Social science aspects of climate change

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Social science aspects of climate change concern psychosocial causes and consequences of global warming . The focus of social science interest is, for example, questions relating to risk perception, information processing, attitudes, communication and consumer behavior, but also the psychological and social effects of climate change. Psychology (particularly cognitive psychology , environmental psychology and social psychology ), communication sciences , sociology and economics deal with these questions .

history

In 2009, the President of the American Psychological Association (APA), Alan Kazdin, addressed the topic of psychology and global environmental problems in his Presidential Address . Global warming and related problems would require multiple strategies from different disciplines to solve them. Psychology can make a significant contribution to this.

In this context, the APA founded a working group on the subject of psychology and climate change ("Task Force on the Interface Between Psychology and Global Climate Change"), which in 2009 published a report on the current state of research. It describes the state of research in the following areas:

  • Perception and understanding of climate change and the associated risks,
  • the human contribution to climate change and its psychological causes,
  • psychosocial effects of climate change,
  • Adaptation to climate change,
  • psychological barriers that hinder behavioral changes to limit climate change.

In 2011, a resolution on the subject and a special issue of the journal were from the APA American Psychologist about psychology and Climate Change ( "Psychology and Global Climate Change") was published in the 2011th

Causes of global warming

Human behavior is extremely likely to be the main cause of current global warming. Human activities such as burning fossil fuels , cement production or changes in land use lead, among other things, to an increase in the concentration of greenhouse gases (such as carbon dioxide ) in the earth's atmosphere, which has led to rising global temperatures via a change in the earth's radiative forcing since the beginning of industrialization led and leads.

The human impact on the natural environment, e.g. B. by greenhouse gas emissions, according to various models, is significantly influenced by per capita consumption and the size of the population . For example, countries with higher per capita consumption and higher populations have higher CO 2 emissions. Both consumer behavior and the size of the population are in turn influenced by psychological and social factors. P. 29 ff.

Climate researchers point out that in order to avoid a development towards a greenhouse climate, it is necessary both to limit the number of the population and to make consumption per capita sustainable, especially in those population groups with a high level of per capita emissions. |

Per capita consumption

Consumption can be defined in different ways, e.g. B. monetary- economic (amount of money spent), or in the form of the impact on the environment. The Task Force on the Interface Between Psychology and Global Climate Change postulated a model with six levels to depict climate change-relevant predictors and consequences of consumer behavior.

Classification of consumer behavior

There are different classifications of consumer behavior. The Kempton et al. distinguishes:

a) Investment in equipment and technology
b) Management / dealing with it
c) Intensity of use.

The following three areas can be distinguished:

1) transportation
2) heating and cooling of buildings
3) Home appliances and electronics.

A distinction can also be made between

  • Behavior with a direct impact (e.g. cycling instead of driving a car) vs. Behavior with an indirect impact (and an impact that cannot be directly influenced by the consumer) on the environment (e.g. disposal of recyclable material);
  • Behavior with an impact on CO 2 emissions vs. Behavior that affects the absorption of greenhouse gas emissions and / or the albedo of the earth (e.g. deforestation of forest areas).

Whether people are concerned about the above Engaging behavior is influenced, among other things, by the perception of the effectiveness of the various measures, as well as the current possibilities (e.g. financial resources). Investments (e.g. thermal insulation of buildings) usually only require a one-time action and usually save more energy than continuous management or usage behavior, but are associated with greater financial and other obstacles. It is so far unclear whether engagement in one type of environmentally friendly behavior increases engagement in another type of environmentally friendly behavior.

Individual factors of consumer behavior

Individual factors of consumer behavior (level 4 of the above model) can be differentiated into

  • Ability (influenced e.g. by income, knowledge, physical and mental health) and
  • Motivation (influenced e.g. by financial incentives, worldview, needs, desires, goals, ideologies, beliefs).

Aspects of ability and motivation are influenced, among other things, by the context or the environment of the individual (level 5) (e.g. worldview through ethnic group affiliation, income through gender, etc.).

