Weinheim war memorial
The Weinheim war memorial was inaugurated on October 18, 1936. The creative sculptor was Wilhelm Kollmar . The names of soldiers killed or missing in the two world wars are engraved . It is located in the center below the property at Bahnhofstrasse 14 in Weinheim and is in the Bürgerpark .
Description of the sculpture
Three larger than life Reichswehr soldiers (approx. 3.15 meters high) move forward with determination. Behind them names of fallen soldiers of the First World War are engraved on plaques in semicircular walls. Rifles are shouldered and steel helmets are in use. A drum is struck. They wear long, heavy soldiers' coats and cartridge pouches on their paddocks. Your gaze seems empty and strict. It is directed into the distance. Oversized soldier hands are clenched into fists. The figures have also been raised by a platform below them. In the simplistic design language, they corresponded to invincible and heroic fighters. They are stereotyped and depicted without human individuality as heroic symbolic figures of a certain type of warrior who goes to war with unconditional obedience . The historian Meinhold Lurz classifies this type of monument sculpture under “aggressive storm troop in combat”.
The historian Behrenbeck writes on the subject of the drum and National Socialism:
“In addition to fanfare calls, drums and bangs were common design elements of the National Socialist celebrations, they served to 'drum up' the participants, to a certain extent hammered into them the content and were able to create tension in dramatic climaxes, (...) Overall, percussion and wind instruments are used in the military as signals when exercising and to support commands that can be heard from afar. In the past, the attack was blown, drums set the march speed and rhythm and ensured step in step (...). "
According to the magazine, the swastika banner, the fully three-dimensional group of figures showed “two musketeers and a drum”, which symbolized the “high song of the good comrade”. The lines in question - of Ludwig Uhland's song The Good Comrade , which is well known to this day, from the time of the German Romanticism - read among others: - The drum struck to quarrel, - He walked by my side, - In the same step and step. -.
At the inauguration of the monument, Baden's Prime Minister Köhler spoke and established the usual connection between the former World War II soldiers and the Third Reich :
“Not only can we hope for the future, we live our current life. We place our lives under the spirit that emanates from these three soldiers, who nevertheless go on, despite death and the devil. We know that this spirit is a necessity today, but we also know that a straight line leads from the trenches of the World War to the Reich Chancellery in Berlin, to the best German soldier, the private of the world war, the leader of ours Has become a people. "
For the interpretation of the motif "aggressive storm troop" it is significant that the realistically reproduced troop of soldiers should satisfy the German cult and the Nazi racial theory . This makes the availability of the styles evident: the choice of a stillage was not of primary importance to the Nazi state. Rather, it was elementary that the respective style formed an expression of race theory and that race theory in turn was conveyed through an ideal of beauty with figurative sculpture.
The author Wilkendorf interpreted the Weinheim war memorial in the same direction:
“The character ideal of Germanism, however, is and remains heroism according to our worldview, and therefore, linked to the Nordic desire for beauty, heroic objectivity will be the future high goal of German sculpture. The obsession with monuments of the early years, which their princes put up in figura on horseback, is over today; for National Socialism no longer exaggerates individual life into the peculiar, but has the strong will to a supra-personal public. The symbolic human figure as a likeness of a higher order, not the individual, but the myth, that is the inner goal towards which the sculpture of our time strives in general. "
At the end of the essay, Wilkendorf rated the Weinheim memorial as a “witness to the German will to immortality” and a “trademark of Germanic truthfulness” that was “created for a human eternity”.
The urban area of Weinheim shows something that can be used to help interpret the group of sculptures in the direction of the "storm troop". At the market square there is a storming warrior figure as a memorial for the victory of 1870/71. This type of monument was, so to speak, a godfather in 1934 and was a first early variant of the “storm troop” type. Seen in this way, the group of sculptures at the Weinheim war memorial in Bahnhofstrasse virtually predicted the hoped-for victory - comparable to a prophecy of a war win.
