Gheriat el-Garbia castle

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Gheriat el-Garbia castle
Alternative name Myd ... ; Castra Madensia (?)
limes Limes Tripolitanus
front Limes line
Dating (occupancy) a) AD 201
to around AD 275
b) at the earliest after AD 360/380 until AD 455 at the latest.
Type Fort
unit a) Tribe unit (201–238): Vexillation of the Legio III Augusta
b) unknown (238 – around 275)
c) Milites munifices (?) (at the earliest after 360/380 – at the latest 455)
size Internal dimensions: 176 × 128 m
(= 2.25 ha)
External dimensions: 181 × 133 m
(= 2.40 ha)
Construction stone
place al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah
Geographical location 30 ° 25 ′ 13.1 ″  N , 13 ° 25 ′ 9 ″  E
height 518  m
Previous Small fort Gheriat esh-Shergia (east)
Subsequently Mizda Castle (northwest)
The Limes Tripolitanus with the Gheriat el-Garbia fort

The fort Gheriat el-Garbia (preserved Latin name remnant Myd ... ) is a Roman military camp of the principate , whose crew was responsible for security and surveillance tasks on the front Limes Tripolitanus , a deeply tiered system of forts and military posts in the Roman province of Africa proconsularis . The remains of the fortification are considered to be the best preserved of a fort on the outer Tripolitan border and are located almost 280 kilometers south of Tripoli and north of the oasis al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah on the edge of the rocky desert Hammada al-Hamra in the municipality of al-Jabal al- Gharbi in Libya . The importance of the fort is also evident from the rank of a camp commandant who, as Primus Pilus, was the highest-ranking centurion of Legio III Augusta . The important ancient monuments with its uniquely preserved buildings fell victim to several senseless destruction in many details, especially during the second half of the 20th century.

Surname

The Roman name for the fort and the place have only survived as a mutilated residue. So far only the first letters "Myd ..." are known. Strangely enough, "Myd ...", in contrast to the Severan vexillation forts Gholaia and Cidamus , which are also far to the south , is not mentioned either in the ancient street map Tabula Peutingeriana or in the imperial street directory Itinerarium Antonini .

location

The stony plateau of the Hammada al-Hamra must have been sparsely populated at all times. Therefore, important localities were only built around this natural barrier. These include Mizda, which was also settled in Roman times, and Gheriat el-Garbia, 160 kilometers south-east. The oasis of Gheriat el-Garbia on Wadi Tula, which is surrounded by an arid stone desert, was in the past an important point of contact for caravans who traveled through the surrounding vast wasteland with its inhospitable wadis. The Wadi Tula is a small southern tributary to the important Wadi ZemZem. It runs from south to north and flows into a larger branch of Wadi Zemzem. The oasis with the fort is located on a stony plateau, which is divided by deeply incised, differently wide wadis with their sometimes heavily branched and usually much narrower branches. Due to strong erosion, only undemanding, low-growing plants find a habitat. In the valley area of ​​the Wadis Tula, where moisture can stick to the ground, thorn bushes as well as individual acacias and tamarisks grow . The terrain in the oasis area slopes down relatively steeply around 25 meters to the tributaries of Wadi Tula. Erosively formed limestone debris of various sizes litter the slopes. They come from a horizontal band of limestone up to three meters thick, which consists of several layers and emerges close to the plateau surface.

Geomorphological field research, which was undertaken in 1981 as part of the UNESCO archaeological investigations into the extraordinary Roman era upswings in desert agriculture, showed that the spring water only rises to the surface at one point in the oasis. The steeply structured limestone slopes on both sides of the wadi, together with other indications, suggest a once higher groundwater level, although this period cannot be absolutely dated. However, an important finding of the research was that the source of the oasis of Gheriat el-Garbia must be considered an essential basis for the ancient agriculture on site.

The German scholar Heinrich Barth (1821–1865), who visited the oasis for one day in 1850 on his research trip undertaken on behalf of the British government, later wrote: “The monotonous stony plain over which our path led seemed so endless that Fears were raised that we would have taken an excursion that we could not finish in a single day ... "After he and his two colleagues had passed the Roman Burgus north of the oasis , they came across the then already" half-ruined apartments "and" miserable rubble huts of the village ”. Barth learned from the locals - including just under 30 men capable of weapons - that there had often been robbery attacks, which were probably responsible for the decline of the oasis. Caravans would also avoid the small town, as they viewed the water as unhealthy. At that time, some wheat and barley were grown alongside dates. In the 1970s, today's oasis town was laid out as planned outside the fort walls.

View up to the limestone plateau with the remains of the fort (2006)

The fort was strategically located on one of the most important north-south long-distance trade routes. This caravan route stretched from the Tripolitan Mediterranean coast to Fessan , the land of the Garamanten , and continued to black Africa. The fortification was built on a southwest-oriented plateau-like rock spur around 30 meters above the oasis to the west and above the Wadi Tula that runs there. The limestone plateau dominated by the fort, which descends around two meters from northeast to southwest, is around 150 meters wide and 300 meters long. The slopes of the spur drop steeply by 15 to 20 meters to the northwest, southeast and southwest. The extensive oasis with a spring that is active all year round is located in the valley floor. Only in front of the praetorial front of the fort to the northeast is a plateau strewn with boulders, which runs north-east onto another plateau around 20 meters higher with a sloping slope. Up there, three Roman-era foundations, including at least one temple, could be located opposite the fort. The Roman Burgus, already described by Barth in this section of the text, stood still further to the northeast .

There were only three ways to get to the exposed fort plateau. On the southwest side, up to the rear gate of the fort, the Porta decumana , the excavators under Mackensen found inclined and sometimes stepped entrances carved into the rock. The picture on the south-eastern flank was very similar. There the ascent was near the eastern corner of the Praetorial Front and a denaranima of the Empress Julia Domna (196/211) was found on the rock during the uncovering . The third path also led from the valley of Wadi Tula to the Praetorial Front. The archaeologists identified a six-meter-wide route carved into the rock around 260 meters north of the main gate on the erosion slopes rising in this area. In its central area, this path was laid out as a sloping surface, while there are steps on the sides.

Research history

A problem for the archaeological research was the fact that by the middle of the 20th century a Berber settlement had built over two thirds of the fort area. As a result, large parts of the fencing and almost the entire interior development, such as the staff building (Principia) and the crew barracks, fell victim to the stone robbery. In addition, during the had World War II during the North African Campaign an Italian command the area of Praetentura , the front bearing of the castle, together with the well-preserved still the main gate (Porta Praetoria) occupied and had been bombed from the air there.

The first explorer to refer to the ruins as the remains of a Roman fort was Heinrich Barth. Although he recognized the northeastern Porta praetoria as the main gate of the camp, he wrote that he could not find any traces of the fort itself. The Berber village built above the garrison had obviously irritated Barth to see the remaining remains of the camp. After Barth's visit in 1850 and its publication in 1857, scientific research showed little interest in the fort square. In the compendium on the inscriptions of the Roman Tripolitania by the archaeologist John Bryan Ward-Perkins (1912–1981) and the philologist Joyce Reynolds , only three texts are dedicated to Gheriat el-Garbia.

It was only through the work of the British provincial Roman archaeologist Richard Goodchild (1918–1968) in the 1950s that Gheriat el-Garbia was placed in the focus of scientific discussions. Goodchild, who personally visited the fort area in the spring of 1953 after an aerial survey in 1950, recognized many other surviving Roman structures. Among other things, he was able to identify three of the four camp gates. His plan of the facility created at that time remained the standard until the research by the UNESCO Libyan Valleys Archaeological Survey in 1981. In his time the Berber village inside the fort was largely deserted. In 1959, the British archaeologist Denys Haynes (1913-1994) visited. Several Roman inscriptions from the oasis were published in the 1960s by the Italian archaeologist Antonino Di Vita (1926–2011). Among them was the important building inscription from 198 to 201 in 1966, as well as some gravestones of Roman military and civilian people, which were visibly built in 1964 on the edge of the oasis at the then newly built mosque in the area of ​​the outer walls.

