimbabwe , who were on their way to Malabo. In Malabo itself, a group of 15 people who wanted to take part in the coup attempt were arrested. There was no evidence of any connection between these mercenaries and government agencies. Also involved in this coup attempt was Mark Thatcher , son of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher , who was fined after his confession and was unable to obtain a US visa. According to Simon Mann, who was sentenced to 34 years and four months in prison with hard labor at the beginning of July 2008, Thatcher and the London-based Nigerian millionaire Eli Calil were the donors, the former colonial powers Spain and South Africa had agreed to the action.

Obiang Nguema's reign in the 2010s

Torture and political assassinations continued to be the order of the day in Equatorial Guinea in the 2010s; the international acceptance of the regime, however, has increased significantly due to the oil wealth.

With the 2012 African Cup of Nations, Equatorial Guinea (and Gabon ) hosted a major sporting event for the first time.

In 2017 the PDGE won 99 out of 100 seats in the lower house, all 75 seats in the upper house and all mayoral elections. The opposition complained of fraud and intimidation.

See also

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay az ba bb bc bd be bf bg Walter Schicho: Handbuch Afrika. In three volumes: West Africa and the islands in the Atlantic . 1st edition. tape 2 . Brandes & Apsel, Frankfurt / M. 2001, ISBN 3-86099-121-3 , pp. 38-50 .
  2. ↑ a b spiegel.de: DER SPIEGEL - Paradies von Afrika , 6/1980, p. 159, accessed on October 18, 2014
  3. ^ Ingo Wagner: Equatorial Guinea in: Franz Nuscheler, Klaus Ziemer: Political Organization and Representation in Africa , Volume 1, 1978, ISBN 3-11-004518-4
  4. ^ Mark Thatcher hits rock bottom (the Rock of Gibraltar, that is). standard.co.uk, December 9, 2006, accessed April 12, 2018
  5. ↑ Will Ross: Mann changes his tune at trial . BBC News dated July 7, 2008
  6. ^ Equatorial Guinea: Authoritarian government wins election. deutschlandfunk.de from November 20, 2017

literature

  • Walter Schicho: Handbook Africa. In three volumes . Vol. 2: West Africa and the islands in the Atlantic , Brandes & Apsel, Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-86099-121-3 .
  • Dolores García Cantús: Fernando Poo, una aventura colonial española en el África Occidental (1778–1900) . València Universitat de Valencia, Servei de Publicacions, València 2004, ISBN 84-370-5473-7 , p. 701 . ( Full text as digitized version)

Web links

Commons : History of Equatorial Guinea  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files