Interpretation of the overall system
The location, layout and design show typical features of monuments of Nazi ideology. This should dominate the public space , so it was built in this central square on a main artery of the city in a monumental and antique look . The symbols of the fist, military equipment and drum, which gave the monument its aggressiveness, came from well-known memorial stocks. Fist-clenching warriors have been a motif on the following German war memorials since the end of the First World War, for example : Fallen monument in Baerwaldstrasse in Berlin-Kreuzberg (1924), Cenotaph of Infantry Regiment No. 82 Göttingen (1925), War memorial 31st Hamburg-Altona (1925) , war memorial Stuttgart-Feuerbach (1929), Office Kriegerehrenmal Passenger (1929), Kriegerehrenmal Hüllhorst (1930), in Göttingen , (1931) war memorial Wuppertal- Nächstebreck (1931), War memorial "the soldier" next to the St. John's Church Hamburg-Harburg (1932), “The stone infantryman in the Paderborn Paderaue” (1934), in Rüthen / Kneblinghausen (1934–1938) and in Rostock (1936). The fist represented the “powerlessness of the beaten”, the anger over the Versailles Treaty , feelings of revenge, determination and readiness for fight and war and served “as a sign of defiance and intentions for revenge”.
On the side of the flat, arched wall in the middle are metal parts that can be identified as flame bowls. Fire bowls, pitch pan, smoke pans, sacrificial bowls and the altar motif were a popular and useful motif during the Nazi era. So this part can easily be interpreted as a kind of sacrificial altar . These bowls have long been considered a national, but also anonymous, expression of mourning for dead “folk heroes” and place them in a row with the “fallen heroes” of a mystically glorified, allegedly Germanic past, lifting them to an almost sacral level, so to speak . Such bowls were used during National Socialism, especially in the context of funeral celebrations, and during the Nazi era were regarded as a “symbol of sacrificial death” or “symbol of the eternally combative”.
The things that are not shown this time are also important for interpretation. Jewish combatants were excluded. The memory of them and their names has been left out. “It completely hides the cruel and inhuman reality of war,” writes specialist author Dinah Wijsenbeek in a paper. "It hides the pain of the wounded and their agonizing death as well as the suffering of the bereaved."
Function during the Nazi era
The memorial corresponded to the anticipatory war propaganda of the National Socialists at the time . Such a time in the Nazi era was not just a stone object. According to Meinhold Lurz, "the mediation process of the celebrations is constitutive for the monument of the Third Reich [...]". “The main motives of the actual war honor were not in the monument as such, but in the march and speech. In this respect the fire bowls [...] had the same meaning as the memorial. Only the living architecture of the deployed columns filled the monument with its functional meaning ”.
prehistory
Already at the "Victory Mark 1870/71" on the market square in Weinheim the pain of the relatives was completely ignored. The names of all 196 soldiers from Weinheim were engraved on the north and south side of the monument base. After the proclamation of Wilhelm I , the entire German Empire was seized by an euphoria of victory . The monuments erected almost without exception, adorned with monarchical badges - such as eagles, crowns - conveyed the pathos of victorious pride, hero worship and national enthusiasm.
In 1890 the authority to erect memorials was transferred to the political communities, which further promoted the “monument epidemic that arose from Germany's Kraftmeier national drunkenness”. The war memorial now represented the largest group of public monuments in Germany. The enormous numbers of deaths and masses of war invalids, which came about through trench warfare and mass killings 1914–1918, also triggered a discussion about the meaning of monuments in the first years of the Weimar Republic . After they - for a few years - could not be memorials to victory due to the lost First World War and the Treaty of Versailles , which was perceived as shameful , the war memorials began to become more aggressive again around the mid-1920s - both in representation and in message. But approaches for new forms of monuments, which could remind of the horrors of the war in order to warn of future military conflicts, did not come to fruition in general. The warrior carved out of stone became the prototype of the war memorial. In the angular representation of his facial features and his muscular figure, he embodied the combat-ready and invincible front soldier. The stone warriors created by Kollmar can be seen as an example of such a representation, which is also aimed at retaliation.