The fortification was established in 1980 as part of the UNESCO Farming the Desert program. The UNESCO Libyan Valleys Archaeological Survey is the subject of a brief but revealing study. In the autumn of 1981, the British archaeologists Derek A. Welsby and David J. Mattingly carried out more detailed research during a two-day stay . At that time, extensive prospecting and detailed measurements were carried out at the fort and at the modern oasis location. Welsby also used the data to create a new overall plan for the fort and identified the Porta decumana and two intermediate towers (2 and 4). In 1988 Welsby pointed out the fact that he had worked out that the two Tripolitan forts Gheriat el-Garbia and Gholaia, which were built almost simultaneously by the vexillations of the Legio III Augusta, are also the best-preserved military architectural models of the Princely era in stone construction .

Infrastructural and logistical problems always stood in the way of the will to undertake scientific excavations at this important garrison location. It is therefore thanks to the preliminary work of the German provincial Roman archaeologist Michael Mackensen and his subsequent excavation management that the first comprehensive field archaeological investigations and excavations were made possible in the spring of 2009 as part of a German-Libyan project. This program, which ran until 2010 , was sponsored by Mackensen as part of the “LMUexcellent” future concept of the Ludwig Maximilians University in Munich . The first campaign took place from March 15th to May 3rd, 2009. These first investigations focused on an extensive field inspection, during which extensive ceramic shards were picked up, most of which could be assigned to the 3rd century AD. At the same time, a topographical survey of the high plateau dominated by the fort was carried out using a tachymeter and a geophysical preliminary exploration of the area to be examined. During the excavations, the excavators initially focused on the Porta praetoria , which was buried up to 1.80 meters high, and the partial uncovering of a Roman temple with an apse built around 200 meters outside the main gate on the opposite plateau. Further research focused on the steps leading to the garrison over the steeply sloping plateau sides and the localization of nearby ancient quarries. In the period from October 4 to November 10, 2009, the work concentrated on the one hand on the previously recovered ceramics and on the other hand on the processing and documentation of selected find complexes from the first excavation campaign. With the third excavation campaign, which ran from April 21 to June 30, 2010, the main focus was on three areas within the fort walls. These were the northern praetentura , the principia and the porta decumana . In a final excavation campaign of this project, the scientists supplemented their previous investigations in the area of ​​the four camp gates, the two best-preserved intermediate towers and on selected sections of the surrounding wall and completed the documentation. In addition, the five temples located on the plateau northeast of the fort and a two-chamber cistern north of the north ceiling of the fort were measured. In the area of ​​the cistern a canal covered with stone slabs could also be added, which flowed into the wadi to the north. In 2010, the classical archaeologist Johannes Einartner took over the documentation of the Roman architectural elements as well as the architectural ornamentation from the fort area and the temple plateau. while the Academic Director of the Technical University of Munich , Manfred Stephani , devoted himself to the geodetic survey taking into account the TerraSAR-X data. Nadja Pöllath , who works at the Institute for Paleoanatomy at LMU Munich, processed the recovered animal bones and other fauna remains, while the Spanish archaeobotanist Jacob Morales from the University of Las Palmas de Gran Canaria took over the botanical remains recovered in 2009.

Building history

Overall plan of the excavation results by 2010

Due to its size, Mattingly considered it possible to assume an important fort in Gheriat el-Garbia, which was probably more important than the one further to the east, with 138 × 93 meters (= 1.38 hectares) also around half the smaller Gholaia. Mattingly thought about whether the headquarters of the Praepositus limitis Tripolitanae , the border guard commander ( Praepositus ) of the region, could be identified in Gheriat el-Garbia . Important building material for the fort was obtained from a quarry, which is located immediately north of the Praetorial Front in the slope area rising there.

Mackensen considers it an important finding not to simply generalize across the empire the evidence of the construction and the rise of Tripolitan forts, which were built in the area of ​​command and influence of the respective governors by the Legio III Augusta. In this way, the archaeologist conveys the scenario that the floor plans of Gholaia and Gheriat el-Garbia, designed almost simultaneously in the Legion's North African military planning office, were based on prototypes that corresponded to the current legionary camps.

Dating and mid-imperial troop

During the reign of Emperor Septimius Severus (193-211) a large military expansion program was started on the Limes Tripolitanus and the border was moved far to the south. During this phase of aggressive expansion, Roman armies mostly advanced along important Trans-Saharan routes and at the same time pushed the imperial border up to the edge of the desert. With the expansion of weir systems along the newly created Limes line, this period of expansive geographical expansion in Tripolitania was completed.

The epigraphic evidence from Gheriat el-Garbia shows that the fort was most likely built at the same time as Gholaia. Both forts were built under Quintus Anicius Faustus , the governor of Numidia at the time. After Gholaia dislocated vexillation in Lambaesis stationed III Legio Augusta had reached the place of January 24, 201 and quickly started to build the castle. In the same year, the four gates of the system in Gholaia were ready for handover.

According to Di Vitas publications on the inscriptions from Gheriat el-Garbia, it could almost certainly be assumed that the Legio III Augusta would also be vexilated as a local troop . For example, Mattingly 1994 saw their local garrison time at least until the reign of Emperor Gordian III. (238–244) as secured. The discovery of a base for a robed statue of the empress mother Julia Mamaea († 235), which was found in the late antique walled main entrance of the Porta praetoria , which was probably dated to the time of 222/223 AD, was fully emphasized and confirmed in retrospect the reflections on the regular troops deployed in Gheriat el-Garbia. The inscription on the statue base not only mentions a vexillation of the Legio III Augusta Pia Vindex Severiana and their commanders and camp commanders at the time, the Centurio Aelius Crescentinus, a Primus Pilus, but also the first three letters of the abbreviated place and fort name Myd ... :

[[[Iuliae] Mamaea]] e
[[[mat] ri Aug (usti) n (ostri)]]
[[[Imp (eratoris)] M (arci) Aur (eli) Severi]]
[[[Ale] xandri Pii F]] e (licis)
[[[Aug (usti) mil (ites)] vexil]] la-
[[[tio (nis)] leg (ionis) III A [u] g (ustae)]] P ( iae) V (indicis)
[[[Se] verianae]]
pretendentes Myd (…) | devoti numini
m [a] iestatiq (ue) eorum
cu [r] ante Aelio Cre-
[sce] ntino | (centurione) p (rimo) p (ilo)

Translation: “The Julia Mamaea, mother of our Augustus, the Emperor Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander, the dutiful, happy Augustus. The vexillation soldiers of the III. Legion Augusta, the conscientious, protective, the Severi, who are stationed for protection in Myd (...), surrender to his (the imperial) power and majesty. (The list) was done by Aelius Crescentinus, Centurion Primus Pilus. "

The building inscription, important for the history of the fort's founding, which was created between 198 and 201 and was recovered in a secondary location on the south corner of the fortification, reads with small changes that do not follow the version presented by Di Vita, but rather edited by the German epigrapher Rudolf Haensch were:

[I] mpp (eratoribus) Caess (aribus) L (ucio) Se [ptimio Severo Pio Pertin-]
ace Aug (usto) et M (arco) Aur [elio Antonino Aug (usto) et P (ublio) Sep-]
[ [timio Geta Cae [s (are)]]] [Aug (usto) Q (uinto) Anicio Fausto leg (ato)]
Au ggg (ustorum) pr (o) pr (aetore) co (n) s (ule) v [exillatio leg (ionis) III Aug (ustae) P (iae) V (indicis)]

Translation: “To the emperors (and) Caesars to Augustus Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax and to Augustus Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and to the Caesars and Augustus Publius Septimius Geta . Quintus Anicius Faustus , the representative governor, the vexillation of the III. Legion Augusta, the conscientious, protective. "

