Izala (movement)

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Izala (derived from Arabic إزالة البدعة, DMG izālat al-bidʿa  'Elimination of the Bidʿa ') is an Islamic reform movement with an anti- Sufi and egalitarian orientation in West Africa , which Daʿwa operates and which it regards as un-Islamic religious innovations . The followers of this movement, which focuses on Nigeria and Niger , are referred to in Hausa as Yan Izala ("Izala people"). The starting point for the emergence of the movement was the founding of the organization Jama'atu Izalatil Bid'ah Wa Ikamatis Sunnah ( Arabic Ǧamāʿat Izālat al-bidʿa wa-iqāmat as-sunna ; "Society for the elimination of the Bidʿa and the establishment of the Sunna ", also abbreviated to JIBWIS ) in the Nigerian city of Jos by Ismaila Idris in February 1978. Today the movement also has supporters in Cameroon , Chad and Benin .

Until the early 1990s, the Yan Izala were often involved in violent conflicts with the Sufi brotherhoods of the Qādirīya and Tijānīya . After that, tensions between Yan Izala and the Sufi brotherhoods eased, which was also due to the fact that the Izala movement split into various competing sub-groups. In Nigeria the movement was split into the Jos and the Kaduna factions for twenty years , but reunification took place in 2011. The Yan Izala have been emphasizing their closeness to Salafīya since the 1990s and see themselves as the driving force behind the introduction of Sharia law in Nigeria from 1999 to 2001 . In both Nigeria and Niger, the Yan Izala maintain an extensive network of mosques and Islamic schools . The schools, which also teach Western education, are also open to women and girls.

Ideological and religious orientation

Basic theses

According to Roman Loimeier, the basic theses of the Yan Izala can be summarized in the following points:

  • There are no saints in Islam, all believers are equally holy.
  • The belief in the special role of the prophet and his family is un-Islamic, all Muslims are equal.
  • The practice of intercession ( tawassul ) is un-Islamic, at the graves of the deceased one may only pray for the dead themselves.
  • The pilgrimage to Mecca is more important than the ziyāra , i.e. visiting holy tombs.
  • No one but the prophet can work miracles.
  • Nobody but God knows the hidden, not even the Sufis.
  • The jinn exist but cannot be seen.
  • God cannot be seen in dreams, in a state of trance, or in the waking state.
  • The recitation of hymns of praise to the Prophet is un-Islamic.
  • Sufism is un-Islamic because the worship of the Sufi sheikhs can lead to shirk .
  • The imams of the Friday mosques should not ask the believers for additional prayers after the regular prayer , because these are a bidʿa.

The anti-Sufism of the Yan Izala

The Yan Izala are characterized by their anti-Sufism. So they brand the submission of believers to the authority of Sufi sheikhs and the obligation to pay Sadaqa to this group of people as inadmissible innovations. They also criticize the practice of the Sufi sheikhs of demanding the so-called Kudin Laraba (“ Wednesday money ”) from their followers . Another point of criticism is the collective dhikr practiced by Sufis .

The Yan Izala fight in particular the rites of the two brotherhoods Qādirīya and Tijānīya. So they reject the so-called ṣalāt al-fātiḥ (“prayer of the opening one”), which is the main prayer formula of the Tijānīya. In the early days, they also declared anyone who recited this formula to be an unbeliever. In doing so, they argued that this prayer formula goes back not to Mohammed , but to the Egyptian Sufi Abū l-Hasan al-Bakrī (d. 1545), and therefore a later addition. They consider such later additions to be inadmissible because of the Koranic statement in Sura 5: 3 , which says that God has completed the religion of Muslims “today”.

The Yan Izala also reject prayer beads and consider wearing protective amulets ( layu ) a sin.

Rejection of the veneration of the prophets

The Yan Izala also oppose excessive veneration of the Prophet Mohammed. So they reject the recitation of special prayers or poems for him (e.g. Dalāʾil al-ḫairāt , al-Burda ) as well as the celebrations for the Prophet 's birthday . The Yan Izala justify their rejection of the prophet's birthday with the fact that neither the prophet himself nor his followers celebrated it. In the early days, the Yan Izala also represented a pronounced Koranism : According to the JIBWIS statutes, the Koran is the only foundation on which the organization is based and based.

Combating ceremonial spending

In addition, the Yan Izala fight high expenses for the bride price, naming ceremonies, the celebration of Islamic festivals and funeral ceremonies. The organization's preachers also opposed the widespread practice of talla , where young women peddle to meet part of the cost of the wedding. They argued that this practice is low-cash but puts women at risk of seduction. In return, the Yan Izala recommended that they forego a dowry at the wedding . The Izala movement promotes an ideal society without alcohol, gambling and prostitution.