War memorials like this one reflected, among other things, the strengthening of völkisch and nationalistic thinking in the late phase of the Weimar Republic, even if war memorials were erected sporadically, the message of which was far removed from any thought of repayment. The paintings by the sculptor Curt Liebich (1868–1937), which primarily gave room to the pain of relatives, can be seen as an example. A highly controversial memorial was the Hamburg memorial with a relief by the well-known artist Ernst Barlach and entitled Mourning Mother with Child . However, it was always the donors and clients who determined what was presented; the selected artists only carried out the work. In Weinheim there was no memorial for those killed in the First World War in the interwar period . In 1933, the Weinheim Bakers' Guild took the initiative to change that. A park in the center of Weinheim was selected as the location to create a memorial with a suitable parade ground. In 1934, a competition for a war memorial on Bahnhofstrasse was announced among the architects of Baden. Only members of the National Socialist Reich Chamber of Fine Arts were admitted . In the design specifications for the time it was stated, among other things, that it should be “not desired in the abstract, but connected to the people and the soil”. This was basically a departure from the monument style of the Weimar democracy. The material to be used should be "Germanic" and therefore contain granite or porphyry . 63-year-old Kollmar was one of the 62 participants. The monument design of this declared adversary of modernity was well received by the jury:
“ (...) in their rushing forward rhythm and in their unity, extraordinary effect. "
The construction financing was not only provided by the city. Several companies such as Freudenberg , Naturin and the Weinheimer Bezirkssparkasse , the important associations besides the animal welfare association and many citizens donated for the establishment. Weinheim's second largest employer, Lederwerke Hirsch - under the management of the entrepreneurial family of Jewish faith - Hirsch was one of them. This happened with the latter because it was originally planned to also mention those five Weinheimers who were among the 12,000 Jewish fallen in the First World War. The space was already planned for it. However, NSDAP Gauleiter Robert Wagner ordered in 1935 to stop doing this and to repay the 1197 Reichsmarks donated by Jews for the Weinheim war memorial. The influential entrepreneur and largest employer in the city, Walter Freudenberg, was the only one on the memorial commission who campaigned for the cause of the Jewish community - to commemorate the fallen of their religious community.
History of the Nazi war memorial
Since the originally planned completion date on May 9, 1936 could not be met, it was moved to a historic day on October 18, the anniversary of the Battle of Leipzig . A large-scale inauguration of the monument was celebrated and swastika flags waved en masse in the city.
In the war memorials erected after Hitler's appointment as Chancellor in 1933 , the ethnic motif of the fighter ready to make sacrifices made a complete breakthrough. In his address at the inauguration of the Weinheim war memorial, the then mayor celebrated the Kollmar hero memorial and elevates it even further in an ideological way:
“While most of the statues to commemorate the great war , which were erected in Germany in the years before the NSDAP came to power , portray the mourning for the fallen fathers, sons and brothers, the resulting monuments embody the new empire according to the National Socialist worldview the pride of the warrior in his service to the people and fatherland, the heroism of his death. The soldier's death is no longer a sacrifice, it is fulfillment. "
The National Socialists stylized the fallen of the wars as champions of their "movement". From then on, the war memorials were seldom erected in the cemetery - but increasingly in public spaces. In this way, the Nazi state wanted to bring her into everyday life and detach her “hero memory” from Christian aspects of mourning. The deployment plan for the inauguration event - today in the Weinheim City Archives - shows 2000 uniformed men. Among other things, hundreds of SA and SS people took part in the ceremony, including political greats in the Nazi state, such as the then Prime Minister of Baden Walter Köhler . The Weinheimer was one of the decisive pioneers of the NSDAP in Baden and thus one of the active " grave diggers of the Weimar Republic" and democracy in Baden. The political climate on the day of the inauguration of the monument illustrates, among other things, the fact that on that day Adolf Hitler issued the ordinance for the implementation of the four-year plan , which gave Hermann Göring the general power of attorney for the control of all economic measures that were necessary to achieve war capability. The Bürgerpark was renamed Hindenburgpark ; after the construction work, nothing more than a strip of green could be seen behind the large-scale monument complex. The city of Weinheim previously awarded Paul von Hindenburg honorary citizenship at the request of the NSDAP parliamentary group on March 21, 1933, on the “ day of the Potsdam handshake ”, the symbolic “Alliance of Hindenburg and Hitler” . Simultaneously with Hitler, the Reich Commissioner Robert Wagner and Walter Köhler (until the end of the Nazi regime Baden Prime Minister, Chairman of the Baden State Ministry, Minister of Finance and Economics, President of the Baden State Council and thus head of the Köhler Cabinet ). Nördliche Hauptstrasse became Adolf-Hitler-Strasse. Hindenburg's title of honorary citizen and the war memorial have survived to this day and are a hot political issue in Weinheim. The heavily modified park, in which mainly the monument spreads, got its old name back.