Contextual factors of consumer behavior

Context factors (level 5 of the above-mentioned model) for individual consumer behavior can include: the prevailing climatic conditions, infrastructure, laws and regulations, marketing and availability of goods, as well as social and cultural norms, especially consumerism . According to Zhao and Belk (2008), consumerism is a belief and value system in which consumption and acquisition rituals (e.g. shopping) have become sources of self-identity and the meaning of life and for non-functional purposes such as envy and Status searches were used and consumption became a key factor in human relationships (instead of production). While consumerism can meet basic psychological needs, it also leads to choices that contribute to climate change. However, so far there has been little research on this.

Culture can influence consumption through the perception of what is necessary and what is luxury. For example, in 1996, 32% of Americans believed a microwave oven was necessary, compared with 68% in 2006. The perceived necessity varies depending on the demographic group (especially the income class). People with higher incomes usually consider more things “necessary” (such as a clothes dryer, air conditioning, television, etc.). Culturally determined reference points probably play a role in establishing the assessment of what is necessary and what is not. For example, if a certain level of consumption is viewed as normal, lower consumption is perceived as inadequate. Reductions below this point of reference would be perceived as losses, and not as gains compared to the state of non-possession ("Reference Prospect Theory"). In addition, upward comparisons with people who consume a lot (the “rich and famous”) often lead to the fact that one consumes more and perceives oneself as comparatively underprivileged (“relative deprivation theory”).

Culture can also create real needs. Products that used to be a luxury, such as B. Cars are now - u. a. due to the development of human settlements - has become a necessity for some people (e.g. to get food or to get to work).

Another cultural characteristic that influences consumption is the perception of time . The perception of time is different in different cultures and influences, among other things, norms for human interactions. A perspective directed towards the future - as it is common in western culture - is on the one hand connected to an occupation with environmental protection and sustainability. On the other hand, Western culture is in large part built on using time as a resource that is maximized at the expense of natural resources . Energy is used to increase efficiency (e.g. to save the time needed for a specific task) and to "extend" the time so that activities are possible around the clock. A study by Tim Kasser and colleagues found that people who work fewer hours per day (and therefore have more time available) behave in a more environmentally sustainable manner. The same working group found that people who voluntarily reduced their consumption (e.g. by repairing, reusing, sharing, and making them themselves, e.g. growing vegetables) were happier and lived more ecologically than the average American. Implementing these behavioral changes to a relevant extent will, however, presumably require a cultural change with regard to the perception of needs, the assessment of time and its use.

population

The size of the world population has grown exponentially over the past 100 years, with the rate of growth being very different in different regions, with the highest rates in Africa. At the same time, Africa has the lowest per capita CO 2 emissions in the world. While the number of people per household is decreasing in the USA, the individual households are consuming increasingly more energy. The relationship between population number or increase and CO 2 emissions is therefore not linear.

Birth and death rates are influenced by individual and cultural-religious views, gender roles (e.g. women's education and employment), and views about individual vs. State birth control and family planning (from what age you have children, how many children you should have, at what interval, desired gender of the child). The health system, child mortality and life expectancy also play a role. Studies have shown that women often have more children than they'd like. This is influenced by norms (e.g. local norms regarding family size, acceptance of contraception and abortion , the value of women's education ), policies (e.g. access to contraceptives , abortion and medical follow-up), and laws (e.g. health insurance). B. Limitation of the number of children allowed, financial incentives for a higher number of children). In addition, societal views about the size of the population play a role (e.g. fear of an unfavorable age structure with a decreasing number of young people). The benefit of population growth for the individual or individual countries, while at the same time harming the (human and ecological) community, can be described as a commons dilemma . Whether an individual in a commons dilemma pays more attention to their own benefits or the costs to the group depends, in turn, on many cultural and psychological factors.

Sustaining Factors

Influence of perception processes on risk assessment

The public readiness for climate protection is strongly influenced by the perception of the risks associated with climate change.

In contrast to the weather, however, climatic changes can only be perceived with great difficulty through personal experience. This is because the climate and its change are determined by statistical averages and variances , e.g. B. of temperature and precipitation over a longer period of several decades (a common guide value is 30 years). People often fail to differentiate between climate and weather, overinterpret individual weather events or fail to recognize long-term changes, and memories can be flawed. In addition, the natural variability of the climate (for example associated with the El Niño phenomenon or the Pacific Decade Oscillation ) is generally perceived more strongly than long-term climatic changes.