The movement in Nigeria

The foundation of JIBWIS

The Jama'atu Izalatil Bid'ah Wa Ikamatis Sunnah was founded on February 8, 1978 with the support of the Islamic World League in Jos , Plateau State . It gave itself a statute and fixed organizational structures with registered membership, offices and an administration. This differentiated it from the existing network system of the Sufi Tarīqas . One of the goals of JIBWIS, according to its statutes, is to confirm “to all good Muslims” that everyone “who claims that he is in contact with the Prophet, or who says that the Prophet has him, in a dream or in some other way and way, after his death visited, is a liar. "

Abubakar Gumi

The official leader of the organization was Malam Ismaila Idris (1937-2000), the son of a religious scholar from Goskorom in Bauchi and an imam in the Nigerian army. Because of his leading role in founding Yan Izala, he was discharged from the army a few months later and arrested twice. Ismaila Idris' former mentor Abubakar Gumi (d. 1992) played a leading role in the background. Gumi, who had previously been Chief Qādī of Northern Nigeria, sent a congratulatory telegram on the occasion of the founding, in which he suggested adding Iqāmat as-sunna to the name of the organization , which was also accepted by the assembly of delegates. He also intervened with the authorities to ensure that Idris was released. For Gumi, the founding of the organization was part of a strategic realignment after he realized that a career in the state justice system would be closed to him. The new organization served him as a means to mobilize Muslims. By founding the organization, he also responded to the efforts of the preaching group Fityān al-islām to bring under their control the Jamaat Nasril Islam (“Society in Support of Islam”; JNI) founded by Ahmadu Bello . This had acted as an overarching forum for Muslims in Nigeria since the 1960s. Before JIBWIS Organization received its state approval in 1985, it also operated under the umbrella of JNI.

The organization first appeared in public on May 25, 1978 at a mass rally at Jos Township Stadium . The organization was very popular at first, which can also be explained by the fact that political parties were banned. Through a network of followers that Abubakar Gumi had built up in previous years, it spread throughout northern Nigeria in 1978. During organized preaching tours, new local chapters were established, the leaders of which were mostly former students of Gumi. In some regions such as Kaduna and Plateau , Yan Izala was able to fall back on the support of local groups of the JNI. Gumi and Idris played a decisive role as charismatic figures in the development of the Yan Izala into a mass movement .

The Yan Izala became active in the Daʿwa field and carried out preaching campaigns, especially when a new local or regional group of the organization was established. The best known and best preachers of the Yan Izala were hired for such occasions. Their sermons were then taped and distributed by the organization itself. In general, cassettes became the primary medium for disseminating the teachings of the Izala Movement.

Development of the organizational structure

The tripartite governance structure

JIBWIS has had a tripartite governance structure at the national level since its inception. The three organs are the ʿUlamā ' council, the executive council and the first aid group. The ʿUlamā'-Council initially consisted of the President Ismaila Idris, the two Vice-Presidents, the General Secretary and his deputy. The Executive Board consisted of the chairmen of the individual working groups and the organization's committees. According to Loimeier, the filling of the posts of the members of the executive council depended on Abubakar Gumi's approval in the beginning. Although he did not officially hold a leadership position, no policy within the organization was possible without or against his will. The first aid groups, called by Loimeier Yan Agaji (“the people of help”), are aid groups with the task of providing first aid and keeping things in order at major events and during Friday prayers .

Headquarters and regional associations

The provisional headquarters of the organization was located in Ismaila Idris' house in Jos until 1988. Only then did the organization start a campaign in northern Nigeria to raise funds for the construction of a regular headquarters in Jos. The leaders of the movement built an organizational structure with three levels (local, regional, national), with ʿUlamā 'councils, executive councils and first aid groups at each level.

In the 1980s, 13 of the 19 Nigerian states had regional associations. The regional associations are responsible for the implementation of the organization's policy at the regional level, the administration of the organization's schools and the implementation of the women's education program and regional propaganda campaigns. In the beginning, the leaders of the individual regional associations were appointed directly by Abubakar Gumi.

JIBWIS has its own logo , which consists of a palm tree over two crossed sabers. Saudi Arabia uses a similar emblem in its coat of arms .

Izala mosques and schools

The Yan Izala strategy was to bring as many mosques as possible under their control. By the end of 1978, the most important Friday mosques of Kaduna were in their hands. In cities where the organization did not succeed in gaining control of the Friday mosques, such as Kano , Zaria Old Town or Bauchi , they built their own Friday mosques so that they could pray separately from the Sufis. The Yan Izala regard the Sufis as Muschrik ūn and therefore consider it impermissible to pray behind a Sufi.

In addition, the Yan Izala campaigned for the establishment of a modern Islamic education system. JIBWIS has built up an extensive network of schools over the years, ranging from pre-school to diploma level. Diplomas from Izala schools are also recognized by Ahmadu Bello University . The Izala schools, which combine Western and Islamic education, follow the model of the Kaduna School of Arabic Studies , the first modern Islamic school in Northern Nigeria. Both Abubakar Gumi and Ismaila Idris were graduates from this school. In addition, JIBWIS maintains a network of 90 Sunday schools with religious education offers for adults. The Izala members also receive training in the recitation of the Koran and the correct pronunciation of Arabic. Since 1986 JIBWIS has organized regular Quran recitation competitions for different age groups based on the Saudi model.

