Massacres in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia

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With massacres in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia (also: Volyn Massacre , massacre Volyn , Polish. Rzeź Wołyńska , ukr Волинська трагедія.) Are massacres in the predominantly Polish civilian population of the former Polish territories by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the Second World War designated. The massacres in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia are directly related to the nationalist policy of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and its military arm, the UPA, which sought to eliminate the non-Ukrainian population in favor of a future purely Ukrainian state. The massacres of the Polish civilian population carried out by the UPA from February 1943 to April 1944 in the areas of Poland and Ukraine under German control took on the form of ethnic cleansing . Nearly 100,000 Poles were murdered by Ukrainian nationalists in the massacres. But Ukrainians and other local ethnic groups as well as refugees were also affected.

prehistory

Galicia and Volhynia , part of the Principality of Halych-Volhynia in the Middle Ages , have been under the rule of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania since the end of the 14th century , or with the unification of both countries and the establishment of the Polish-Lithuanian aristocratic republic in the Lubliner Union of 1569 under the Poland-Lithuania . It was not until the partitions of Poland in the 18th century that the two areas were ruled apart. Galicia fell to the Habsburg Monarchy , Volhynia to the Russian Empire .

Eastern Galicia and Volhynia in the Second Polish Republic

Distribution of ethnic groups and languages ​​in the Second Polish Republic
Volhynia and Eastern Galicia as parts of the Second Polish Republic

The defeat of the Central Powers in World War I and the associated dissolution of Austria-Hungary tried to use both Ukrainians and Poles to form nation states. Józef Piłsudski (1867–1935), who was appointed Polish head of state on November 14, 1918 , initially envisaged the establishment of a Slavic confederation that would extend from the Baltic to the Black Sea , called Międzymorze (Polish for “inter- sealand ”) , which would de facto be renewed the old Polish-Lithuanian aristocratic republic. The competing nationalisms of the Slavic peoples caused this project to fail at an early stage, however, and a Polish nation-state was finally established, the eastern border of which was not yet established and whose territorial claims intersected with those of the Ukrainians and the emerging Soviet Union.

In Galicia, where the national Ukrainian forces had organized themselves much earlier and nation-building was more advanced than in the Russian-dominated part of Ukraine, there was a West Ukrainian People's Republic on November 13, 1918 (ukr .: Західноукраїнська Народна Республіка , Sachidka-Ukrajins ) with Lviv as the capital. Almost completely on its own politically, it was not able to assert itself militarily in the Polish-Ukrainian war against the Second Polish Republic that broke out soon afterwards and lasted until the summer of 1919 . In the part of Ukraine that belongs to Russia, the formation of a Ukrainian nation state failed in the wake of the events of the Russian Civil War , the Ukrainian-Soviet and the Polish-Soviet War . On March 18, 1921, with the signing of the Riga Peace Treaty, Poland's eastern border was redefined and the areas east of the Bug , which were not mostly inhabited by Poles, were made part of the Second Polish Republic.

The western part of Volhynia, now located within the borders of the Polish state, comprised around 36,000 km², the area of ​​eastern Galicia around 47,000 km². Around 2.3 million people lived in Volhynia at that time, but only about 350,000 or just under 17% of the total population were Poles. 70% of the population were Ukrainians, 10% Jews. The ethnic situation was very similar in Eastern Galicia, where the Polish population was somewhat larger at 25%, but where the Ukrainians still made up 64% of the total population and the Jewish population was also 10%. The Polish government tried to compensate for this numerical imbalance "with a targeted land and settlement policy" by settling Polish farmers in both areas. Parts of the large Polish estates were transferred to them and financial support was granted. Although Ukrainian peasants also benefited from the division of large Polish estates, the other measures taken by the Polish government, such as the introduction of the Polish language in Orthodox worship, the curtailment of the Ukrainian school system, the suppression of political movements and the arrest of numerous activists, caused an increase among the Ukrainians Discomfort and hatred.