Building on the theory of evolution , Robert Ornstein and Paul R. Ehrlich developed the hypothesis in 1989 that the human brain is adapted to the dangers of the Pleistocene , but not to global dangers such as climate change, which now appear for the first time in human history.

Research suggests that risk perceptions are just as or even more strongly influenced by associative or affective than by analytical processes. Usually both processes (associative and analytical) run in parallel. However, if the two processes (perceptions) are in contradiction, the associative-affective system usually prevails (e.g. in the case of anxiety disorders ). This appears to be the case in the case of global warming, with the analytical system indicating that there is a serious threat but the affective system is not sending out a warning signal.

Another phenomenon that has been observed repeatedly is the “local warming” effect. Accordingly, assessments of climate change depend on whether the local daytime temperature is warmer or colder than usual. This can be explained, among other things, by the fact that people use easily accessible but less relevant information (such as the current daytime temperature) instead of more difficult to access but more relevant information (such as objective data on global warming) when forming their judgment. There are indications that the current temperature triggers memories of days with similar temperatures ( salience ), which leads to an overestimation of their frequency.

Communication about climate change

Most people get information about climate change from (often simplistic) media reports, political debates, and social interactions with family members, friends and work colleagues. A common problem in public communication on climate change is the fact that scientific research results are by their nature complex and contain statistical error rates . While representations that are too complex involve the risk that the research result will be interpreted by non-scientists as being too “uncertain” and not received accordingly, representations that are too simplified can lead to the result being questioned by so-called climate skeptics , for example .

According to science historian Naomi Oreskes , there are three main reasons why scientists find it difficult to convey the state of research on climate change to the public: First, scientists are very interested in details, some of which are not easy to explain, even if the overall picture is clear. Second, there is "a deliberate, organized and often highly orchestrated disinformation campaign aimed at creating public suspicions about science". Thirdly, scientists have long thought that it would be sufficient for them to conduct research, explain the facts to politicians and business leaders and then act accordingly.

Operant learning processes

In addition, processes of operant learning also play a role, according to which short-term events are more behavioral than events that occur much later. This is useful in a rapidly changing environment that changes with the seasons or other cycles, for example. Rare events influence decisions less than would be reasonable based on their probability of occurrence. However, if rare events actually occur, they are more behavioral than their probability of occurrence suggests.

Since the directly tangible consequences of global warming will be rather minor in most regions of the world in the near future, the personal risk assessment of most people will also be rather low. Even people whose livelihoods depend on the weather (such as fishermen or farmers) are unlikely to get enough feedback from their personal experience to be alarmed about global warming. Surveys in Alaska and Florida (whose residents are increasingly affected by extreme weather events) showed, however, that personal experience of such events significantly increases concerns and willingness to act. Because climate scientists are more concerned with the subject and know more about the underlying methods of information gathering, they are generally more concerned about the potentially severe effects of climate change than average citizens or government officials. Few people in the US see climate change as an immediate risk and tend to consider it less important than other social problems, such as B. terrorism or the economic situation.

Experience of control and perceived urgency

The sense of control over the situation, as well as the perceived urgency, play a role in whether a person acts or not. Perceived high levels of control and low urgency can lead to a lack of fear of danger and thus to inaction. On the other hand, the feeling of a lack of control over global warming can also lead to denial of the danger.

Cost-benefit assessments with regard to future events

Most of the effects of global warming (and thus the benefits of climate action) lie many years in the future, and often geographically distant. The costs of action (e.g. climate protection measures) are currently incurred, but the benefits are far in the future and are therefore perceived as uncertain. Economists usually discount events in the future; However, subjective decisions often deviate from rational-economic discounting.

Trope and Liberman (2003) assume in their Constructal Level Theory that ideas of future events are “constructed” or represented differently, depending on whether they are closer or further in the future. Events further away (e.g. a flooding of a coastal region in 30 or 50 years) are represented abstractly, events in the near future (e.g. a storm forecast for the next day) are represented more concretely. Abstract ideas lack the emotional meaning (e.g. fear) associated with concrete ideas (the consequences of current events). This leads to various problems of self-control , such as B. Impatience and impulsiveness with rewards that are not immediately available or postponing unpleasant activities. Climate protection measures, on the other hand, require immediate and concrete benefits to be sacrificed in favor of longer-term goals. The strong negative emotions associated with the immediate costs and sacrifices can lead to ecologically damaging consumption decisions and actions.