Due to their loyalty to Emperor Maximinus Thrax and his Numidian governor Capelianus , who remained loyal to him, during the suppression of the usurper Gordian I (238), the subsequent Emperor Gordian III. dissolve the Legio III Augusta and erase the name of the Legion from all accessible inscriptions. After the Legio III Augusta was broken up, an auxiliary unit may have moved into Gheriat el-Garbia. A milestone from the reign of Emperor Aurelian (270–275), dated to the year 275 AD, and discovered south of Garian , could indicate that either Fort Mizda or Gheriat el-Garbia at this point in time was still used by the Roman army. Unfortunately, in contrast to the ancient route running north through the Upper Sofeggin, one of the most important and largest dry valleys in Tripolitania, no milestones have yet been discovered on the route between Mizda and Gheriat el-Garbia. It is possible that the road to Gheriat el-Garbia, which was previously unrecognizable from an archaeological point of view, was just an unmarked sand track. The abandonment of the Gholaia fort can be dated relatively precisely to the time around 259/263. Subsequently, the Limes area there was relocated to the north. Perhaps such a scenario can also be assumed for Gheriat el-Garbia, a few day trips to the west. The ceramic shards documented by Mattingly as reading finds seemed to confirm the determination of a temporary use of the fort site in the third century. More precisely fixed to the time from 198/201 to around 260/270. After looking through the ceramics collected during the UNESCO program, neither Mattingly nor the British archaeologist John Dore could argue for an earlier or later Roman use of the square due to a lack of historical sources or archaeological findings, even if they found the few ceramic fragments from the 4th and 5th centuries. Century, which also belonged to the recovered finds, considered interesting.

Border guard commanders of the Vexillatio Legionis III Augustae in Gheriat el-Garbia (201–238)

Surname rank Time position comment
Aelius Crescentinus Centurion Primus Pilus approx. 222/223 AD is named in an honorary inscription for the empress mother Julia Mamaea
Marcus A (...) Centurion and Praepositus vexillationis 222/235 AD is mentioned on a building inscription

A few surviving inscriptions from the burial ground of Gheriat el-Garbia report, among other things, simple soldiers of the Legio III Augusta. The still clearly identifiable members of the military are Marius Ianuarius, a legionary soldier who lived for 40 years, and the soldier Claudius Maxime, who also turned 40. The soldier Titus Claudius Donatus was 52 years old, while a soldier who could only be read as “... gatus” only had 31 years of life. Mackensen has a photo and a drawing of the gravestone on which a Gaius can be read instead of the mutilated "... gatus" . Iulius Rogatianus, son of Rogatianus, a horn player, lived 16 years and two months.

In contrast to the Gholaia fort, after the Legion was dissolved from 238 onwards, there was no evidence of the troops stationed in Gheriat el-Garbia. However, it can be assumed that due to the numismatic finds from the south tower of the Porta praetoria , the end of the garrison can only be assumed towards the middle or second half of the 1970s. Thus Gheriat el-Garbia was occupied longer than Gholaia. However, there are no indications of use according to 275/280 for Gheriat el-Garbia.

Enclosure

Panorama of the fort from the northeast with the Porta praetoria in the center. The oasis can be seen in the background (2006)

According to the investigations carried out in 2009 and 2010 under the direction of Mackensen, the rectangular facility had a size of 176 × 128 meters (= 2.25 hectares). and had rounded corners (playing card shape). In 1981 Mattingly and Welsby measured the remaining remains of the fort wall with a width of around 2.40 meters. As a typical military architectural element, the fencing had an eight to ten centimeter thick cornice made of flat limestone slabs and consisted of two-shell masonry, which was built partly from roughly cut rubble and partly from hand blocks. These stones were placed in a once white lime mortar with a fine pebble coating. The joints were smooth. In part, a white lime mortar plaster was still preserved, which had been painted over the jointed rubble stones and hand-cube-like stones on the outside of the surrounding wall. Elsewhere in 2010, the excavators found no such plaster. Instead, the builders painted the grout with thick, white paint. In ancient times, the fort had a dazzling white façade from the outside, although the red grout, which has often been proven in Roman military installations, was missing. The interior between the two wall shells of the fence was filled with rubble stones. The total height of the surrounding wall up to the cornice and the parapet assumed there averaged 3.50 meters. In many places the remains of the wall had been stripped of their facing bricks, only their core was still preserved.

Fort moat

Section through the moat

Since the Severan Praetorial Front was the only area of ​​the fort that was not secured by the naturally sloping, steep plateau, the Roman builders had dug a section trench there, which exposed in front of the Porta praetoria . In 2009, the excavators uncovered a 1.35 meter wide berm formed by the limestone rock. The trench itself could then be observed, which was around 2.40 meters wide and cut into the rock. The horizontally worked, 1.40 meter wide trench bottom was reached at a maximum depth of one meter. On the outside the ditch had a staircase and behind it a cheek formed by a rock rib. The filling of the ditch dates back to the late 4th or early 5th century at the earliest, but more likely even from a later, not precisely definable period. This is indicated by the edge of a late antique glass jug or jug ​​that was recovered 0.75 meters above the bottom of the trench. The three burials above, also discovered in 2009, were unfortunately disrupted during the excavations by the Tuareg excavation helpers, who were not trained in archeology, as they uncontrollably removed and reburied the excellently preserved skeletal remains. An exact stratigraphic position can no longer be determined. The late antique body burials belonged to a one to two year old girl and two fetuses . While the fetuses evidently had no gifts , the girl was given a simple bronze bangle and seven, mostly monochrome, opaque glass beads. The pieces date to the late 5th or 6th century. Due to the unfortunate circumstances of the find, the exact location of the various children in relation to one another is not known.

The ditch drained to the south-east, near the cistern and opened to the wadi. On the sloping plateau edge, the excavators uncovered a funnel-shaped, stepped canal with a slight incline, carved 0.90 meters deep into the rock, the bottom of which was 0.30 meters wide. On the surface, the straight ditch was one meter wide and covered with large limestone slabs.

Gates

The Porta praetoria before the start of the excavations in 2006. You can see the south-east tower flanking the gateway. The Praetorial Front was once secured in advance by a sectional trench
View from the west from the inside of the fort onto the unexcavated Porta praetoria (2006)
The last surviving arch on the southeast side gate of the Porta praetoria before the excavations (2006)
The image program with two goddesses of victory and eagles, which was installed in situ in 1981 and lying upside down on the ground in 2006, comes from the south-eastern side gate of the Porta praetoria . The photo has been reversed for a better view
The main gate and the south-eastern side gate in 1850. Until the 1980s, almost nothing had changed in this appearance - apart from the right side area. The stone with the two goddesses of victory is still on the left above the side entrance
As with the best-preserved intermediate tower 2, there are no entrances to the interior of the tower at ground level. Left and right of the tower are the remains of the Berber village, the "miserable rubble huts" Barths (2006)
Intermediate tower 2 was attached to the north-western defensive wall. You can see its southern side wall and the double-shell masonry of the fence (2006)