The Ukrainians of Galicia soon began to openly oppose Polish politics, which in the 1920s grew into a veritable guerrilla war in which Polish manors were burned and acts of sabotage and attacks on Polish politicians were carried out. In 1929 the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists ( OUN ) was founded in Vienna , which found numerous supporters, especially among the youth of Galicia. Under Colonel Jewhen Konowalez (1891–1938) it was developed into a disciplined underground military movement that carried out terrorist attacks on Polish institutions, officials and landowners as well as Ukrainians who worked with the Poles from 1930. The Polish state reacted with further arrests and a tightening of its nationality policy. The Polish policy towards the Ukrainians and other minorities, which “ on the whole was assimilatory and repressive ”, was not able to consolidate Polish domination until the beginning of the Second World War, nor to loy the majority of the Ukrainian population into the Polish republic to make integrated citizens.

Soviet rule

After the attack on Poland in 1939, the Second Polish Republic was divided up in East Central Europe according to the spheres of interest defined in the secret additional protocol of the German-Soviet non-aggression pact . Eastern Galicia and Volhynia, like the other voivodeships in Eastern Poland, fell under Soviet occupation . The "newly won" areas were consistently integrated into the Soviet system. The most important branches of the economy were nationalized, the exponents of the old elites were arrested and deported . Since these measures mainly affected Poles and the Ukrainian peasants initially benefited from the expropriation and division of Polish landed estates, the Soviets were initially shown sympathy on the part of the Ukrainians. The collectivization of agriculture that began in 1940 and the rigorous suppression of all Ukrainian nation-state efforts, however, caused a change of mood and increasing disillusionment among broad sections of the population. The Ukrainian national intelligentsia soon increased its hopes in the OUN, which was the only anti-Soviet force that had managed to survive underground. However, after 1933 it had increasingly oriented itself towards National Socialist Germany and after the murder of its leader Jewhen Konowalez in 1940 split into "Melnykists" and "Banderists". The former, referred to as OUN-M, were the supporters of Colonel Andrij Melnyk (1890–1964), mostly consisting of emigrants , while the latter, referred to as OUN-B , were the supporters of Stepan Banderas (1909–1959), who based in Galicia and advocating the armed struggle for the statehood of the Ukrainians.

The time of the German occupation

With the German attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941, both areas changed hands again. Until the "liberation" by the Red Army in September 1944, Eastern Galicia was under German rule as part of the Generalgouvernement and Volhynia as part of the Reichskommissariat Ukraine . After the experiences of the short Soviet rule, the German invasion initially raised hopes of an improvement in the situation among not a few Ukrainians. Quite a few members of the nationally minded Ukrainian intelligentsia saw the Germans as their liberators and believed that the realization of their dream of Ukrainian statehood was imminent. Two military units set up by the OUN, named Roland and Nachtigall, had marched into the Ukraine with the Wehrmacht , and on June 30, 1941, members of the OUN-B proclaimed an independent Ukrainian state in Lviv . On the German side, however, they reacted to this proclamation with the arrest of Bandera and his fellow combatants and their assignment to the Sachsenhausen concentration camp . In spite of this measure, due to the extensive restraint of the German occupying power, there was relatively good cooperation with the Ukrainians on many levels. They used the freedom they were given for a variety of national and cultural activities, revitalized their school system and, particularly in eastern Galicia, managed to fill numerous posts in the local administration and in the Ukrainian auxiliary police units set up by the Germans . The names for these units, which were recruited from local people, varied. In the south of the German-occupied Soviet Union one spoke mostly of auxiliary police , in the Army Area Central, however, of security service . After the police organization (and in particular the agencies of the Ordnungspolizei ) had fully established itself in the occupied eastern territories, the auxiliary police, now officially known as the Schutzmannschaft , passed into the competence of the SS and police apparatus. As members of the latter, Ukrainians were involved from the very beginning in the extermination of the Jews as one of the main ethnic groups in the country.