However, this effect can be influenced by how people think about their consumption. When people are asked to postpone planned use, they usually produce arguments for the status quo first (consume immediately) and only then arguments against it (consume later) - with the arguments generated first influencing subsequent ones. Weber et al. could the decision "immediate vs. Later consumption ”by getting people to produce arguments for postponing consumption first, and then arguments for immediate consumption. Typically, the decision of what to think about first is influenced by social norms and / or positive or negative affective responses to the options available. Hardisty et al. (2009) that 65% of Republicans surveyed were willing CO 2 to pay -Emissionsreduktionsgebühr if this "carbon offset" (CO 2 -Ausgleich) was called. If, on the other hand, this fee was called “Carbon Tax” ( CO 2 tax ), only 27% were willing to pay. This term was associated with unpleasant physical reactions in this group, and arguments against it were first produced.

Political orientation

The lack of concern about the consequences of global warming is strongly associated with political orientation, which is a problem for effective communication about these risks.

Psychosocial Consequences of Global Warming

While the effects of climate change on physical health were already taken into account in the fourth IPCC assessment report , the effects on mental health have hardly been discussed in the research literature so far. Most psychosocial effects will not be immediate but rather long-term, such as the psychological effects of resource conflicts or heat-related violence. In addition, the consequences of global warming are much more likely to affect people of lower socioeconomic status . Whether there are psychological consequences depends on many factors, including the local proximity of the climate change-associated events, individual vulnerability or resilience , social norms , the "environmental identity" of the person concerned, cognitive assessments (e.g. of risks or Responsibility ) or media reports. P. 42 ff.

Moderating influence on the strength or intensity of psychosocial effects have z. B.

  • Proximity , d. H. the extent of personal concern
  • Vulnerability or resilience , d. H. the ability to deal with external stressors
  • social norms such as B. the assumption that society will adapt to any unpleasant effects of climate change

Mediating influence on the strength or intensity of psychosocial effects are e.g. B.

  • Risk assessments , e.g. B. the assessment of personal risk from climate change
  • mental models , e.g. B. the mental classification of climate impacts as weather events that cannot be influenced (instead of long-term climate change) can lead to hopelessness and resignation
  • Media reports (as an important source of information), e.g. B. the type of reporting z. B. lead to fear or passivity
  • Fear , e.g. B. the fear of environmental influences can also affect the physical condition

Psychosocial consequences of global warming and its longer term effects

Heat and violence

Craig Anderson comes to the conclusion, after various studies on the subject, that there is a causal relationship between heat and violence. Field studies showed that the US had a 2.6% increase in murders in the summer, and more murders occurred in hot summers than in cooler summers. Overall, aggression and acts of violence (e.g. abuse, spontaneous riots, marital disputes) are more common on hot days, as well as in hot months, seasons and years than in cooler ones.

Group conflicts

It can be assumed that climate change will lead to group conflicts. Diminishing resources will either result in two groups competing for the remaining available resources, or if increasing environmental damage forces one group to leave its own territory and immigrate to the other group's territory, competing for rights and ownership of land. An influence of climate change on interstate wars is currently considered to be rather unlikely. The connection between climate change and domestic violent conflicts is controversial in research (see also: Consequences of global warming ). In the fourth assessment report, the IPCC estimated that by 2030, 42% of the world's population will live in countries with insufficient water supplies (for agriculture, industry and households).

Relocation

The loss of a sense of belonging to a place associated with resettlement can also lead to impairment of mental health, including loss of local and social ties. This can lead to sadness, fear, and feelings of loss, especially in people who are strongly attached to their place of residence.

Responses to socio-economic differences and social injustice

The growing awareness that economically developed countries have contributed far more to the environmental crisis than developing countries but are less affected by it will also create tension between these groups. One consequence of climate change is likely to be that the difference between rich and poor (especially ethnic minorities) will continue to widen.

Mental level

As a result of climate change, disadvantaged people, especially poorer peoples, children and women, can experience stress, anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorders, aggression and later physical and mental illnesses.