An important aspect of the Izala schools is their accessibility for women. Many Izala schools today are attended by both girls and married women. The Yan Izala have been committed to the education of women from the very beginning and insist on their necessity also against traditional Islamic scholars who believe that co- education violates the principles of Islamic education. The Yan Izala argue that the mixing of the sexes is less of a evil than women remaining in ignorance of Islam. In their schools, the Yan Izala also educated women about their rights under Sharia law. This resulted in the courts in some areas being inundated with divorce proceedings after the Izala movement emerged.

Splitting and reunification

In the early 1990s, a battle broke out between two factions in the Izala movement. One was led by Ismaila Idris and the scholars of Jos, the other by Musa Mai Gandu (d. 2011), the chairman of the Executive Council, who also enjoyed the support of other mailUlamā ' who opposed Ismaila Idris , such as Rabiu Daura, the Chairman of the ʿUlamā 'Council of Kaduna State . An external factor for the rising tensions between the two factions was the Second Gulf War (1990/91), in which Ismaila Idris Iraq's invasion of Kuwait condemned, while others Yan Izala this action Saddam Hussein approved of and the stationing of American troops in Saudi Arabia rejected . Musa Mai Gandu and his followers tried to depose Ismaila Idris in 1991 on the grounds that he had embezzled funds from the organization. Conversely, Ismaila Idris and his faction excluded Musa Mai Gandu from the organization. This led to a split of the organization into two main groups with centers in Kaduna and Jos. In most Nigerian states, the Izala facilities (mosques, schools, hospitals, etc.) remained clearly assigned to one of the two factions until 2011.

The Kaduna faction no longer recognized the leader of the Jos faction and viewed Musa Mai Gandu as the head of the Izala movement as a whole. Other important sheikhs were Yusuf Sambo and Rabiu Daura, who are not so committed to the principles of Ismaila Idris. In 1995, the Kaduna faction adopted a new basic order, which was written in Arabic and entitled Niẓām ad-Daʿwa as-salafīya ("The order of the Salafi Daʿwa "). It states that the Izala movement was brought into being to invite the Muslims to return to the path of the “pious ancestors” ( as-salaf aṣ-ṣāliḥ ). The founding of the Izala movement is described at the beginning of the document as an achievement by Abubakar Gumi, while Ismaila Idris' role is ignored. Izala is described as an apolitical Sunni organization that does not rely on madhhab . The individual member of the organization is defined as Dāʿīya in the document . A dogmatic difference to the Jos faction was that the Kaduna faction no longer practiced takfīr against the Sufis and recognized them as Muslims.

After the death of Ismaila Idris, the Jos faction was headed by Sheikh Sani Yahya Jingir (born 1950), one of his former students, who was very much based on the tradition of his teacher. Jingir, who was the director of the school for higher Islamic education for ten years, was head of the ʿUlamā 'council of Jos and was also very present in the mass media. His printed and verbal recorded fatwas circulated among his followers. In 2004 the Jos group adopted a new constitution. This document clearly presented Ismaila Idris as the founder of the Izala movement and emphasized his importance as the organization's greeting mufti. The members of the Jos faction intensified the original exclusivism of the Izala movement and also turned it against the supporters of the Kaduna faction, whom they accused of rebellion and apostasy from Islam.

As early as 1991 there were first attempts to bring the two Izala factions back together, with the governor of the central bank playing an important role. 2004 called Ahmad Gumi, the son of Abubakar Gumi, the two factions on, to seek a reunion, and in 2006 the "Community of the Sunnis in West Africa" (undertook Ǧamā'at Ahl al-Sunnah fī Garb IFRIQIYA ) based in Ghana an Another attempt to bring the two factions back into conversation. However, all of these initiatives were unsuccessful. The two Izala factions only reunited at a summit in Abuja in December 2011. Since December 15, 2011, Abdullahi Bala Lau has been the national chairman of the Izala organization. Muhammad Sani Yahaya Jingir was simultaneously replaced as chairman of the ʿUlamā 'council by Ibrahim Jalo Jalingo, while Muhammad Kabiru Gombe was appointed national secretary general.

financing

The Friday mosques that the Yan Izala built in the early days were mostly financed by wealthy traders and entrepreneurs or by Saudi and Kuwaiti donors. Abubakar Gumi was the liaison to the Saudi and Kuwaiti donors. Since he had the financial means of the Yan Izala, no politics within the organization were possible against his will. Today, JIBWIS relies primarily on donations from its members and supporters in the implementation of its projects. In 2009 the Jos association collected over 10 million naira (approx. 50,000 €) and 665 sacks of grain through their newly founded Zakāt board.