Despite the willingness of many Ukrainians to collaborate , the Germans never saw them as equal partners. In August 1942, the Reich Commissioner of Ukraine, Erich Koch (1896–1986), made no secret of the role the Ukrainians were supposed to play in the "East" ruled by the Germans:

“There is no such thing as a free Ukraine. The aim of our work must be that the Ukrainians work for Germany and not that we make the people here happy. Ukraine has to deliver what Germany lacks. This task must be carried out without regard to losses ... For the ... Germans in the Reichskommissariat ... it is decisive that we are dealing with a people who are inferior in every respect ... "

The requisitions carried out by the Germans , the retention of the kolkhozes hated by the Ukrainians , who now had to work for the German war economy, the massive forced recruitment of Ukrainians as Eastern workers and their deportation into the Reich, as well as the arrests and shootings of functionaries and members of both OUN - On the Ukrainian side, parliamentary groups quickly reduced their willingness to continue working with the Germans in the Reichskommissariat. As early as the spring of 1942, Taras Borowez (1908–1981), a long-time Ukrainian underground fighter, set up combat units in Polesia and Volhynia that called themselves the "Ukrainian Insurgent Army" ( UPA ) and consisted of deserted Ukrainian auxiliary police officers, Ukrainian youths who were conscripted. but also recruited former members of the Red Army. At the end of 1942, the UPA , which had initially maintained relations with both wings of the OUN, submitted to the more radical Bandera wing of the OUN , which in turn had also begun setting up combat units. By mid-1943, the OUN-B gradually gained control over all other armed Ukrainian units still in existence in northwestern Ukraine. At this point the OUN-B had already taken a clear position against the Germans, and in a leaflet from February 1943 it impressed on its members that “ [t] he Ukraine ... is currently between the hammer and anvil of two enemy imperialists , Moscow and Berlin [is] "From this, the" irrevocable demand for the Ukrainian people ... the fight against both imperialisms "was derived.

While the OUN / UPA began an underground war in the Reichskommissariat Ukraine in late 1942 / early 1943, which was primarily directed against the Soviet partisan units active here and only secondarily against German institutions and armed forces, the Ukrainian-German relationship remained intact Eastern Galicia still untroubled for a long time. A visible sign of this was that the Germans managed to recruit around 80,000 Ukrainian volunteers here in 1943, of whom around 17,000 were transferred to the 14th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS (Galician No. 1), which was set up in the middle of the year .

The massacres

Poles murdered by the Ukrainian insurgent army in Lipniki near Kostopil , 1943

Course of the massacre

The Ukrainian side had already launched attacks on Poland in the autumn of 1939, which intensified in the following years. In 1942/1943 the will to annihilate the Polish population as such grew stronger in OUN / UPA circles. On February 9, 1943, the UPA, led by Hryhory Perehyniak, attacked the Parośla settlement in the Sarny region in what is considered to be the first organized massacre. The following massacres took place in March 1943, mainly in the regions of Kostopil and Sarny and in April 1943 in the areas of Kremenets , Rivne , Dubno and Lutsk : Between late March and early April 1943 alone, 7,000 unarmed men, women and children were killed by the UPA murdered. In March 1943, at Lipniki near Kostopil, at least 179 people were massacred by the UPA under the command of Ivan Lyytvyntschuk. On the night of April 22nd to 23rd, 1943, 600 Poles were killed when the village of Janowa Dolina burned down . In May 1943, the massacres in Dubień, Zdołbunów and Sarny spread, in June 1943 they occurred mostly in the areas of Lutsk and Zdołbunów.

The massacres reached their climax in July and August 1943. The commander of the UPA -North group, Dmytro Kljatschkiwskyj , declared in a directive in 1943 the liquidation of all “Polish elements” as the goal. Although initially only all male Polish residents of these areas between the ages of 16 and 60 were to be murdered, the victims of the massacres were predominantly Polish women and children. The Ukrainians hoped that the elimination of the Poles would support their future claims to Volhynia. In addition, the riots were seen as an act of revenge for massacres by Polish nationalists against Ukrainian civilians, which occurred in 1942.

Between 1942 and the end of the war, an estimated 50,000–60,000 Poles, including the rest of the Ukraine, possibly up to 100,000–300,000, were killed by Ukrainian nationalists and 485,000 forced to flee in Volhynia alone. The massacre reached its climax on “Bloody Sunday”, July 11, 1943, when 99 villages were attacked.

These massacres of the Polish population, referred to on the Polish side as the "Volhynian slaughter" ( rzeź wołyńska ), on the Ukrainian side as the "Wolhynian tragedy" ( Волинська трагедія ), took place regardless of age and gender, sometimes at least with the tolerance of the German occupying power ( see for example the Huta-Pieniacka massacre ). The main responsibility for the terror lay with the Bandera-OUN, but the Germans also contributed directly to the escalation of the conflict. For example, when the villages were " pacified ", they sometimes presented them as Polish or Ukrainian partisans. The Ukrainian and Polish protection teams (militarily organized police auxiliaries), organized and controlled by the Germans, also intervened on both sides in the conflict.