Effects of urbanization

Various studies have also shown that being in nature has a positive effect on mental health. A study of park users showed that the greater the biodiversity of the park, the greater the recreational value. In another study, parents of children with attention deficit / hyperactivity disorder reported that their children exhibited fewer symptoms after being outdoors than after doing activities indoors. These results suggest that reduced opportunities to be in thriving ecosystems (such as underprivileged urban areas) are unfavorable.

Psychosocial consequences of personally experienced climatic disasters

The most visible consequences of climate change are natural disasters such as cyclones , floods , fire , drought and tsunamis . There is a great deal of research on the psychological effects of such regional disasters, as well as technological disasters (e.g. nuclear accidents ) or environmental hazards (e.g. living near a toxic waste dump). Fritze et al. (2008) assume that disasters such as extreme weather events probably have a direct effect on the prevalence and severity of mental problems and the supply situation of mentally ill people in the affected areas. Vulnerable regions are exposed to persistent disruptions to social, economic and environmental conditions that otherwise stabilize mental and general health.

Personal experience of natural disasters can have psychological consequences associated with loss, damage, resettlement or the like. These include an acute or post-traumatic stress disorder , or other stress-related problems such as complicated grief , depression , anxiety disorders , somatoform disorders , substance abuse , higher rates of attempted or completed suicide , increased rates of child abuse , and increased vulnerability in people with pre-existing ones mental illness. P. 42 ff.

Stein & Meyers (1999) described different phases with regard to the psychological reaction to disasters. Immediately after the event, disbelief, shock, denial, or anger, among other things, but also altruistic feelings through saving life or property, can occur. Emotional support and optimism about the future can turn into disillusionment, intrusive thoughts and images, anger and disappointment when the long-term consequences of the disaster become clear. This phase of disillusionment can last months to years and is usually associated with an increased level of autonomic arousal (in the sense of a stress reaction ) as well as physical and psychological complaints (such as headaches , fatigue , gastrointestinal symptoms, symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder or cardiological problems). These stress-associated symptoms, associated with perceived or actual environmental threats, can persist for a long time. Studies after the accident at the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant showed that residents still had elevated levels of the stress hormone norepinephrine and a certain cognitive impairment a year and a half after the accident . The indirect stress resulting from damage to the community or social support networks can persist for years or decades.

Psychological consequences of the general threat from global warming

In addition, as a global environmental threat, climate change can lead to emotional stress and fear of the future. Emotional reactions are an essential part of information processing and have a direct impact on mental and physical health. It is believed that certain strong emotional reactions, such as fear, despair, or feelings of being overwhelmed or powerless, can affect thinking and acting. Well-intentioned attempts to create a sense of urgency through fear of disaster, etc., often lead to denial, paralysis, apathy, or to actions that do more harm than good.

In order to counteract this, it is important to show people options for action.

Fear vs. reasonable care

With regard to fear and worry as a reaction to the global threat, a distinction must be made between pathological fears or worries and normal, appropriate worries. In environmental medicine , "environmental anxiety" is described as "compulsive and potentially disabling worry that relates to risks that are not really threatening" (compared to recognized threats such as car accidents or smoking). Regarding climate change, it has not yet been clearly established what a reasonable level of concern is. Clinically, anxiety is a forward-looking emotional state associated with physical arousal and a range of cognitive responses, including hypervigilance to potential threats and high levels of fear and panic . Concern, on the other hand, is generally described as a normal, adaptive process, the main function of which is to prepare for dealing with future threats. However, worry can also become pathological when it is influenced by fear and experienced as inappropriate, impairing, and / or uncontrollable. A study by Verplanken and Roy (2013) found that habitual ecological concern is not associated with pathological worry.

The discussions about the consequences of global warming lead to fundamental questions about the sustainability or duration of human life and the existing ecosystem on earth. Dealing with these questions can, according to Fritze et al. (2008) evoke feelings of both despair and hope in relation to future generations, as well as the experience of individual or collective meaning for those living now. Kidner (2007) described a loss of sense of security about the future created by uncertainty about the well-being and continuity of the wider natural environment. The influence of these feelings has so far been underestimated, due to the lack of recognition of subjective environmental feelings in the traditional research and economic context. Macy and Brown (1998) postulated several typical barriers that prevent individuals from expressing feelings and concerns about environmental degradation. These include, for example, fears of appearing sick, unpatriotic or ignorant.