Izala and Nigerian Society

Spread and social base

The Izala movement won many followers, especially among the modern Muslim elites of the Nigerian north and the new immigrants from the metropolitan areas; In contrast, it is rather weakly represented within the actual core areas of the Hausa - Fulbe Society. An important category of izala pendants consists of artisans and small traders. The organization's criticism of the expenses for the bride price, naming ceremonies and the celebration of Islamic festivals was particularly welcomed by the poorer strata of northern Nigeria. The movement has few supporters in rural areas. Most of their clientele comes from urban areas.

Another important pillar of the Yan Izala leadership were financiers from commerce, banking and commerce. For many of them Gumi had a similar function as Niass for the Tijaniyyah had affiliated dealer: He cared for their spiritual well by their sadaqa headed -Spenden in charitable projects of Yan Izala.

Intellectual attacks on the brotherhoods

The Yan Izala criticized the customs of the Sufi brotherhoods in particular in the 1980s and 1990s. The exclusion of Tarīqa followers from the Muslim community was one of the main themes in the sermons of members of the organization shortly after JIBWIS was founded.

The attacks of the Yan Izala were directed in the first time against the Tijaniya, who were more strongly represented in the northern areas than the Qādirīya and in which there were internal tensions because of controversial teachings. The intellectual attacks of the Yan Izala on the Tijānīya related not only to the prayer litany ṣalāt al-fāti ihr, but also to their main work Ǧawāhir al-maʿānī , in which the sayings of Ahmad at-Tijānī are explained and which he himself traced back to an inspiration of the Prophet. A key role in the attacks against the Tijaniya was played by the Malam Dahiru Maigari, who held a leading position in this brotherhood, but then left it under the influence of Gumi and became a follower of Izala. In his book entitled at-Tuḥfa as-sanīya bi-tauḍīḥ aṭ-ṭarīqa at-Tiǧānīya ("The Precious Gift to Explain the Tijānīya"), Dahiru Maigari openly attacked the Brotherhood as a Bidʿa.

In February 1987, the Yan Izala also attacked the Qādirīya for the first time by denouncing a book attributed to their founder, ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī , in which it was claimed that this god "saw". According to the Yan Izala implied that that al-Jilani godlike properties have what a violation of Islamic Tawheed is concept.

Escalation of violence

The Yan Izala contributed to an escalation of violence in northern Nigeria between 1978 and 1980 through their attempts to gain control of Friday mosques that were in the hands of the brotherhoods. Between June 1978 and December 1980 there were at least 34 clashes between Izala and the brotherhoods. Police intervened on most of them, and many died.

The Yan Izala continued to use force against the Sufi brotherhoods until the late 1980s. There were repeated occupations of Tarīqas mosques, disruption of their events and holding mass rallies with the aim of intimidation. In Zaria City , Funtua, and some parts of Kaduna and Jos, they armed themselves with knives and attempted to use force to prevent the Tijanīs from performing their wazīfa rituals. Because of the conflict between the Sufi brotherhoods and the Yan Izala, the work of the Jamaat Nasril Islam (JNI) also came to a standstill.

In order to curb the violence, agreements have been concluded at the local level on the rotation of mosques at different times. Even minor disputes could lead to renewed outbreaks of violence. During Ramadan in 1988, for example , violent unrest broke out in the Zuru district of Sokoto state because on one day both the Yan Izala and the Sufi brotherhoods claimed to use the local Friday mosque.

The reaction of the brotherhoods

With their criticism of the customs of the Sufi brotherhoods, the Yan Izala provided many Muslim believers with religious justification to break away from their Sufi sheikhs. The aggression of the Yan Izala resulted in many Tijans in Kaduna and Plateau turning away from their brotherhood or staying away from their activities. Some Tijanis also joined the Yan Izala and became militant supporters of the organization. In some areas, Tijaniya activities came to a complete standstill and mosques were taken over by the Yan Izala. In contrast to the Tijānīya, the Qādirīya reacted to the attacks by the Yan Izala with unity: They held fast to the Dhikr ceremonies and also to the celebrations for the birthday of ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī.

In order not to lose their influence on the Muslims to the Yan Izala, the Sufi brotherhoods Qādirīya and Tijānīya allied and started a propagandistic counter-offensive. For a first joint initiative took place in Ilorin , where in 1978 the two scholars' Ali Abubakar Jabata from the Tijaniyyah and Muhammad Ibrahim an-Nufawi from the Qadiriya on behalf of the Emir's Council Scripture Raf' aš-šubuhāt'Amma fī-Qadiriya wa-t Tiǧānīya min aš-šaṭaḥāt ("The lifting of doubts about the mystical sayings of the Qādirīya and Tijānīya"). In it, they accused the supporters of the Yan Izala, who they called Wahhabis , of causing unrest among the Muslims with their actions, and recommended that they should rather take care of the Christians. They also claimed that many of the Yan Izala leaders received a Western upbringing and lost their faith. With this they themselves entered a new Jāhilīya .