Dealing with the post-Nazi era
In its directive No. 30 of May 13, 1946 , the Allied Control Council ordered the removal of National Socialist monuments. Exceptions were memorials for “those who remained on the battlefield”, which is why the Weinheim war memorial was preserved. A knee-high hedge was planted in front of the stone warriors, so that they can no longer be perceived from the front as moving. After the end of the war, the desire arose again to add the names of the five Jews who did not return from the war to the memorial in the First World War. Just six months after the end of the war, Walter Freudenberg from the Weinheim entrepreneurial family advocated adding their names to the times. In 1959, the names of those who died in World War II were added. However, those of the Jewish community are not in any other alphabetical order. Names are given with date of birth / death and rank . In this monument extension, 29 SS men were incorrectly listed with Wehrmacht ranks; For example, the SS-Hauptsturmführer were transfigured as captains of the Wehrmacht . This was found out in 1997 by pupils at the Dietrich Bonhoeffer School in Weinheim . The names of the five Weinheim members of the Jewish community are: Karl David, Bernhard Lehmann, Max Lehmann, Moritz Rothschild and Sigmund Rothschild. At the start of the war in 1914, like other Jews from Weinheim, they registered for military service and died in the First World War. Professor Linde, who was already on the jury in 1934, was commissioned to extend the monument.
In 1959, when the monument was expanded, the circle of remembered people expanded and the Nazi crimes played down. If the victorious powers restricted the circle of remembered people in 1945, after the FRG gained sovereignty in 1955, military-compliant circles succeeded in extending the circle of remembered to dead and missing soldiers of the Second World War. As in many other places in Weinheim, the war memorial of the First World War becomes a “collective memorial” or a “combi memorial”. The equal treatment of the names suggests, counterfactually, the equivalence of the monarchist Reichswehr, the armed forces, which is contrary to international law, and the SS. The mixing of the three circles of remembered people served the general purpose of disguising, in particular, the Wehrmacht and SS crimes and playing down them as "normal" acts of war. The ideological function of the extended Weinheim war memorial is still powerful today and can be seen as one of the main reasons for the ongoing conflict over the Nazi relic.
The enlarged monument also served the purpose of revaluing the military , of justifying and promoting German rearmament , the establishment of the Bundeswehr , its integration into NATO, and increasing rearmament. In these years military service was propagated as “normality”, the basic right to conscientious objection was degraded to an exception, for which an “alternative service” was created. In this context, the Nazi war mark serves as an anti-pacifist symbol. It also propagates traditional women's roles, as women are not mentioned in it. War continued to be portrayed as a man's business.