The northeastern Porta praetoria , built on the limestone rock, with its 2.20 meters protruding towers from the defensive wall association, is the most important part of the fort and is still up to ten meters high. The total of 26.70 meters wide and 7.30 meters deep had a three-lane entrance between its two flanking, 7.30 × 8.30 meter large gate towers, which was rather unusual for medieval forts, the main arch of which remained intact until 1981 and then fell. The Austrian archaeologist Erwin M. Ruprechtsberger mentioned in 1993 that the arch, which was restored under Goodchild in the 1950s, had been destroyed by a bulldozer a decade ago. This middle passage, 3.20 meters wide and 4.00 meters deep, could be used by wagons and was the widest and highest, the two side gates, 1.50 meters wide, were reserved for pedestrians. Today only the arch of the southern side gate remains, as the northern passage also collapsed between 1950 and 1980. After 1980 there was a major stone robbery at the gate. Local youths have broken out five blocks of the facade that were still in situ , as well as other blocks and two profiled arch stones and carried them away. In addition to the actual gate area, significant remains of the southeastern gate tower have been preserved. The two gate towers of the Porta praetoria have an obliquely angled floor plan with cheeks drawn in towards the gate entrance, as was also observed at the Gholaia fort and the Lambaesis legionary camp . Up to the level of the parapet, the gate was built from large, neatly hewn ashlar stones. Above that followed a masonry made of differently dimensioned stone. Here, too, there are similarities in the structure to the Porta principalis sinistra in Gholaia. Arched windows were let into Gheriat el-Garbia on the first floor of Porta praetoria . By Barth an important document is delivered to the gate: A 1857 published drawing of the then obtained and to below the profiled impost spilled center sheet shows in the upper region of the profiled keystone the externally mounted inscription PRO AFR ILL in a laurel wreath. Barth translated this shortcut with " Pro Vincia Afr ica ill ustris" what many writers took after him. A number of archaeologists, including Ruprechtsberger and Joachim Willeitner, however, saw the letters as not yet being interpreted. Mackensen describes the other Barthian discoveries at the Porta praetoria as follows. The oblong, rectangular keystone above the eastern side gate shows two opposing goddesses of victory , each with a wreath, as well as two eagles with a victory wreath sitting between them over a human figure in a triumphal chariot, only recognizable in outline. Ruprechtsberger added that he could see a barely visible tripod in the lower right square. The most recent legacies at Porta praetoria include Berber manure from the late 19th or early 20th century, modern glazed ceramics and wine bottles that belonged to the Italian military use of the fort area until 1942, and an English gasoline canister, which also dates from the 1940s .

The two portae principales of the fort, the side gates of the fortification, had a rectangular floor plan and only protruded slightly from the wall of the fence. The Roman builders used ashlar stones for these gates as well, which in 1981 had already been stolen from the protruding area of ​​the towers. The lower area of ​​the Porta principalis dextra still shows a few layers of formwork made of ashlar stones, which surrounds a core made of Opus caementicium .

The single-lane Porta decumana , the rear south-western camp gate, which was also built during the founding phase, unusually showed a third structure that was different from the other gates. It was flanked by two U-shaped towers that protruded far from the defensive wall. Welsby, who in 1981 recognized and described the gate in its entirety for the first time, also drew attention to a pillar of the front archway that was still in situ at the time . The large limestone block forming the pillar fell victim to the ongoing stone robbery between 1981 and 2009. Mackensen noticed that there were no remains of a spina or the south tower at the gate , which was completely removed in post-Roman times like the surrounding wall to the south. The results obtained showed that the gate passage was three meters wide on average. During the excavation of the gate carried out under Mackensen, an absolute measurement on the preserved north tower was possible for the first time. With a width of 5.5 meters and a length of 7.70 meters, the tower had a 1.30 meters wide, double-shell wall. Only on the narrow side facing Lagerringstrasse (Via sagularis) was the rising masonry 0.80 meters wide. The surrounding wall, which is in the middle of the gate, here 2.35 meters wide, is directly connected to the preserved U-tower through its inner and outer shell as well as the broken stone-filled interior, which proves the simultaneous construction of the gate and wall . No evidence whatsoever could be produced for an older tower. The U-tower could be entered at ground level. Its one meter wide entrance was in the gateway. There were no windows to be seen on the section of the tower rounding that was still six meters high. However, measured from the screed of the ground-level floor inside the tower, at a height of 4.55 meters, a 0.20 meter wide ledge was recognizable, which was used as a support for the wooden floor on the first floor. Spolia was built in during a late antique reinforcement at the gate. The fragment of a monumental, three-line building inscription comes from the southwest wall of a late Roman building that is directly connected to this late antique reinforcement.

[… Au] g (ustus) Ara [bicus…]
[… A] nton [inus…]
[… C] o (n) s (ul) [[[leg (ionis) III…]]]

Translation: In line one, the winning surname Arabicus given to Septimius Severus can still be read, which he wore since 195 AD, in line two the cognomen of Caracalla Antoninus can be recognized and in line three a part of the title Consul , which may be related with the consulate of the legionary legate Quintus Anicius Faustus. The first three letters of Legio III Augusta pia vindex have been erased .

Towers

One of the most important discoveries of the investigations in 1981 was the identification of eight of the original ten intermediate towers on the surrounding wall and three of the four unusually large corner towers. Two of the intermediate towers, measuring around 4.80 × 4.80 meters square, stood up to a height of around new meters. It turned out that access was only possible from the parapet at the height of the first floor. Window openings could not be found below the first floor either on the outside or inside of the towers. It must therefore be assumed that they were - as at the Porta praetoria - at the level of the first floor.

The two best-preserved towers are intermediate tower 2 and 4. Intermediate tower 2, still 8.30 meters high, from the Severan founding phase had a wall outer shell that was still 1.40 meters high above the cornice, but no window parapets or soffits could be seen . An important structural detail is that all corner and intermediate towers were built on the inside of the fort wall. Like all intermediate towers, intermediate tower 4, which is still up to 9.10 meters high in parts - also part of the Severan founding phase - was built onto the surrounding wall. Its south-eastern side wall was 2.90 meters long. Intermediate tower 4 is located on the southwest side of the wall. Its lower storey was filled with layers of rubble set in lime mortar from the start. The floor of the first floor was preserved over a length of 4.45 meters. Square openings leading through the walls can be observed above the massive base of the ground floor. These perhaps served not only as scaffolding holes and ventilation slots, but could also have been used in part for interior fittings and floors. The beginnings of a round arched window could also be observed on this tower below the cornice. The inside walls had been painted with a gray mortar.

Of the corner towers, the northern one has been best preserved. In 1981 Welsby was able to provide evidence of the height of the battlement, which has now been completely lost, in connection with this tower. This was located inside the tower at the height of the cornice that had been preserved on the outer curve of the tower at a height of 3.75 meters. This inventory was possible because a complete arched window on the outside of the tower had been preserved in the same place. The 0.65 meter wide parapet of the window is 1.20 meters above the cornice from which it can be concluded that the parapet height of the arched window should correspond to that between the battlements. The parapet height of 1.30 meters, which can be measured on the arched windows in the southern gate tower of the Porta praetoria , therefore corresponds to that of the corner tower, from which a median can be derived for the entire fort. The question of the height, shape and groove width of the battlements is more difficult to answer due to the lack of material. Mackensen was in favor of the fact that the distance between the battlements corresponded roughly to that of the arched windows in the north corner tower. Here the measure was 1.25 meters. Similar dimensions can also be taken at the Porta praetoria with 1.35 meters.

Interior development

Due to the old Berber village located in the interior of the fort, which until shortly before 1981 was inhabited by only a few people, most of the Roman buildings such as the Principia or the team barracks were almost completely destroyed by stone robbery. So Mattingly and Welsby were able to observe Roman components in the ruins of the Berber village. Furthermore, it is possible that the ancient columns reused in today's mosque ruins were originally stolen from the Principia . During Mackensen's research campaigns, the excavators were able to uncover remains of the original Severan headquarters building. Was backed up while a small portion of the rear space of escape, in particular the flags sanctuary (Aedes) , commonly on a built on the principal measurement axes of the castle, and a deviated situated space due to many parallels as office (Officium) may be interpreted. There was never an underground cellar for the troop coffers in Gheriat el-Garbia. Due to the massive medieval-modern stone robbery, neither the transverse hall running in front of the flag shrine nor the adjoining colonnade (porticus) , which must have enclosed a rectangular inner courtyard on at least three sides, could be archaeologically proven.

When looking for the crew barracks in the Praetentura , the scientists discovered that these buildings, like the Principia, had been built directly on the rock and had been removed without leaving any recognizable traces.

Between the Porta decumana and the next, northwestern intermediate tower 4, Goodchild had discovered a well shaft in the middle of the camp ring road (Via sagularis) to be expected here . According to Goodchild, the shaft, with its approximately square, 1.60 × 1.65 meter opening, reached a depth of around 35 meters. From there it should have been connected to the oasis spring via a collapsed tunnel around 300 meters long. In his work in 2009 and 2010, Mackensen was only able to prove a preserved shaft depth of 18.20 meters and was also unsuccessful in the search for a tunnel exit at the foot of the fort plateau. There is no question that a water management system via a ground-level tunnel, in which water vessels could be transported directly into the fort by means of winches, provided a significant relief for the soldiers, instead of having to carry the water over the arduous, sometimes stepped ascent to the garrison.