The Maitatsine riots that broke out in Kano in December 1980 and then spread to Maiduguri and Kaduna (1982), Yola (1984) and Gombe (1985) gave the leaders of the Sufi brotherhoods an opportunity for new attacks on an intellectual level by namely, they brought the emergence of this sect in connection with the Yan Izala. They also argued that the one-sided emphasis on the Koran proves the identity of the Yan Tatsine and the Yan Izala. In order not to be lumped together with the insurgents, the Yan Izala revised their Koranism during this time. It also temporarily refrained from attacking the Sufi brotherhoods. This led many of the radical youthful followers to leave the Yan Izala and join the Muslim Students' Society , which they saw as more consistent. The Izala movement lost its expansive momentum after 1981.

Sheikh Ibrahim Salih, a scholar of the Tijānīya from Maiduguri, wrote the work at-Takfīr aḫṭar bidʿa tuhaddid as-salām (“The takfīr is the most dangerous bidʿa that threatens peace”) in the early 1980s , in which he based the takfīr The Yan Izala strategy condemned and argued that such accusations are principally directed against whoever utters them, because through them he becomes kaafir. With this book, Ibrahim Salih triggered violent reactions on the part of the Yan Izala, whereupon he published a second book in 1986 in which he expanded and defended his arguments. This book was entitled al-Muġīr ʿalā šubuhāt ahl al-ahwā wa-akāḏīb al-munkir ʿalā Kitāb at-Takfīr ("The attacker on the errors of those who follow their whims and on the lies of those who read the book at- Takfīr questions ”). Ibrahim Salih also criticized the fact that the Yan Izala had left the mosques to build their own mosques. He tried to rebut the criticism of the Yan Izala against the Ǧawāhir al-maʿānī by declaring the versions of the work used in Nigeria to which this criticism referred to be falsified. Indeed, with this line of reasoning, he succeeded in developing a strategy that the Yan Izala could not refute.

In addition, the conflict with the Yan Izala was also violent. Already in 1978 the two scholars Jabata and an-Nufawi founded the joint organization Dschamāʿat as-Sūfīya ("Community of Sufis") in Ilorin for the fight against the Yan Izala . In Kano a local fighting organization of the two brotherhoods with the name Jund Allaah was founded, which called for a "total war" against the Yan Izala. In the dispute with the Yan Izala, the movement of Fityān al-Islām ("Young Men of Islam"), which was developed from 1978 under the leadership of Dahiru Bauchi into a joint fighting organization of Tijānīya and Qādirīya, also made a name for itself. They were responsible for most of the clashes with the Yan Izala until the late 1980s. The Fityān al-Islām had their base in Kano and established branches across the country, but concentrated on the north and the regions where the Izala movement was particularly noticeable: Kaduna, Zaria and Plateau. Like the Yan Izala, the Fityān-al-Islām put much effort into building mosques and schools and training preachers. In June 1989, members of the Qādirīya in Kano attacked Izala preachers.

Relationship to the state

The Yan Izala do not question the existence of the state of Nigeria and are committed to the Nigerian constitution of 1979, whereby they attach particular importance to Article 25, which provides for religious neutrality for the state. In the beginning, the relationship with the state actors was mainly shaped by the conflict between the Yan Izala and the Sufi brotherhoods, which was accompanied by mutual takfīr declarations. As this conflict grew worse, Muslim politicians and the military government of Olusegun Obasanjo sought mediation. After two meetings in Sokoto and Lagos, an agreement with twelve points was negotiated on February 5, 1979. This agreement, also known as the Sokoto Accord , stipulated, among other things, that the scholars on both sides should refrain from accusing each other with immediate effect. Anyone who accused someone of unbelief should be considered an unbeliever himself (point 5). As a result of the deal, the number of clashes between Yan Izala and the Sufi brotherhoods decreased in 1979, but the conflict broke out again after the elections in late 1979. The reason for this was also that Izala and the brotherhoods interpreted the individual points of the agreement very differently.

Both Shehu Shagari (1979–1983) and General Muhammadu Buhari (1984–1985) came from families with Sufi connections and were therefore opposed to the Izala movement. Open-air sermon events, such as the Izala especially cultivated, were banned under Shagari. After Abubakar Gumi fell out of favor with Buhari, the Yan Izala experienced a wave of state repression. The secret service acted openly against the organization, and numerous influential sponsors were jailed. Only after the overthrow of General Buhari by Ibrahim Babangida in August 1985 did the general conditions for the Yan Izala improve again. Ismaila Idris is now settling accounts with the regimes of Shagari and Buhari by polemicising against them in public sermons.