Due to its explosive history, the memorial repeatedly meets with criticism. The fact that Günter Deckert , the former federal chairman of the NPD who lives in Weinheim , presented himself through provocative actions at the memorial increased the rejection. A detailed information board is available on site for historical classification, which was unveiled on November 9, 2017. By contrasting the warrior sculpture and putting up the text board, democratic forces achieved a directly visible - albeit relatively inconspicuous - function for the first time, which this time at least not to relieve the burden, but to criticize the Nazi era. The blackboard is not an eye-catcher , visitors without knowledge of German cannot read it. Modern communication channels were not included - such as smartphones via QR code .
Interpretations of the former Nazi memorial
Werner Pieper , author of the book Mensch - Denk Mal criticized again in 2016 that monument protection regulations played too much a role in this monument. Above all, he emphasized the falsification of the history of the monument in 1959. As he explains, for about 200 years, monuments have no longer been exclusively for rulers, but increasingly also for fallen soldiers. He asks whether these monuments, the aggressors who have brought millions of deaths over Europe, as heroes, are still needed. Not only because of the maintenance costs, but also because of the defamation of the people and their descendants who were attacked, persecuted, tortured and killed by the National Socialists; even if our thanks could basically go to the German losers from the war for the latter fact. He asks whether it is not time to get rid of the memorials of these deadly xenophobia from the past and devote them - as happened, for example, in Trafalgar Square in London - to topics that are pregnant with the future. There the fourth plinth is used for series of contemporary works of art that are commissioned by leading national and international artists. He sees this central square in Weinheim, used unconstructively and asks the question of who would miss this warrior and war mark. He writes that a memorial was recently moved in Murg / Black Forest and that a war memorial by the same artist in Radolfzell was provided with information boards. However, it says about this memorial: “From the point of view of the state office, the memorial cannot be removed from its location, nor may changes be made to the alphabetical classification of the Jewish citizens or the listed armed forces ranks. Subsequent changes represent a well-intentioned, but ultimately misguided falsification of history. "
“Dealing with this monument is difficult, because part of our population sees it solely as a propagandistic and martial work by the National Socialists to glorify war. For others it is above all a place of remembrance of the fallen of the two world wars, for some a place of remembrance of relatives and friends. "
The city of Weinheim writes on the information board it has erected that this monument is one of the so-called "uncomfortable monuments". It is described as a “multi-layered historical document” of the Nazi era, as well as the post-war period . She sees the war memorial as a testimony to the art of National Socialism and the design of war memorials that is worth preserving, as well as how they were dealt with in the post-war period.
The State Office for Monument Preservation in Karlsruhe speaks of a “monument infiltrated by Nazi ideology and thus actually discrediting”. The preservation of the monument is held there, which should remain part of the Weinheim culture of remembrance; especially since it is a "document for historical continuity".
Counter monument
The memorial for the victims of violence, war and persecution, completed in 1999, is located in a direct line of sight to the war memorial on the opposite side of Bahnhofstrasse, at the end of Ehretstrasse and is, as it were, an entrance to the city garden . Halfway between the memorial and the memorial stood the Weinheim synagogue , which had been blown up by the Nazis during the Reichspogromnacht on the morning of November 10, 1938.
At the initiative of Weinheim citizens, it was opposed to the Heldenmal built during the Nazi era. It is a painting designed by the sculptor and installation artist Hubertus von der Goltz . Two gate pillars were connected by a pole on which silhouette-like figures are balanced at a height of about 2.5 meters. In the open space behind it, a Star of David was set into the ground. The people depicted on the pole seem to sway and are in constant danger of losing their balance. They hold on to each other to visually prevent their fall. The way to the rod ends and out of the danger area appears to be blocked because, in a figurative sense, there are high accumulations of material - as obstacles. The work of art is one of the few counter-memorials in southwest Germany .
When in 1995 the local council voted for the erection of the counter monument, only the NPD city council Günter Deckert voted against it.
literature
- Werner Pieper : Werner Pieper: Human, think time. On the history of war memorials and their alternatives; also using the example of the small town of Weinheim (Volume 275 from the series Der Grüne Zweig ). Birkenau-Löhrbach 2011, ISBN 978-3-930442-75-1 .