Langford (2002) identified different responses to the risk of climate change:

  1. active denial , combined with a clear preference for rationality over emotions, as well as intolerance towards the uncertainty of scientific statements
  2. Disinterest combined with external control beliefs and fatalism
  3. Commitment combined with a preference for emotions and intuition to justify opinions and actions, a sense of empowerment and personal responsibility, and a belief in the effectiveness of collaborative action.

Maiteny (2002) described three responses to chronic anxiety related to environmental and social problems:

  1. an unconscious denial reaction in which individuals ward off fear by seeking reward through sustained or increased material consumption behavior
  2. a “green consumption” that involves greater concern for the environment but no major lifestyle changes
  3. an increased awareness and feelings of connection with wider ecological and social processes, which leads to the individual changing their lifestyle and stimulating change and awareness in others.

Numbness and apathy

In response to environmental problems, numbness and apathy also play a role. According to Moser (2007), dulling is a secondary reaction; H. a consequence of realizing the scale of the threat from climate change and the perceived inability to do anything about it. Apathy, on the other hand, is a primary emotional response that prevents individuals from learning more about the threat and reacting more informed. Apathy may arise from the "barrage" of news about various overwhelming environmental and social problems, as well as the demands of everyday life. According to Lertzman (2008), from a psychoanalytical point of view, the public's apparent apathy about climate change is actually a paralysis given the size of the problem. Defense mechanisms like denial and division would play a role. An apathy towards environmental issues could also be a function of adapting to existing conditions. In 1999, Peter Kahn coined the term "Environmental Generational Amnesia" (German for "Environmental Generational Amnesia"). Accordingly, people tend to use their own experience as a benchmark for the well-being of the environment and fail to recognize that the state of the environment has deteriorated over years or generations.

Feelings of guilt

Feelings of guilt regarding one's own inadequate environmental protection behavior were variously referred to in the media as “Eco-Guilt”. Attempts to induce environmental action by inducing guilty feelings can be ineffective if it leads to rationalization of one's behavior, rejection, and anger at the attempted manipulation. However, it is possible that the person concerned does not like the news that provokes feelings of guilt, but that the news still shows an effect.

Positive effects of commitment to climate protection

It has also been shown that commitment to climate protection can have positive psychological consequences, such as an increase in positive coping experiences, meaningful life and satisfaction .

Adaptation to Climate Change

The adaptation or adaptation to global warming can include both planned and spontaneous reactions to actual or expected climatic changes or their effects. Research on adaptation mostly relates to structural changes (e.g. building projects, plans for drinking water supply), the psychological adaptation to climate change has so far hardly been investigated. The Evolutionary Psychology understands adaptation properties that human survival and reproduction to make sure (eg. As characteristics that influence the choice of partners). In addition, adaptation refers to specific psychological responses, e.g. B. habituation to various stimuli (e.g. noise) or special types of coping reactions when adapting to the physical environment, including natural disasters. Adaptation in the psychological sense primarily refers to intrapsychic (e.g. the assessment of situations , affective reactions, and motivations ) and social processes (e.g. finding meaning , social comparisons , social construct formation , and social reinforcement of risk perception ), that affect how people and communities respond to challenging circumstances (e.g. cognitive reassessment, withdrawal, emotion management). P. 52 ff.

The APA Task Force on the Interface Between Psychology and Global Climate Change postulated a model for psychological adaptation to climate change that is based on various psychological models, including the stress coping models of health psychology (e.g. the Lazarus stress model ) and the health belief model . The model includes the following components:

  1. Trigger of the adaptation process ( stressors ): Direct, indirect or mediated experiences with the consequences of climate change
  2. Reactions to these experiences:
    1. Threat assessment ( primary appraisal according to Lazarus; e.g. perception of risk probability, severity, vulnerability and resilience)
    2. Coping assessment ( secondary appraisal according to Lazarus; e.g. expectation of self-efficacy , expectation of results, costs and benefits, situational restrictions, strength of the community)
    3. Attributions
    4. Affective reactions (e.g. fear, hope)
    5. Motivational processes (e.g. self-protection, uncertainty reduction)
  3. Coping reactions ( coping )
    1. Intra-psychological reactions (e.g. dulling; cognitive reassessment, such as risk; emotion regulation)
    2. Behavioral reactions (e.g. search for information; search for social support; compensation behavior, e.g. changing the structure of the living space; climate protection; participation in community activities)
  4. Effects on the individual and society