Despite mass protests, JIBWIS was officially recognized by the state for the first time, through registration with the Ministry of the Interior on December 12, 1985. Abubakar Gumi was very important for the relationship of the Yan Izala to the state. With the exception of Buhari's reign, he maintained direct and personal relationships with the country's heads of state and with other leading members of the respective governments and was therefore able to intervene on behalf of the Yan Izala in some difficult situations.

When free elections took place in Nigeria for the first time in 1987, the Muslim camp was weakened by the conflict between the Sufi brotherhoods and the Yan Izala, as both sides called for candidates not to vote from the other side, but rather to switch to Christian candidates. As a result, the Muslim candidates performed particularly poorly in the elections. The Muslim politicians of the north therefore urged the Sufi brotherhoods and Yan Izala to overcome their conflict.

In recent times the Izala movement has increasingly tried to profile itself as the “protector” of Islam and Muslims in relation to the Nigerian state. In the state of Plateau , for example, it has succeeded in changing working hours in the public sector and in schools on Fridays so that Muslims can take part in Friday prayers . And when new naira banknotes without Arabic script were issued in 2007 , representatives of Jos' Izala faction sent an open letter to President Olusegun Obasanjo condemning this move as a violation of Muslim rights. When Sharia law was introduced in the northern states of Nigeria, the Yan Izala exhorted the local authorities to make full use of their criminal law.

The movement in Niger

The beginnings in Maradi

The origins of the Izala movement in Niger go back to 1982 when the businessman Malam Chaibou Ladan, a student of Abubakar Gumi, gave sermons in Maradi . By 1993, Maradi's Izala community had grown to approximately 4,000 people. Belonging to the Izala movement became an identity marker for young, wealthy alhazai traders. They criticized the marabouts for their occult practices , their "quackery" and their trade in amulets and spells as pagan practices. As in Nigeria, the emergence of the movement was a kind of rebellion against the existing Sufi authorities of Qādirīya and Tijānīya. In this respect Emmanuel Grégoire compares the Izala ideology with the challenge to the authorities of the Catholic Church by Protestantism in Christianity.

The Izalists set up their own madrasa schools in Maradi for a modern education in Arabic. The first school of this type was founded in 1987 by three students from Malam Chaibou, business people Elhaji Almou, Elhaji Issoufou and Elhaji Attaher. By 1993, seven Izala schools had been established in Maradi alone.

Spread to other areas of Niger

After the death of General Seyni Kountché in November 1987, the Izala movement gained a stronger foothold in other regions of Niger, it spread to Zinder , Agadez and Tahoua , and a second center was established in Niamey . However, the movement only operated informally.

The Yan Izala are not a completely homogeneous group in Niger. While the first supporters of the movement were largely business people, later graduates from Saudi universities who had obtained degrees in Islamic theology or Islamic law were added. Within the Yan Izala there are differences between those who received a French education and those whose educational background is Arabic. For example, while the former advocate contraception and women's rights to work outside the home, the latter insist that women do domestic work and view contraception as an affront to God.

Wa'azin Kasa

One of the most important types of Izala events in Niger is the Wa'azin Kasa (National Sermon), which takes place in changing locations and is attended by thousands of people. The first event of its kind took place in Niamey in 1992. In the following years, the number of participants in the event continued to grow. In 1996 the participants filled the General Seyni Kountché Stadium , which has around 35,000 seats. The organizers of the Izala movement see the Wa'azin Kasa as a kind of “university” in which the believers can “receive the light of knowledge and change their behavior”, as a “meeting place of ideas” as well as a place for encounters and “Islamic Solidarity". The events, at which donations are also collected for the construction of mosques and madrasas, are mainly attended by 30 to 40-year-old traders, but are generally open to everyone - men, women, children, etc. In recent years, too Increasingly Muslims from other African countries (Nigeria, Benin , Togo , Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire ) took part. In addition to this national sermon event, there are also events of this kind at regional and local level. The main topics of the sermons include the tawheed and the fight against inadmissible innovations.

The establishment of ADINI Islam

With the establishment and official approval of the ADINI Islam (Association pour la Diffusion de l'Islam au Niger) under the direction of Cheick Ahmed Yahya in January 1993, the Izala movement in Niger received its first formal framework. Malam Chaibou made sure that all Izalists join the organization. In Article 2 of its statutes, ADINI Islam defined itself as an apolitical organization that aims to mobilize the Nigerien Muslims for a widespread dissemination and redynamization of the Islamic faith, "in order to ensure the full development of the message of ALLAH".

The organization was primarily active in the field of teaching and, with financial support from Icelandic business people, built a network of Islamic madrasa schools in which children and adults of both sexes were taught religious knowledge ( Koran , Hadith , Islamic law). Learning the Arabic language as the key to understanding the religious texts is also seen as very important. In contrast to the traditional Koran schools in Niger, in which the children are usually sent to beg or work to support the school financially, the Yan Izala reject begging and oblige parents to pay school fees.