Underground passage

An underground corridor, only 1.10 meters high, that leads out of the fort to the south-western narrow side of the cistern in front of the north-western corner of the camp can be considered a remarkable discovery. When the excavators discovered this 0.95 to 1.10 meter wide connection, it was filled with mortar rubble and rubble stones. In the area of ​​intermediate tower 1 and very close to the northern corner of the fort, there is a level access directly to the fort wall, which is followed by a semicircular entrance to the underground passage at a depth of 1.40 meters. This passage led under the fort wall and then followed in a straight line approximately the course of the surrounding wall, past the northern corner tower and under the drain of the fort ditch, which also ran here, to the scoop opening of the southern chamber of the double cistern. In the event of attacks or sieges, the fort crew could continue to be supplied with water without being noticed.

Further garrison buildings

cistern

Double-chamber cistern, view of the northern section, status 2006 from the west

Outside the north corner of the fort, a double-chamber cistern with a size of 4.50 × 20.80 meters and a sedimentation basin and an overflow was installed. Barth had first measured the building remains found “close to the very steep slope of the wadi”. The two-meter-wide cistern is oriented with its long sides to the northeast, towards the temple plateau. In 2010, only parts of the northern area of ​​the water reservoir sunk into the adjacent rock were documented. The southern remains of the cistern are completely buried. The northern and southern chambers were separated by a 0.60 meter wide wall made of large limestone blocks. The building had a barrel vault that had collapsed today, as well as a belt arch made of large arch stones in the investigation section. Possibly the ceiling was made of Opus Caementicium . This is indicated by remains of the fall that were found in the backfilling of the southern chamber. Remnants of an uncovered sedimentation basin could be located on the northeastern narrow side. The walls of the cistern, the inner corners of which were rounded, were covered in most places with two thick layers of hydraulic mortar . The 1.45 meter wide overflow, which opened to the wadi, was outside in the northwest corner of the water reservoir. Since it was clogged over a length of 1.50 meters and there was no corresponding opening in the cistern wall, Mackensen assumed that there might be a change in planning during the construction of the cistern and that the overflow therefore never went into operation.

When it rained, water ran down from the temple plateau northeast of the fort. A large part of the precipitation was used to store water via a small wall. Perhaps the late antique inscription Ab impetu aqu [arum ---] (Inv. No. 2009/1 a. B), treated below, comes from this cistern and was placed there after floods that also caused the water reservoir to become swampy. The remains of the inscriptions were found not far from the cistern and had recently been built by the residents of the Berber village when the northern passage of the Porta praetoria was closed. An example of a building inscription on a cistern was found at the small fort Gasr Zerzi .

Military bath

In 1981 a small military bath was discovered and partially excavated at a spring on the west side of the oasis below a north-facing terrain spur. At that time, the building represented the southernmost known Roman military bath in Africa. The excavators saw the location of the bath in relation to the fort as unfavorable and came to the question of whether there were several phases of military activities in Gheriat el-Garbia. The building was designed as a row bath.

Burgus

The Burgus of Severus Alexander

Another important written document is a damaged, partly erased, but preserved building inscription, which Barth described for the first time. It was located above the lintel of a circular Roman watchtower, which he found one kilometer northeast of the fort on one of the northern slopes of the temple plateau and which is referred to in this building inscription as Burgus . Mattingly carried out an initial documentation of the tower in autumn 1981. The Burgus , which was built during the reign of Emperor Severus Alexander (222-235), has a diameter of about five meters and is still around six meters upright. A spiral staircase leads upwards via the ground level entrance. The inscription find later brought to the Museum of Antiquities in Tripoli, the content of which can be read below, was for a long time regarded as a secondary walled-up piece and incorrectly related to the fort. Barth had assumed that the tower was of Arab origin. With the locals, however, the memory of a Christian or Roman building was rightly preserved. The fort Gheriat el-Garbia was able to maintain contact with the small fort Gheriat esh-Shergia via the Burgus . In addition, the crew of Burgus was able to observe the northeast running Wadi Tula with the important long-distance trade route.

Imp (eratori) Caes (ari) M (arco) Aurel (io)
Seve [r] o [[[Alexandr] o]]
Pio Fe [l] ic [i] Aug (usto) [[[et Iuliae]]]
[[[Mamaeae Augustae matri Aug (usti)]]] et
casterum M (arcus) A [… approx. 20…]
[[[c (enturio) leg (ionis) III Aug (ustae) p (iae) v (indicis)]]] [[S [e] v]] erian (a) e pr (a) epo-
situs vex [ill] ationis leg (ionis) eius-
dem burgum [a] solo per each other
vexillationem instituit

Translation: “To the Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Severus [Alexander] (name erased) Pius Felix Augustus [and Iulia Mamaea Augusta, the mother of Augustus (Emperor)] (erased) and the military camp. Marcus A [… ?, Centurion of the Legio III Augusta pia vindex (eradicated) Sev] eriana, commander of the vexillation of the same legion, built the Burgus from the ground up through the same vexillation. "

Temple precinct

Around 220 meters northeast of the fort, the researchers of the UNESCO program examined the foundations of three isolated buildings on the plateau opposite Porta Praetoria . These structures were measured at 16 × 12 meters, 15 × 11 meters and 17 × 11 meters. The scientists speculated in 1981 that these structures could be temples and Mattingly noted the discovery of a column base at this place, which was made here in 1984. Fine ceramics could not be picked up back then. After the research program led by Mackensen, it became clear that there were a total of five temples on the plateau. The temple district was largely built in the early 3rd century and was used until late antiquity. Until 2010, only a 10.70 × 15.20 meter temple in the complex had been partially excavated. According to fragments of inscriptions, the structure, which lies almost exactly on the main survey axis of the fort, was erected in the Severan period.

Vicus and burial ground

The mid-imperial camp village ( vicus ) and the necropolis of the settlement were located near the fort . Archaeological excavations and more detailed research have not yet taken place in these areas.

Late antiquity

Probably after 360/380, i.e. in the last quarter of the 4th century or at the latest in the first quarter of the 5th century, the abandoned fort was repaired and apparently again occupied by the Roman military ( Limitanei ) . Much of what happened then is still unclear today. There seems to have been a break in use well into the 4th century, because no Tetrarchic - Constantinian finds (approx. 290-320 / 335) were recovered. Probably around 360/380 - a time that is supported by the evaluated coins - perhaps not until the last quarter of the 4th century, it can be assumed that the fort will be used again and that repairs will be carried out.

Gates

At that time, the main passage of the Porta praetoria was walled up with spoilage, among other things, and the building was used for purposes other than intended, as demonstrated by fixtures in the north tower. Find complexes from the gate date from the late 4th and first half of the 5th century. Even younger Roman cultural layers could be located in the interior of the fort in front of the south tower of the main gate in the second half of the 5th and early 6th centuries. The excavators, led by Mackensen, discovered that the interior of the blocked main passage was blocked by a layer of late Roman rubble that was still 0.70 to 1.00 meters thick. Due to the large quantities of different ceramic fragments - including three ostracas - and animal bones, the finding can be regarded as a garbage dump that dates to the middle third of the 5th century. The two smaller side entrances were probably kept open at that time. They were only recently closed, which must have happened with the help of the radiocarbon method in the late 19th century or perhaps even in the early 20th century.

In addition to the Porta praetoria , the Porta principalis dextra was also partially walled up during late antiquity. The west tower of this gate received a massive reinforcement by attaching a buttress. At the inner north corner of the north tower of the Porta decumana , a two-phase retaining wall with an angle of around 70 degrees was built, reminiscent of a glacis-like fortress . The radiocarbon measurement speaks with an almost certain construction of this wall in the period after 420. In addition to rubble stones, spoilage of various sizes was built into the retaining wall, including the fragment of the monumental, three-line building inscription, which was explained above.