Web links
- The war memorial as a 360 ° panorama picture
- Article with the inscription of the information board on the monument
Individual evidence
- ↑ a b c d e f g tin: giant stone of contention . The war memorial erected by the National Socialists in 1936 still stands in the heart of Weinheim an der Bergstrasse today. Even after more than 80 years, citizens and politics are having a hard time with this historical legacy. In: Mannheimer Morgen (Ed.): 72nd year . No. 266 . Mannheimer Morgen Großdruckerei und Verlag GmbH, Mannheim November 18, 2017, p. 13 .
- ^ Meinhold Lurz: War memorials in Germany , Volume 5: Third Reich , Esprint printing and publishing house, Heidelberg, 1986 p. 155.
- ↑ Sabine Behrenbeck: The cult around the dead heroes National Socialist myths, rites and symbols 1923 to 1945 , SH-Verlag GmbH, Vierow near Greifswald, 1996, pp. 317-318.
- ↑ Swastika banner No. 286, October 15, 1936.
- ↑ a b c Meinhold Lurz: War memorials in Germany , Volume 5: Third Reich , Esprint printing and publishing house, Heidelberg, 1986 p. 156.
- ↑ a b c d Meinhold Lurz: War memorials in Germany , Volume 5: Third Reich , Esprint printing and publishing house, Heidelberg, 1986 p. 157.
- ↑ a b c d https://www.rnz.de/nachrichten/bergstrasse_artikel,-linke-kritik-am-weinheimer-kriegerdenkmal-textwueste-statt-eyecatcher-_arid,330205.html
- ↑ https://www.kudaba.de/?p=7813#16/52.4962/13.4034
- ↑ http://webdoc.sub.gwdg.de/univerlag/2012/sauer_buch_opt_gesch.pdf
- ↑ https://www.gedenkstaetten-in-hamburg.de/gedenkstaetten/gedenkort/gegendenkmal-zum-31er-kriegerdenkmal/
- ↑ http://www.schule-bw.de/faecher-und-schularten/gesellschaftswwissenschaftliche-und-philosophische-faecher/landeskunde-landesgeschichte/module/bp_2016/imperialismus_und_erster_weltkrieg/das-kriegerdenkmal-in-stuttgart-muenster/AB6_Feuerbach.pdf
- ↑ http://wiki-de.genealogy.net/Enger/Kriegerdenkm%C3%A4ler/Amtskriegerehrenmal_Enger
- ↑ https://www.huellhorst-erleben.de/kriegerehrenmal
- ↑ https://www.wz.de/nrw/wuppertal/steinerner-zeitzeuge-erinnert-an-gefallene_aid-34564195
- ↑ https://www.gedenkstaetten-in-hamburg.de/gedenkstaetten/gedenkort/gegendenkmal-trauerndes-kind-vor-der-st-johannis-kirche/
- ↑ https://www.westfalen-blatt.de/OWL/Kreis-Paderborn/Paderborn/2539472-Weihnachtskugeln-gefuellt-mit-Farblack-besudeln-Denkmal-in-Paderaue-Angriff-auf-steinernen-Soldaten
- ↑ Loretana de Libero: Vengeance and Triumph. War, Feelings and Remembrance in the Modern Age. Contributions to military history. , Volume 73, De Gruyter Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag GmbH, Munich 2014, Figures 27–39, pp. 74–81.
- ↑ Loretana de Libero: Vengeance and Triumph. War, Feelings and Remembrance in the Modern Age. Contributions to military history. , Volume 73, De Gruyter Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag GmbH , Munich 2014, Figures 27–39, p. 144.
- ↑ http://ediss.sub.uni-hamburg.de/volltexte/2016/7914/pdf/Dissertation_Textband.pdf
- ↑ a b c d e f g h https://www.morgenweb.de/mannheimer-morgen_artikel,-weinheim-riesenstein-des-anstosses-_arid,1149399.html
- ^ Meinhold Lurz: War memorials in Germany , Volume 6: Federal Republic , Esprint Druckerei und Verlag, Heidelberg, 1987, p. 36.