Social disputes in the 1990s

In the early 1990s, the Yan Izala in Niger were involved in violent clashes with the Sufi orders, particularly with the Tijaniya. These went so far that the political authorities were sometimes faced with the need to intervene and mediate in order to calm the minds again. In the course of the 1990s a broad movement of Izala opponents emerged, which was no longer restricted to the Sufi orders. The opponents of the Izala movement are still called Yan Darika (" Tarīqa people") in Niger , even if they do not belong to any Sufi order.

By the mid-1990s, there was a lot of turmoil in Niger over the Izala movement as its activists became more and more rigorous in advocating the application of Sharia law. In Dogondoutchi , girls who did not follow the dress code promoted by the movement or who sang were physically attacked by Yan Izala. Another point that the Yan Izala made many enemies of during this period was their struggle against local practices related to twin births . The opponents of the Yan Izala then spread many rumors about them, including that the Izala would kill the firstborn in the event of twin births. The Yan Izala were also seen as a threat to the traditional social order because they did not recognize traditional religious authorities and abandoned table fellowship with their parents and relatives if they did not also follow the Izala teachings.

One of the main opponents of the Izala movement in Niger was the preacher Mahamane Awal, who is respectfully called Malam Awal ("Master Awal"). Due to his great rhetorical skills and his charismatic personality, he was a sought-after guest speaker in the 1990s among the Nigerien elites who were critical of the Izala movement. He accused the Yan Izala of misusing the Qur'an for dishonest and selfish purposes and offered local Muslims a middle ground between the rigid intolerance of the Yan Izala and the oppressive financial demands of traditional Muslim clergy. In response to the Yan Izala's efforts to provide moral education to women, he also placed the Islamic morality of women at the center of his sermon.

Prohibition of ADINI Islam and establishment of successor organizations

In November 2000 the ADINI government banned Islam for involvement in protests against the Festival International de la Mode en Afrique . Thereupon a group of young Muslims split off from her and founded the Al Islam Kitab wa Sunna association ("Islam consists of the book [= Koran] and the Sunna ") under the direction of Sulayman Isa Umar. Those who remained loyal to Cheick Yahya soon founded the new Ihyau Sunna association . It took its seat in the Boukoki district in Niamey. Ihyau Sunna also has its own Friday mosque in the neighborhood , where sermons are regularly given. The Al Islam Kitab wa Sunna association , which was officially recognized by the government in 2002, has its center ( Markaz ) in the Soni district. This has its own library and is visited a lot, especially on Thursday evenings, when the most important sermon is being held there.

The government of Tandja Mamadou (1999-2010) has cracked down on the Izala movement in recent years as a result of its partnership with the US in the war on terror .

Membership and Identification

Belonging to Izala as a movement or religious organization does not require initiation , ritual , admission form or any membership fees in Nigeria . Masquelier found the same for Niger. Belonging to the Izala movement is shown here only by praying in the mosques concerned and by adopting the visible signs of the Izala identity. These include a beard , turban and a simple jaba (knee-length shirt with long sleeves that is worn over trousers). In Niger, the Izala were also mocked as masu geme ("those with the beards") because of their long, pointed beards . In Nigeria, male Izala members sometimes wear traditional clothing, but sometimes also Western clothing with pants, shirts, etc.

Female Izala members in Nigeria adhere to stricter wrapping rules by covering the head, neck and ears than non-Izala women who use only a scarf to hide their hair outside the home. In Niger, Izala women wore the hijabi , a coat that covers their body from head to ankles, from the early 1990s . It was considered a sign of their affiliation with the Izala movement. Izala preachers admonished parents to let their daughters wear the hijabi when they were four or five years old . The female obligation to veil was perceived as one of the main differences between Yan Izala and Yan Darika in the 1990s, but the exclusive character of hijabi has weakened in the years since, as non-Izala women increasingly wear it as a symbol of piety. The hijabi is no longer the defining element of female Izala identity.