Principia

On the Severan Principia , after evaluating the radiocarbon measurements, the floor was renewed and raised in the flag shrine around 390. Further extensive construction work on the old staff building is likely around 425. This probably also includes a new building complex of around 12 × 18.50 meters in the area of ​​the previous rear row of rooms in the Severan Principia , which also used the old building area. At that time an approximately 2.40 × 10.50 meter large transverse hall was newly built. Two entrances to this hall led into an equally wide and newly built pillared courtyard in front. However, due to details on the floor plan of the high-quality new building, Mackensen spoke out against its use as a late Roman staff building.

"Rectangular building"

The so-called "rectangular building" consisted of only one room. It was discovered and uncovered in the area of ​​the northern corner of the fort during the excavations under Mackensen. The 0.60-0.70 meter wide lowest foundation layer preserved there is one of the very few Roman remains within the fort area that was not completely destroyed during the Islamic period. The almost square basic structure of the building has sides of 6.00–6.50 meters. The building did not stand directly on the rock, but over a layer of hardened sand up to five centimeters thick. The foundation walls, made of rubble stones, were roughly hewn, cut straight on the front and grouted with earth. The slightly skewed corners of the building stabilized cuboids with a side length of 0.30–0.35 meters. Its 0.85 meter wide entrance was excavated in the northwest wall, around one meter northeast of the western corner of the building. The date of the building cannot be placed before the second half of the 4th century, it is even more likely that it was built in the course of the 5th century. A tripolitan sigillata plate of the form Hayes 4C as well as a wall shard decorated with rattles from a tripolitan sigillata jug of the form Berenice 711 were assigned the terminus post quem in the construction of this building. Another wall attachment could be documented at the western and southeast corner of the building. The wall coming from the southeast was younger than the building and 0.95 meters thick. The wall on the western corner was of a significantly poorer quality than that of the building and the south-eastern wall. It was 0.50 to 0.80 meters wide, ran in a north-westerly direction and could be followed over a length of 4.70 meters. Mackensen considers the origin of this wall to be medieval and modern and clearly related to the simple Berber dwellings in the fort.

Possible troop

The finds from late antiquity, such as a rectangular framed bronze belt buckle found under Mackensen, as well as the range of fine ceramics and amphorae, do not indicate a civil indigenous population in the fort area. The buckle belongs to a diverse group of North African belt buckles or belt fittings with a belt passage, which are assigned to the second half of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century. The German archaeologist Christoph Eger could not rule out a proximity of these buckles to the late Roman military. In particular, two fragments of an official building or restoration inscription (Inv. No. 2009/1 a. B) are a further indicator of military use. Haensch placed the mutilated text in the second half of the 4th century, possibly even in the first half of the 5th century:

Ab impetu aqu [arum ---]
multa loca ed [ucta (?) ---]
[.. pa] lude du [--- per (?)]
[Limi] tem Ten [theitanum ---]
[. .. (3–4)] I CVII m [ili (?) ---]
--- (?)

Translation: Heavy rains (ab impetu aquarum) , which apparently affected numerous places (multa loca) , led to floods and swamps (paludes) that reached as far as the Limes Tentheitanus , a section of the Limes Tripolitanus . It seems possible to read the letters CVII as a numerical indication , which could result in a distance of 107 miles, which perhaps concerned the Limes Tentheitanus , is meant.

Perhaps the inscription taught about repair work according to a scenario well known for North Africa with torrential rain and floods in many places.

The new occupation of the fort seems to be justified by the predatory incursions into the province of Tripolitania, confirmed by inscriptions. Perhaps the Severan Fort Myd ... can be equated with the Castra Madensia mentioned in the Notitia Dignitatum , which would prove the Milites munifices to be a regular troop . This unit could have been in Gheriat el-Garbia until the Vandal invasion . In 429/439 they conquered the province of Africa Proconsularis and Carthage and in 455 the province of Tripolitana.

The postulated late antique fort crew will have consisted mainly of North African soldiers. The nine ostracas recovered by Mackensen during the excavations can, after a detailed linguistic examination, be described as a regional, southern form of Punic . Only two ostraka are possibly written in Latin and South Punic. The ostraca from Gheriat el-Garbia, inscribed in Latin Kurrent script and scriptio continua , are of great importance. They not only testify to a regional dialect of Punic that was previously unknown in this form, but are also to be regarded as particularly late examples of this language. From this point of view, the ostraka also prove the continued existence of the Punic language in this North African region.

The wide range of shapes of the fine ceramics and lamps recovered in 2009 and 2010 can be traced back to the early 6th century. This dating also supports the late antique series of coins from the excavations, which even went as far as the middle of the 6th century. Thus, even after the vandal invasion, the fort square seems to have been inhabited in some form for decades.

literature

  • Heinrich Barth : Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa in the years 1849 to 1855 . First volume, Perthes, Gotha 1857, pp. 134-139.
  • David Mattingly : IRT 895 and 896: two inscriptions from Gheriat el-Garbia . In: Libyan Studies 16, 1985, pp. 67-75.
  • David Mattingly: Tripolitania . University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor 1994, ISBN 0-203-48101-1 , pp. 148-151.
  • Erwin M. Ruprechtsberger : The Roman Limes Zone in Tripolia and the Cyrenaica (Tunisia - Libya) , (= writings of the Limes Museum Aalen 47), 1993.
  • Eleanor Scott, John Doie, David Mattingly : The UNESCO Libyan Valleys Archaeological Survey Gazetteer 1979–1989. In: Graeme Barker , David Gilbertson, Barri Jones, David Mattingly (Eds.): Farming the Desert. The UNESCO Libyan Valleys Archaeological Survey. Volume Two: Gazetteer and Pottery . UNESCO, Paris 1996 (inter alia), ISBN 92-3-103273-9 , pp. 98 ff.
  • Michael Mackensen : Survey and excavation of the German archaeological mission at the Roman fort of Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia and its vicinity 2009/2010 . In: Libya Antiqua New series 6, 2011/12 (2016), pp. 83-102.
  • Michael Mackensen, Florian Schimmer : Interior Buildings of the Severan Oasis Fort of Gheriat el-Garbia in the Late Roman Period . In: Ljudmil Vagalinski, Nicolay Sharankov (eds.): Limes XXII. Proceedings of the 22nd International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies Ruse, Bulgaria, September 2012 . (= Bulletin of the National Archaeological Institute 42), 2015, pp. 351–358.
  • Michael Mackensen: Building stock and reconstruction of the porta praetoria of the Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya) . In: Roman fortifications. Findings and reconstruction. Contents - projects - documentation . (= Publication series Bavarian State Office for Monument Preservation 7), 2013, pp. 88–107.
  • Michael Mackensen: New fieldwork at the Severan fort of Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the limes Tripolitanus . In: Libyan Studies 43, 2012, pp. 41–60.
  • Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375.
  • Michael Mackensen: Le fort romain et l'agglomération tardo-antique de Gheriat el-Garbia. Nouvelles recherches à la frange du désert (2009/2010) . In: La Tripolitanie antique (Libye). L'Archéo Thema 17, 2011, pp. 59–65.
  • Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458.
  • Michael Mackensen: forts and military posts of the late 2nd and 3rd centuries on the "limes Tripolitanus" . In: The Limes. News bulletin of the German Limes Commission 4th volume, 2, 2010, pp. 20–24.
  • Michael Mackensen: At the edge of the desert. The Roman fort Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" . In: Antike Welt 1, 2011, pp. 77–84.
  • Michael Mackensen: The border in North Africa using the example of the provinces "Africa Proconsularis" and "Numidia" . In: In: Gerhild Klose , Annette Nünnerich-Asmus (ed.): Limits of the Roman Empire . von Zabern, Mainz 2006, ISBN 3-8053-3429-X , pp. 62–71.
  • Rudolf Haensch , Michael Mackensen: The Tripolitan Fort Gheriat el-Garbia in the light of a new late antique inscription: On the day when the rain came . In: Chiron 41, 2011, pp. 263-286.
  • Florian Schimmer: Amphorae from the Roman fort at Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya) . In: Acta Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautores 42, 2012, pp. 319-325.
  • Meike Weber, Sebastian Schmid : Supplying a desert garrison. Pottery from the Roman fort at Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya) . In: Acta Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautores 42, 2012, pp. 327-335.
  • Sabine Ziegler, Michael Mackensen: Late antique ostraka from Gheriat el-Garbia (al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah) in the Tripolitana province (Libya). Evidence for a regional variant of Punic . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 120, 2014, pp. 313–340.