- ↑ https://journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/index.php/nbdpfbw/article/viewFile/12240/6083
- ↑ Gerhard Armanski: "... and when we have to die" , Hamburg, VSA-Verlag, 1988.
- ↑ https://journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/index.php/nbdpfbw/article/viewFile/12240/6083
- ↑ a b c d http://upgr.bv-opfer-ns-militaerjustiz.de/uploads/Dateien/Links/Arbhilfe-Kriegerdenkmaeler2014.pdf
- ↑ https://www.hamburg.de/sehenswuerdheiten/3091888/ehrenmal/
- ↑ a b c d Remembering an "uncomfortable monument". (No longer available online.) City of Weinheim, November 9, 2017, archived from the original on December 1, 2017 ; accessed on November 18, 2017 . Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.
- ↑ https://www.freudenberg.com/fileadmin/history/history_de.html
- ↑ http://www.juden-in-weinheim.de/de/dokumente/e/er-war-weinheims-zweitgroesster-arbeitgeber-lederwerke-hirsch.html
- ↑ https://www.leo-bw.de/web/guest/detail/-/Detail/details/PERSON/kgl_biographien/1012274918/Huegel+Joseph+August
- ↑ https://wnoz.de/Erklaerende-Worte-haben-die-Bruecke-83b11940-5c44-4e59-a321-c53f36d60a58-ds
- ↑ Ernst Otto Bräunche: Walter Köhler: Minister President of Baden - a “decent” and “morally integrity” National Socialist? In: Stadt Weinheim (ed.): The city of Weinheim in the period from 1933 to 1945. Weinheim 2000, pp. 135–160.
- ↑ Dietmar Petzina : Autarky Policy in the Third Reich. The National Socialist four-year plan (= series of the quarterly books for contemporary history. Vol. 16). Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt , Stuttgart 1968, p. 57f.
- ↑ https://www.wnoz.de/Lokales/Weinheim/Man-kann-Geschichte-nicht-nachtraeglich-korrigieren-b6d253ee-e8c6-43e0-bc38-7810dbd79abf-ds
- ↑ Jewish traces in Weinheim. The history of the Jews in Weinheim. Support group of the Museum Weinheim e. V., accessed on November 18, 2017 .
- ↑ a b c Günther Grosch: The three "warriors" got an information board. War memorial in Weinheim. In: RNZ.de (Rhein-Neckar-Zeitung). November 11, 2017. Retrieved November 18, 2017 .
- ↑ https://gruenekraft.com/images/35992.jpg
- ↑ http://www.juden-in-weinheim.de/de/geschichte/index.html
- ^ Meinhold Lurz: War memorials in Germany , Volume 6: Federal Republic , Esprint Druckerei und Verlag, Heidelberg, 1987 p. 42.
- ↑ Loretana de Libero: Vengeance and Triumph. War, Feelings and Remembrance in the Modern Age. Contributions to military history . Volume 73, De Gruyter Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag GmbH, Munich, 2014, p. 175.
- ↑ Left against renovation of the war memorial. In: wnoz.de (Weinheimer Nachrichten). December 17, 2015, accessed November 18, 2017 .
- ↑ https://www.wochenblatt.net/heute/nachrichten/article/luisenplatz-soll-umgestaltet-haben/
- ↑ https://rdl.de/beitrag/warum-haben-wir-das-einfach-so-hin
- ↑ https://rundschau-hd.de/2016/07/sind-krieger-und-kriegs-denkmale-heute-noch-zeitgemaess-mensch-denk-mal-musste-doch-mal-geschrift-haben-duerfen/
- ↑ https://wnoz.de/Erklaerende-Worte-haben-die-Bruecke-83b11940-5c44-4e59-a321-c53f36d60a58-ds
Coordinates: 49 ° 33 ′ 3.7 " N , 8 ° 40 ′ 12.1" E