Methods

The UPA's approach was extremely brutal. In the atrocities committed by the UPA, not only firearms but also axes, hatchets, skewers, knives and pitchforks were used to murder the Polish population. Regardless of age and gender, the victims were often tortured to death, entire settlements were set on fire, and the villages were often taken by surprise at night or at dawn, for example during the massacre in Janowa Dolina . There were several attacks on churches during Catholic services. In the book No simple Victory, historian Norman Davies describes how entire villages were torched, Catholic priests were chopped up with axes or crucified, and remote farms were attacked by groups armed with knives and pitchforks. The victims' throats were cut, pregnant women and children were impaled or cut into pieces, men were ambushed and murdered.

At dawn on August 30, 1943, Ukrainian nationalists attacked the village of Ostrowka in Volhynia. The survivor Aleksander Pradun, who lost almost his entire family during the massacre, recalls:

“It's hard to describe: everyone screamed and cried. Children who looked for their mothers under the corpses and were shot. My mother wanted us to stop watching this killing. She hugged me - and then they shot, first at my aunt. Then I felt my mother's arm go limp - they had hit her. I lay there motionless, dead silence around me. And then I heard the Ukrainians shout: 'The Polish face is here, defeated!' "

Another survivor of the massacres, Zygmunt Maguza, reports on the murder of his family:

“There was bread on the table. Grandma baked it, thought we might come. The door to the room was ajar. On the right I saw Grandpa lying. Left grandma and Weronika. I looked in, the grandpa had no head any more. I lifted it and the blood spurted! I was only wearing a shirt and shorts and was barefoot. Grandma was wearing a sleep shirt, someone had cut it from top to bottom with an ax. Next to it - 11-year-old Weronika Stankiewicz. She was not only shot, but also hacked from top to bottom. "

Protection zones and self-defense alliances

Due to the ongoing Ukrainian attacks, numerous protection zones and self-defense alliances were formed to protect the Polish civilian population from attacks by the Ukrainians.

The Polish civilian population tried to find refuge in larger settlements and in forests, where they eventually found support from the Polish Home Army. In this context, a comprehensive alarm and communication system was organized as well as self-defense alliances, which, according to the order of Colonel Kazimierz Damian Bąbiński of May 17, 1943, had the protection of the Polish civilian population as their goal, but neither cooperated with Soviet or German units nor used the same brutal Ukrainian killing methods should. The first protection zones included a. the villages of Jeziory, Szachy, Komary and Dubrowica. Further protection zones were established in Beresteczko, Stara Huta, Lipniki, Ostrowsk, Powrosk, Worczyn and Zagaje, among others. Often, however, it was mainly the inhabitants of the smaller zones that fell victim to the Ukrainians, as they could no longer make it to the larger protected zones or cities.

In total, more than 100 protection zones formed, of which over 40 could not withstand the Ukrainian attacks, so that their residents were murdered. A well-known example of a center for self-defense is the village of Huta Stepańska, which was attacked from July 16 to 18, 1943 and in which over 600 Poles were killed by Ukrainians.

The village of Przebraże was also a well-known protection zone, which initially offered a refuge for around 2000 and later more than 20,000 people. It was created immediately after the attacks on the villages of Taraż and Marianówka on March 12, 1943 by 500 UPA soldiers in Lutsk County. In Przebraże the population built numerous shelters, barricades and ponds to deter Ukrainian attackers, and seven infantry and one cavalry company of more than 100 people were formed. In contrast to many other localities, the population in Przebraże was largely able to repel the numerous Ukrainian attacks.

Acts of revenge

Members of the Polish Home Army (AK) reacted to the UPA massacres with further reprisals against the Ukrainian population in self-defense groups. She organized the burning of entire Ukrainian villages and the massacre of the residents who lived there. The AK justified this terror campaign by declaring that it would take revenge for similar massacres committed by the Ukrainian nationalists. The Polish Home Army, together with the Polish police, also donated Poland to attack and rob its Ukrainian neighbors. The situation escalated to the point that even the Soviet authorities were shocked. On March 14, 1945, Soviet-Ukrainian authorities informed Moscow that the NKVD border police units had recently received reports that Polish government organs and military units had terrorized the Ukrainian population, participated in mass murders of Ukrainians, burned their houses or even entire villages and their property and rob their livestock.