Psychological barriers that hinder behavioral changes to limit climate change

In a study with the participation of the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research , the following reasons were mentioned that could play a role in the case of inactivity in relation to global warming:

  • Unwillingness to give up personal comfort and lifestyle-specific consumption ("comfort interpretation")
  • Reference to the general public (" tragedy-of-the-commons interpretation"), e.g. B. that an individual's action does not make much difference or that others do nothing either
  • Assumption that a higher authority (government etc.) will take care of it ("managerial-fix interpretation")
  • Distrust of the government (“governance-distrust interpretation”), e. B. that there is not much you can do yourself while the economy is so powerful

Robert Gifford, a psychologist at the University of Victoria , also provides a summary of psychological barriers that can prevent behavior change in the direction of climate protection . On the basis of the specialist literature on the subject, he described seven "barriers" that can manifest themselves in different forms:

  • limited cognitive abilities (difficulty of the "ancient" human brain in dealing with spatially and temporally distant and complex issues; ignorance; "ecological insensitivity"; insecurity; underestimation of future risks; tendency to optimism; lack of perceived behavior control / self-efficacy)
  • Ideologies (capitalist worldview, belief in supernatural forces, belief in technology , justification of the existing system)
  • Comparisons with others (social comparison, social norms and networks, perceived inequality)
  • Weighing up the investment (financial, behavioral changes, conflicts with values ​​and goals, lack of commitment to one place)
  • Devaluation (distrust, political goals are perceived as inappropriate, denial , reactance )
  • perceived risks or risk perception (functional, physical, financial, social, psychological, lost time)
  • Behavior ("tokenism": changes in behavior that can be implemented more easily are preferred to the disadvantage of more effective measures; " rebound effect ", e.g. increased driving with a fuel-efficient car)

See also

literature

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  • Janet K. Swim, Paul C. Stern, Thomas J. Doherty, Susan Clayton, Joseph P. Reser, Elke U. Weber , Robert Gifford, George S. Howard: Psychology's Contributions to Understanding and Addressing Global Climate Change. In: American Psychologist 66 (4), 2011, pp. 241-250, doi: 10.1037 / a0023220 .
  • Uzzell, D., & Moser, G. (2009). Introduction: Environmental psychology on the move. Journal of Environmental Psychology. 29 (3), 307-308.