Web links

Commons : Castellum Gheriat el-Garbia  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Remarks

  1. a b c d e Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 249.
  2. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 389.
  3. Michael Mackensen : forts and military posts of the late 2nd and 3rd centuries on the "Limes Tripolitanus" . In: Der Limes 2 (2010), pp. 20–24; here: p. 22.
  4. a b c d Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 365.
  5. a b c AE 2010, 01786
  6. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: pp. 441–446.
  7. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 379.
  8. Heinrich Schiffers , Karl W. Butzer (Ed.): The Sahara and its peripheral areas. Representation of a large natural area in 3 volumes . Africa Study Office (Ifo Institute for Economic Research), Weltforum-Verlag, Munich 1973, p. 276.
  9. ^ A b c Eleanor Scott, John Doie, David Mattingly: The UNESCO Libyan Valleys Archaeological Survey Gazetteer 1979–1989. In: Graeme Barker , David Gilbertson, Barri Jones, David J. Mattingly (Eds.): Farming the Desert. The UNESCO Libyan Valleys Archaeological Survey. Volume Two: Gazetteer and Pottery . UNESCO, Paris 1996 (inter alia), ISBN 92-3-103273-9 , p. 98.
  10. a b c Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 366.
  11. David Gilbertson, Chris Hunt, Gavin Gillmore: Success, longevity, and failure of arid-land agriculture: Romano-Libyan floodwater farming in the Tripolitanian pre-desert . In: Graeme Barker , David Gilbertson (Eds.): The Archeology of Drylands. Living at the Margin . Taylor & Francis, London 2005, ISBN 0-203-16573-X , p. 145.
  12. ^ Heinrich Barth : Journeys and discoveries in North and Central Africa in the years 1849 to 1855 . First volume, Perthes, Gotha 1857, p. 134.
  13. ^ Heinrich Barth : Journeys and discoveries in North and Central Africa in the years 1849 to 1855 . First volume, Perthes, Gotha 1857, p. 139.
  14. a b c d e f g Rudolf Haensch , Michael Mackensen: The tripolitan castle Gheriat el-Garbia in the light of a new late antique inscription: On the day when the rain came . In: Chiron 41, 2011, pp. 263-286; here: p. 263.
  15. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 367.
  16. a b c d e Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 368.
  17. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 390.
  18. a b Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 391.
  19. Path to the fort plateau
  20. a b c Sabine Ziegler, Michael Mackensen: Late antiquity ostraka from Gheriat el-Garbia (al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah) in the province of Tripolitana (Libya). Evidence for a regional variant of Punic . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 120, 2014, pp. 313–340; here: p. 313.
  21. a b c d e f g David Mattingly : Tripolitania . University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor 1994, ISBN 0-203-48101-1 , pp. 148-151; here: p. 149.
  22. ^ John Bryan Ward-Perkins , Joyce Reynolds : The Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania , British School at Rome, Rome 1952; No. 895, 896, 897.
  23. a b c d e f Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 370.
  24. a b AE 1967, 00539
  25. ^ Antonino Di Vita : La villa della "gara delle nereidi" presso Tagiura: un contributo alla storia del mosaico romano, e altri recenti scavi e scoperte in Tripolitania . In: Supplements to Libya antiqua 2, 1966, pp. 1–129; here: pp. 107–111.
  26. a b c d e f Erwin M. Ruprechtsberger : The Roman Limes Zone in Tripolia and the Cyrenaica (Tunisia - Libya) , (= Writings of the Limes Museum Aalen 47), 1993, p. 98.
  27. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 371.
  28. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 372.
  29. Derek A. Welsby : The Defenses of the Roman Forts at Bu Ngem and Gheriat el-Garbia . In: Paul Bidwell, Roger Miket, Bill Ford, (Eds.): Portae cum turribus. Studies of Roman fort gates (= British Archaeological Reports, British series 206), Oxford 1988, pp. 63-82; here: p. 64.
  30. Michael Mackensen: Gasr Wames, a burgus-like small fortress of the middle 3rd century on the Tripolitan limes Tentheitanus (Libya) . In: Germania 87, 2009 (2011), pp. 75-104; here: p. 78.
  31. ^ Roman temple Gheriat el-Garbia
  32. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 251.
  33. René Rebuffat: Recherches en Tripolitaine du Sud . In: Revue archéologique , Nouvelle Série, Fasc. 1, 1971, pp. 177-184; here: p. 179.
  34. a b Christian Witschel: On the situation in Roman Africa during the 3rd century . In: Klaus-Peter Johne, Thomas Gerhardt, Udo Hartmann (eds.): Deleto paene imperio Romano. Transformation processes of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century and their reception in modern times . Steiner, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-515-08941-1 , pp. 145-22; here: p. 175.
  35. Gholaia Castle
  36. a b c d e f g h i j k David Mattingly : Tripolitania . University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor 1994, ISBN 0-203-48101-1 , pp. 148-151; here: p. 150.
  37. quarry
  38. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: pp. 392–395.
  39. Michael Mackensen: Building stock and reconstruction of the porta praetoria of the Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya) . In: Roman fortifications. Findings and reconstruction. Contents - projects - documentation . (= Publication series Bavarian State Office for Monument Preservation 7), 2013, pp. 88–107; here: p. 93.
  40. ^ Christian Witschel: On the situation in Roman Africa during the 3rd century . In: Klaus-Peter Johne, Thomas Gerhardt, Udo Hartmann (eds.): Deleto paene imperio Romano. Transformation processes of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century and their reception in modern times . Steiner, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-515-08941-1 , pp. 145-22; here: p. 173.
  41. ^ Christian Witschel: Crisis - Recession - Stagnation? The west of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD (= Frankfurt ancient historical contributions 4), Marte Clauss, Frankfurt a. M. 1999, ISBN 3-934040-01-2 , p. 191. (Dissertation)
  42. a b Rudolf Haensch , Michael Mackensen: The Tripolitan Fort Gheriat el-Garbia in the light of a new late antique inscription: On the day when the rain came . In: Chiron 41, 2011, pp. 263-286; here: p. 267.
  43. a b Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: pp. 441–446.
  44. ^ Rudolf Haensch: On the newly found monumental writing 10/02 . In: Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 338.
  45. Olwen Brogan , Joyce Reynolds : Inscriptions from the Tripolitanian Hinterland . In: Libya antiqua 1, 1964, pp. 43-46; here: p. 43.
  46. Fort Mizda
  47. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the 'limes Tripolitanus' (Libya) - report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute Rome , 116, 2010, pp. 363–458, here: p. 377.
  48. René Rebuffat : L'armée romaine à Gholaia . In: Géza Alföldy , Brian Dobson , Werner Eck (eds.): Emperor, Army and Society in the Roman Empire. Commemorative for Eric Birley . Steiner, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 978-3-515-07654-8 , pp. 227-259; here: p. 230.
  49. ^ David Mattingly: Tripolitania. Batsford, London 1995, ISBN 0-7134-5742-2 , pp. 92-95
  50. a b c Sabine Ziegler, Michael Mackensen: Late antiquity ostraka from Gheriat el-Garbia (al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah) in the province of Tripolitana (Libya). Evidence for a regional variant of Punic . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 120, 2014, pp. 313–340; here: p. 314.
  51. a b CIL 08, 00003 .
  52. AE 1967, 00540 .
  53. AE 1967, 00542 .
  54. AE 2010, 01784 .
  55. AE 2010, 01785 .
  56. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 382 and 383.
  57. AE 1967, 00541 .
  58. a b c Rudolf Haensch , Michael Mackensen: The tripolitan fort Gheriat el-Garbia in the light of a new late antique inscription: On the day when the rain came . In: Chiron 41, 2011, pp. 263-286; here: p. 268.
  59. ^ A b Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 262.
  60. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 259.
  61. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 260.
  62. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 261.
  63. a b c d Rudolf Haensch , Michael Mackensen: The tripolitan fort Gheriat el-Garbia in the light of a new late antique inscription: On the day when the rain came . In: Chiron 41, 2011, pp. 263-286; here: p. 266.
  64. ^ A b Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 297.
  65. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 298.
  66. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: pp. 298–299.
  67. Wolf-Rüdiger Teegen : Human skeletal remains from the filling of the fort ditch . In: Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 354.