According to estimates, between 10,000 and 12,000 Ukrainians fell victim to retaliatory actions against the Ukrainian population by Polish partisans.

aftermath

Monument to Murdered Poles in Janowa Dolina

The perception of the Volhynia massacre is different in Poland and Ukraine. Many Poles consider the events in Volhynia to be genocide. In Ukraine, there is a tendency to place the tragedy of Volhynia, without admission of guilt, in the larger context of the difficult Polish-Ukrainian relations before 1939 and during the Second World War. The UPA in Ukraine is seen primarily in connection with the struggle for independence from the Soviets. The dark sides of the history of some of the members of this organization are less known in Ukraine.

On July 11, 2003, a commemoration ceremony for the 60th anniversary of the massacre took place in Pavlivka , at which the presidents of Poland and Ukraine, Kwaśniewski and Kuchma , jointly called for reconciliation.

In the Ukraine, however, historically controversial people were repeatedly honored publicly, which is a burden on Polish-Ukrainian relations to this day. In 2011, for example, the Ukrainian city of Ternopil called for a year of remembrance for Dmytro Kljatschkiwskyj , who is largely responsible for the escalation of the Polish-Ukrainian conflict on the Polish and foreign sides. After the controversial novel Schuchewytsch was awarded the honorary title " Hero of Ukraine " by Viktor Yushchenko in 2007 , Stepan Bandera was also honored posthumously with this title in early 2010. The Polish government, the Simon Wiesenthal Center and the European Parliament protested against this decision , so that this appointment was canceled some time later by the new President Viktor Yanukovych . While the UPA responsible for the massacres is still mainly glorified in western Ukraine, its rejection is widespread in the east and south of the country.

In a resolution on the massacre, which the Polish parliament passed on July 12, 2013, the acts of violence were condemned as “ethnic cleansing with characteristics of genocide”.

In contrast, the Ukrainian parliament, the Verkhovna Rada , officially declared members of the Ukrainian insurgent army to be independence fighters in April 2015.

According to the Polish Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), the massacres in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia, all in 1948 by the General Association of the United Nations adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide described features of genocide on, which is defined as any act " committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group as such ”.

Accordingly, the Senate of the Republic of Poland classified the massacres as genocide in its decision of July 7, 2016 , and the Sejm also described the events of July 22, 2016 as genocide. Both of these resulted in critical statements in Ukraine. President Petro Poroshenko expressed his regret, and the head of the Ukrainian Institute for National Remembrance saw the Sejm resolution "as a result of growing anti-Ukrainian hysteria" in Poland.

At the beginning of January 2017, a memorial to the 600 to 900 Poles and Jews murdered there on February 28, 1944 in the former village of Guta Penjatzkaja in Lviv Oblast was blown up by strangers. The perpetrators sprayed the flags of the Ukraine, the UPA and SS runes on the stone cross and the two stone slabs of the memorial, which was inaugurated in the presence of the then Polish and Ukrainian presidents, Kaczyński and Yanukovych. The Polish Foreign Ministry then demanded that the perpetrators be punished, which the Ukrainian side promised.

Movie

The Polish film director Wojciech Smarzowski worked from 2014 to 2016 on the shooting of the feature film “ Wołyń” (“Volhynia”), which deals with the massacre in Volhynia and which was shown in Polish cinemas in September 2016 following its screening at the Polish Feature Film Festival in Gdynia is.