literature

  • Ramzi Ben Amara: The Izala Movement in Nigeria: Its Split, Relationship to Sufis and Perception of Sharīʿa Re-Implementation . Dissertation University of Bayreuth, 2011. Digitized
  • Ramzi Ben Amara: "Shaykh Ismaila Idris (1937-2000), the founder of the Izala movement in Nigeria" in Annual Review of Islam in Africa 11 (2012) 74-78.
  • Ramzi Ben Amara: "'We Introduced sharīʿa' - The Izala Movement in Nigeria as Initiator of sharīʿa-reimplementation in the North of the Country: Some Reflections" in John A. Chesworth and Franz Kogelmann (eds.): Sharia in Africa Today: Reactions and Responses . Brill, Leiden, 2014. pp. 125-145.
  • Emmanuel Grégoire: "Islam and the identity of merchants in Maradi (Niger)" in Louis Brenner (ed.): Muslim identity and social change in Sub-Saharan Africa . Hurst & Company, London, 1993. pp. 106-115.
  • Ousmane Kane: Muslim modernity in postcolonial Nigeria: a study of the Society of Removal of Innovation and Reinstatement of Tradition . Brill, Leiden 2003.
  • Ousmane Kane: "Izala: The Rise of Muslim Reformism in Northern Nigeria" in Martin E. Marty (ed.): Accounting for fundamentalisms: the dynamic character of movements . University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1994. pp. 490-512.
  • Roman Loimeier: "Confrontation in the Islamic Camp" in Jamil Abun-Nasr (Ed.): Muslims in Nigeria: Religion and Society in Political Change since the 1950s . Lit, Münster, 1993. pp. 127-164. Here pp. 145–149 and pp. 152–157.
  • Roman Loimeier: Islamic Renewal and Political Change in Northern Nigeria. The conflict between the Sufi brotherhoods and their opponents since the late 1950s . Lit, Münster 1993. pp. 162-231. - English translation: Islamic Reform and Political Change in Northern Nigeria . Evanston 1997. pp. 207-324.
  • Roman Loimeier: “Islamic reform and political change. The example of Abubakar Gumi and the Yan Izala movement in Northern Nigeria “in David Westerlund and Eva E. Rosander (eds.): African Islam and Islam in Africa. Encounters between Sufis and Islamists . Athens OH 1997. pp. 286-307.
  • Roman Loimeier: “Islamic reform in twentieth-century Africa”. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2016. pp. 160-172.
  • Adeline Masquelier : Women and Islamic Revival in a West African Town . Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 2009. pp. 88-101.
  • Olivier Meunier: Les voies de l'Islam au Niger dans le Katsina indépendant du XIX e au XX e siècle . Publications scientifiques du Muséum, Paris, 1998. pp. 111-139.
  • Alhadji Bouba Nouhou: Islam et politique au Nigeria. Genèse et evolution de chariʾa . Karthala, Paris, 2005. pp. 176-183.
  • YA Quadri: “A Study of the Izalah, a Contemporary Anti-Sufi Organization in Nigeria” in Orita, The Ibadan Journal of Religious Studies 17/2 (1985) 95-108.
  • Elisha P. Renne: “Educating Muslim Women and the Izala Movement in Zaria City, Nigeria” in Islamic Africa 3/1 (April 2012) pp. 55–86.
  • Abdoulaye Sounaye: “Izala au Niger. Une alternative de communauté religieuse, ”in Laurent Fourchard, Odile Goerg, and Muriel Gomez-Perez (eds.): Les lieux de sociabilité urbaine en Afrique . Paris 2009, pp. 481-500. PDF
  • Abdoulaye Sounaye: “Heirs of the sheikh. Izala and its appropriation of Usman Dan Fodio in Niger ”in Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 206-7 (2012) 427-47. PDF
  • Muhammad Sani Umar: "Changing Islamic Identity in Nigeria from the 1960s to the 1980s: From Sufis to anti-Sufism" in Louis Brenner (ed.): Muslim identity and social change in Sub-Saharan Africa . Hurst & Company, London, 1993. pp. 154-178. Pp. 167-175.
  • Muhammad Sani Umar: “Education and Islamic Trends in Northern Nigeria: 1970s – 1990s” in Africa Today 48/2 (2001) 127–150.
  • Halkano Abdi Wario and Ramzi Ben Amara: "Door to door daʿwa in Africa: dynamics of proselytization in Yan Izala and Tablīghī Jamāʿat" in Afe Adogame and Shobana Shankar (eds.): Religion on the move! New dynamics of religious expansion in a globalizing world. Brill, Leiden, 2013. pp. 159-177.
  • Maïkorema Zakari: "La naissance et le développement du mouvement Izala au Niger" in Jean-Louis Triaud a. a. (eds.): Islam, sociétés et politique en Afrique subsaharienne. Les exemples du Sénégal, you Niger et you Nigeria . Les Indes savantes, Paris 2007. pp. 51-74.

Web links

supporting documents

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  2. ^ Masquelier: Women and Islamic Revival in a West African Town . 2009, p. 13.
  3. ↑ Ben Amara: The Izala Movement in Nigeria . 2011, pp. 232, 238.
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  6. ^ Loimeier: Islamic reform and political change. 1997, p. 296.
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  8. ↑ a b Ben Amara: The Izala Movement in Nigeria . 2011, p. 218.
  9. ↑ Quadri: “A Study of the Izalah, a Contemporary anti-Sufi Organization in Nigeria” 1985, pp. 97f.
  10. ^ Masquelier: Women and Islamic Revival in a West African Town . 2009, p. 295.
  11. ^ Masquelier: Women and Islamic Revival in a West African Town . 2009, pp. 80, 293, 302.
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  19. ↑ A German translation of the statutes, which was originally written in Hausa , is provided by Loimeier: Islamische Erneuerung . 1993, pp. 252-262.
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