Web links

Individual evidence

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  3. ^ American Psychological Association: Psychological Factors Help Explain Slow Reaction to Global Warming, Says APA Task Force. Press release, August 5, 2009. Accessed December 29, 2013.
  4. a b c d e f g h i American Psychological Association: Psychology and Global Climate Change: Addressing a Multi-faceted Phenomenon and Set of Challenges. Report of the American Psychological Association Task Force on the Interface Between Psychology and Global Climate Change, 2010.
  5. ^ APA: Resolution on Affirming Psychologists' Role in Addressing Global Climate Change. , 2011. Retrieved December 29, 2013.
  6. American Psychologist: Special Issue: Psychology and Global Climate Change (May-Jun 2011). Retrieved December 29, 2013.
  7. IPCC : Fifth Assessment Report of the IPCC Partial Report 1 (Scientific Basis) ( Memento of the original of 23 September 2015 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (German summary of the BMU , BMBF , IPCC and UBA ). October 2013. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.de-ipcc.de
  8. IPCC: Climate Change 2014 Synthesis Report Contribution of Working Groups I, II and III to the Fifth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [Core Writing Team, RK Pachauri and LA Meyer (eds.)]. IPCC, Geneva, Switzerland, 2014. Retrieved April 26, 2015.
  9. cf. z. B. I = PAT in the English language Wikipedia
  10. Quote: "Demographic changes must be complemented by sustainable per capita consumption patterns, especially among the higher per capita consumers" (demographic changes must be supplemented by sustainable patterns of per capita consumption, especially among consumers with high per capita consumption ). Will Steffen, Johan Rockström, Katherine Richardson, Timothy M. Lenton, Carl Folke, Diana Liverman, Colin P. Summerhayes, Anthony D. Barnosky, Sarah E. Cornell, Michel Crucifix, Jonathan F. Donges, Ingo Fetzer, Steven J. Lade , Marten Scheffer, Ricarda Winkelmann, Hans Joachim Schellnhuber: Trajectories of the Earth System in the Anthropocene . In: PNAS . August 14, 2018, doi : 10.1073 / pnas.1810141115 . P. 8257.
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  16. ^ Robert E. Ornstein, Paul R. Ehrlich: New World, New Mind: Moving Toward Conscious Evolution. Doubleday, New York 1989.
  17. Dustin J. Penn: The evolutionary roots of our environmental problems: Toward a Darwinian ecology . In: The Quarterly Review of Biology . 78, No. 3, September 2003, pp. 275-301.
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  20. ^ Steven A. Sloman: The empirical case for two systems of reasoning. In: Psychological Bulletin 119 (1), 1996, pp. 3-22, doi: 10.1037 / 0033-2909.119.1.3 .
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  24. Claudia Dreyfus: 'I Can't Just Stand on the Sidelines': An Interview with Naomi Oreskes . In: The New York Review of Books , October 15, 2019. Retrieved October 19, 2019.
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  34. David Laibson : Golden eggs and hyperbolic discounting. In: Quarterly Journal of Economics 112, 1997, pp. 443-477, doi: 10.1162 / 003355397555253 .
  35. Ted O'Donoghue, Matthew Rabin: Doing it now or later. In: American Economic Review 89, 1999, pp. 103-124.
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  39. Sabine M. Marx, Elke U. Weber, Benjamin S. Orlove, Anthony Leiserowitz, David H. Krantz, Carla Roncoli, Jennifer Phillips: Communication and mental processes: Experiential and analytic processing of uncertain climate information. In: Global Environmental Change 17, 2007, pp. 47-58, doi: 10.1016 / j.gloenvcha.2006.10.004 .
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  41. Tobias Ide, Jürgen Scheffran: On climate, conflict and cumulation: suggestions for integrative cumulation of knowledge in the research on climate change and violent conflict . In: Global Change, Peace & Security . tape 26 , no. 3 , September 2, 2014, ISSN  1478-1158 , p. 263–279 , doi : 10.1080 / 14781158.2014.924917 ( tandfonline.com [accessed February 18, 2019]).
  42. Ole Magnus Theisen, Nils Petter Gleditsch, Halvard Buhaug: Is climate change a driver of armed conflict? In: Climatic Change . tape 117 , no. 3 , April 2013, ISSN  0165-0009 , p. 613-625 , doi : 10.1007 / s10584-012-0649-4 .
  43. Tobias Ide, P. Michael Link, Jürgen Scheffran, Janpeter Schilling: The Climate-Conflict Nexus: Pathways, Regional Links, and Case Studies . In: Handbook on Sustainability Transition and Sustainable Peace (=  Hexagon Series on Human and Environmental Security and Peace ). Springer International Publishing, Cham 2016, ISBN 978-3-319-43884-9 , pp. 285-304 , doi : 10.1007 / 978-3-319-43884-9_12 .
  44. ^ Liebenauer health information. Mental health. Psychiatric and neurological information offered by the Liebenau Foundation. Volker Faust with the collaboration of Walter Fröscher and Günter Hole. Liebenau Foundation, Volume 24 (Synesthesia, climate change and its consequences, narcissism), Liebenau, winter 2018.
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  46. Jonathan A. Patz, Howard Frumkin, Tracey Holloway, Daniel J. Vimont, Andrew Haines: Climate Change: Challenges and Opportunities for Global Health . In: JAMA . 312, No. 15, September 22, 2014, pp. 1565-1580. doi : 10.1001 / jama.2014.13186 .
  47. Bernhard Pötter: "One should avoid alarmism" . In: The daily newspaper: taz . December 9, 2019, ISSN  0931-9085 , p. 3 ( taz.de [accessed December 9, 2019]).
  48. Bas Verplanken, Deborah Roy: “My Worries Are Rational, Climate Change Is Not”: Habitual Ecological Worrying Is an Adaptive Response . In: PLOS ONE . 8, No. 9, 2013, p. E74708. doi : 10.1371 / journal.pone.0074708 .
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