literature

  • Grzegorz Hryciuk: Poles from Volhynia and Eastern Galicia: murder and flight. In: Detlef Brandes , Holm Sundhaussen and Stefan Troebst (eds.): Lexicon of expulsions. Deportation, Forced Relocation, and Ethnic Cleansing in 20th Century Europe. Böhlau Verlag, Vienna-Cologne-Weimar 2010, ISBN 978-3-205-78407-4 , pp. 529-532.
  • Andreas Kappeler : A Brief History of Ukraine. 2nd updated edition, CH Beck, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-406-45971-4 .
  • Tadeusz Piotrowski : Genocide and Rescue in Wolyn: Recollections of the Ukrainian Nationalist Ethnic Cleansing Campaign Against the Poles During World War II. McFarland & Company, 2000, ISBN 978-0-7864-0773-6 .
  • Władysław Siemaszko and Ewa Siemaszko : Ludobójstwo dokonane przez nacjonalistów ukraińskich na ludności polskiej Wołynia 1939–1945 [Genocide committed by Ukrainian nationalists on the Polish population of Volhynia during World War II 1939–1945]. Borowiecky, Warsaw 2000, ISBN 83-87689-34-3 ( English-language review ).
  • Ярослав Радевич-Винницький: Кривава книга. Передрук видань 1919 та 1921 років . Відродження, Дрогобич 2000, ISBN 5-7707-4786-2 .