  68. a b c Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 301.
  69. a b c d Michael Mackensen: Building stock and reconstruction of the porta praetoria of the Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya) . In: Roman fortifications. Findings and reconstruction. Contents - projects - documentation . (= Publication series Bavarian State Office for Monument Preservation 7), 2013, pp. 88–107; here: p. 98.
  70. a b Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 425.
  71. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 430.
  72. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 426.
  73. CIL 08, 00004 .
  74. ^ Heinrich Barth : Journeys and discoveries in North and Central Africa in the years 1849 to 1855 . First volume, Perthes, Gotha 1857, p. 135.
  75. ^ Joachim Willeitner : Libya. Tripolitania, Syrtebogen, Fezzan and the Cyrenaica . DuMont, Ostfildern 2011, ISBN 3-7701-4876-2 , p. 185.
  76. Rudolf Haensch , Michael Mackensen: The Tripolitan Fort Gheriat el-Garbia in the light of a new late antique inscription: On the day when the rain came . In: Chiron 41, 2011, pp. 263-286; here: pp. 269–270.
  77. Mattingly had pointed out that the construction of the Porta decumana could well fit into the Severan period (193–235), but he held several factors against it and discussed with Welsby that this building could well have been built later. In contrast to the other gates, the Porta decumana was not made of monumental ashlar stones, but consisted entirely of small work stones, as can be seen at the Porta praetoria from the first floor. Together with Welsby, Mattingly discovered that the mixture of three different door types at a fort in North Africa is unique and could once again point to a more recent construction period than the actual fort. As a final point for this thesis, Mattingly cited the round watchtower that was built one kilometer north of the fort. According to its building inscription, this watchtower definitely dates to the reign of Emperor Severus Alexander (222–235) and was built in a style similar to the Porta decumana .
  78. ^ A b Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 288.
  79. ^ A b Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 289.
  80. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 292.
  81. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 291.
  82. ^ Rudolf Haensch: On the newly found monumental writing 10/02 . In: Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 336.
  83. ^ A b Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 294.
  84. ^ A b Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 266.
  85. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 269.
  86. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 267.
  87. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: pp. 266–267.
  88. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 268.
  89. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: pp. 262–263.
  90. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 264.
  91. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 301.
  92. ^ A b Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 356.
  93. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: pp. 299-300.
  94. ^ Heinrich Barth : Journeys and discoveries in North and Central Africa in the years 1849 to 1855 . First volume, Perthes, Gotha 1857, p. 137.
  95. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 300.
  96. a b c Rudolf Haensch , Michael Mackensen: The tripolitan fort Gheriat el-Garbia in the light of a new late antique inscription: On the day when the rain came . In: Chiron 41, 2011, pp. 263-286; here: p. 278.
  97. Rudolf Haensch , Michael Mackensen: The Tripolitan Fort Gheriat el-Garbia in the light of a new late antique inscription: On the day when the rain came . In: Chiron 41, 2011, pp. 263-286; here: p. 269.
  98. approximate location of the military bath
  99. a b Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya). Report on the 2009 campaign . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 116, 2010, pp. 363–458; here: p. 373.
  100. Graeme Barker, David Gilbertson, Barri Jones, David Mattingly (Eds.): Farming the Desert. Synthesis Volume 1, UNESCO Publishing, London 1996, ISBN 92-3-103214-3 , p. 114.
  101. Watchtower
  102. ^ Jens Peuser: The Roman building in the Harlach near Burgsalach, Weißenburg-Gunzenhausen district. With studies on gate systems, peristyle buildings, fort architecture, accommodation and official buildings as well as on North African Gsur . University and City Library, Cologne 2016, pp. 138–139 (= dissertation).
  103. ^ Heinrich Barth : Journeys and discoveries in North and Central Africa in the years 1849 to 1855 . First volume, Perthes, Gotha 1857, p. 137.
  104. Small fort Gheriat esh-Shergia
  105. ^ Jens Peuser: The Roman building in the Harlach near Burgsalach, Weißenburg-Gunzenhausen district. With studies on gate systems, peristyle buildings, fort architecture, accommodation and official buildings as well as on North African Gsur . University and City Library, Cologne 2016, p. 138 (= dissertation).
  106. Michael Mackensen: forts and military posts of the late 2nd and 3rd centuries on the "limes Tripolitanus" . In: The Limes. News bulletin of the German Limes Commission 4th year, 2, 2010, pp. 20–24; here: p. 24.
  107. a b Sabine Ziegler, Michael Mackensen: Late antiquity ostraka from Gheriat el-Garbia (al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah) in the province of Tripolitana (Libya). Evidence for a regional variant of Punic . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 120, 2014, pp. 313–340; here: p. 332.
  108. Sabine Ziegler, Michael Mackensen: Late antique ostraka from Gheriat el-Garbia (al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah) in the Tripolitana province (Libya). Evidence for a regional variant of Punic . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 120, 2014, pp. 313–340; here: pp. 315-316.
  109. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 292.
  110. Sabine Ziegler, Michael Mackensen: Late antique ostraka from Gheriat el-Garbia (al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah) in the Tripolitana province (Libya). Evidence for a regional variant of Punic . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 120, 2014, pp. 313–340; here: pp. 332–333.
  111. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 314.
  112. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 324.
  113. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 315.
  114. Michael Mackensen: The Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) and the late antique settlement in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). Report on the campaign in spring 2010 . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 117, 2011, pp. 247–375; here: p. 316.
  115. Christoph Eger : Late antique clothing accessories from North Africa. Brooches and belt buckles from the 5th to 7th centuries from the Musée National de Carthage and other collections . In: Archäologisches Nachrichtenblatt 15, 2010, pp. 297–305; here: p. 299.
  116. Rudolf Haensch , Michael Mackensen: The Tripolitan Fort Gheriat el-Garbia in the light of a new late antique inscription: On the day when the rain came . In: Chiron 41, 2011, pp. 263-286; here: p. 276.
  117. Sabine Ziegler, Michael Mackensen: Late antique ostraka from Gheriat el-Garbia (al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah) in the Tripolitana province (Libya). Evidence for a regional variant of Punic . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 120, 2014, pp. 313–340; here: p. 334.
  118. a b Rudolf Haensch , Michael Mackensen: The Tripolitan Fort Gheriat el-Garbia in the light of a new late antique inscription: On the day when the rain came . In: Chiron 41, 2011, pp. 263-286; here: p. 277.
  119. Notitia Dignitatum oc. 31, 30
  120. Sabine Ziegler, Michael Mackensen: Late antique ostraka from Gheriat el-Garbia (al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah) in the Tripolitana province (Libya). Evidence for a regional variant of Punic . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 120, 2014, pp. 313–340; here: p. 335.
  121. Sabine Ziegler, Michael Mackensen: Late antique ostraka from Gheriat el-Garbia (al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah) in the Tripolitana province (Libya). Evidence for a regional variant of Punic . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 120, 2014, pp. 313–340; here: pp. 315-316; here: p. 318.
  122. Sabine Ziegler, Michael Mackensen: Late antique ostraka from Gheriat el-Garbia (al-Qaryāt al-Garbīyah) in the Tripolitana province (Libya). Evidence for a regional variant of Punic . In: Communications of the German Archaeological Institute, Roman Department 120, 2014, pp. 313–340; here: pp. 315-316; here: p. 320.