Web links

Commons : Massacre in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b c d e f g Gerhard Gnauck: Volhynia massacre: men and women, cruelly chopped up with axes . THE WORLD. June 26, 2013. Retrieved July 15, 2013.
  2. ^ Poland: Commemorations for the 70th anniversary of the Volhynia massacre.
  3. ↑ Henryk Komanski, Szczepan Siekierka: Ludobójstwo dokonane przez nacjonalistów ukraińskich na Polakach w województwie tarnopolskim w latach 1939-1946; 2006 ; 2nd edition, 1182 pages, p. 203.
  4. ↑ Ewa Siemaszko: The July 1943 genocidal operations of OUN-UPA in Volhynia. Pp. 2-3 A document of the Polish underground provides a condensed account of this terrible savagery.
  5. ↑ Timothy Snyder: A fascist hero in democratic Kiev. New York Reviev of Books. February 24, 2010
  6. ^ Timothy Snyder: The Reconstruction of Nations. Yale University Press, New Haven 2003, pp. 168-169, 176.
  7. ↑ Sofia Grachova: Unknown Victims: Ethnic-Based Violence of the World War II Era in Ukrainian Politics of History after 2004 (PDF; 152 kB) Danyliw Seminar Paper, Harvard University
  8. ^ Sabine Adler : Blind Spot in the Ukraine, Crimes for Poland. July 17, 2013, accessed August 28, 2016 .
  9. ↑ Florian Kellermann: Careful approach in the Wolhynien dispute. March 29, 2016. Retrieved August 28, 2016 .
  10. ↑ Agnieszka Hreczuk: The ultimate test for eastern Poland and western Ukrainians. May 24, 2014, accessed August 28, 2016 .
  11. ^ Jerzy Lukowski, Hubert Zawadzki: A Concise History of Poland. Cambridge University Press 2001, ISBN 0-521-55917-0 , pp. 26f., 194f., 197 and 200.
  12. ↑ Kappeler (2000), pp. 174f. and 184.
  13. ↑ Hryciuk (2010), p. 529.
  14. ↑ Kappeler (2000), p. 208.
  15. ↑ Kappeler (2000), pp. 208 and 212.
  16. ↑ Kappeler (2000), pp. 211f.
  17. ↑ Kappeler (2000), pp. 215f.
  18. ↑ Dieter Pohl : The rule of the Wehrmacht. German military occupation and local population in the Soviet Union 1941–1944. R. Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2008, ISBN 978-3-486-58065-5 , p. 174.
  19. ↑ Kappeler (2000), pp. 217 and 219.
  20. ↑ Quoted from Kappeler (2000), p. 218.
  21. ↑ Kappeler (2000), pp. 218f. and 222; Petro Sodol: Ukrainian Insurgent Army. In: Encyclopedia of Ukraine , vol. 5 (1993), accessed August 30, 2010.
  22. ↑ a b Quoted from Kappeler (2000), p. 222.
  23. ↑ Kappeler (2000), pp. 221f.
  24. ↑ Ewa Siemaszko: The July 1943 genocidal operations of OUN-UPA in Volhynia. Pp. 2-3 A document of the Polish underground provides a condensed account of this terrible savagery.
  25. ^ Timothy Snyder: The Reconstruction of Nations. Yale University Press, New Haven 2003, p. 168.
  26. ↑ Ewa Siemaszko: The July 1943 genocidal operations of OUN-UPA in Volhynia. ( Memento of the original from April 1, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. P. 2. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.volhyniamassacre.eu
  27. ↑ Władysław Filar: Wydarzenia wołyńskie 1939-1944. Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek. Toruń 2008, ISBN 978-83-7441-884-3 .
  28. ↑ Timothy Snyder: The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943. In: The Past and Present Society, No. 179, May 2003, Oxford University Press, p. 220.
  29. ↑ Piotr Zając, Polish Institute of National Remembrance, Unit dotyczący ustaleń śledztwa w sprawie zbrodni popełnionych przez nacjonalistów ukraińskich na na Wołyniu ludności narodowości polskiej w latach 1939-1945 ( Memento of 7 November 2007 at the Internet Archive )., 2003
  30. ^ Institute for National Remembrance (IPN), 1943 Volhynia Massacre - Truth and Rememberance, Chronology.
  31. ^ Ewa Siemaszko, The July 1943 genocidal operations of OUN-UPA in Volhynia. ( Memento of the original from April 1, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. P. 2. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.volhyniamassacre.eu
  32. ↑ Władysław Filar: Wydarzenia wołyńskie 1939-1944. Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2008, ISBN 978-83-7441-884-3 .
  33. ^ Tadeusz Piotrowski: Poland's holocaust. McFarland, p. 247.
  34. ↑ Władysław Filar: Wydarzenia wołyńskie 1939-1944. Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2008, ISBN 978-83-7441-884-3 .
  35. ↑ Timothy Snyder: [1] A fascist hero in democratic Kiev. New York Review of Books. 2010
  36. ↑ Ukraine: History lesson with aftertaste. In: heise.de . August 7, 2015, accessed February 11, 2016 .
  37. ↑ http://www.nawolyniu.pl/english.htm
  38. ↑ Gunnar Heinsohn: Lexicon of Genocides. rororo aktuell, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1999, p. 283.
  39. ^ Józef Turowski, Władysław Siemaszko: Zbrodnie nacjonalistów ukraińskich dokonane na ludności polskiej na Wołyniu 1939–1945. Główna Komisja Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce - Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Środowisko Żołnierzy 27 Wołyńskiej Dywizji Armii Krajowej w Warszawie, 1990
  40. ^ Władysław Siemaszko, Ewa Siemaszko [2000]: Ludobójstwo dokonane przez nacjonalistów ukraińskich na ludności polskiej Wołynia 1939–1945 . Borowiecky, Warszawa 2000, ISBN 83-87689-34-3 , p. 1056.
  41. ^ The Effects of the Volhynian Massacres . Institute of National Remembrance. Retrieved December 23, 2014.
  42. ^ Edward Polak: Baza "Topór" i as well asckie łagry. Reduta, 1991, p. 45.
  43. ↑ Filip Mazurczak: The Volhynia Genocide and Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation. Visegrad Insight, July 13, 2016. UPA's methods were sadistic.
  44. ↑ Ewa Siemaszko: The July 1943 genocidal operations of OUN-UPA in Volhynia. ( Memento of the original from April 1, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Pp. 2-3, A document of the Polish underground provides a condensed account of this terrible savagery. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.volhyniamassacre.eu
  45. ↑ # Poland, It is a miracle that I am alive. ( Memento of the original from July 17, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Interview with jazz musician and composer Krzesimir Dębski on July 11, 2016: Dębski describes his family's struggle for survival in the village of Kisielin during the massacres. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / poland.pl
  46. ^ A b Margarete Wohlan / Dorota Swierczynska: Our families have lived side by side for 22 years! Deutschlandfunk , July 15, 2013, accessed on September 8, 2016 .
  47. ^ Norman Davies: Europe at War 1939-1945. No simple victory. Pan Books, November 2007, 544 pages, ISBN 978-0-330-35212-3 .
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  56. ↑ president.gov.ua: President confers posthumous title Hero of Ukraine to Stepan Bandera ( Memento of the original from November 6, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.president.gov.ua
  57. ↑ Kyiv Post , February 25, 2010: European parliament hopes new Ukraine's leadership will reconsider decision to award Bandera title of hero.
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