Gholaia Castle

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Gholaia Castle
Alternative name castra Chol (aia); [G] olas; Chosol
limes Limes Tripolitanus
front Limes line
Dating (occupancy) A.D. 201 to 259/263
Type Fort
unit a) Tribe unit (201–238): Vexillation of the Legio III Augusta
b) short-term: Numerus conlatus
c) after the dissolution of the Legion (238–259 / 263): Vexillatio Golensis
size 138 × 93 m
(= 1.38 ha)
Construction stone
State of preservation The partly quite well-preserved building remains in the desert sand are more or less visible depending on the weather conditions.
place Bu Njem / Bou Njem / Bu Ngem
Geographical location 30 ° 34 ′ 41.5 "  N , 15 ° 24 ′ 46.8"  E
height 95  m
Subsequently Small fort Gasr Zerzi (west)
Backwards Small fort Gasr Banat
(backward Limes line) (northwest)
The Limes Tripolitanus with the Gholaia fort on the far right

The Gholaia fort , the ancient sources also called castra Chol (aia) , [G] olas ; as well as on the Tabula Peutingeriana as Chosol , is a Roman military camp that was responsible for security and surveillance tasks on the front Limes Tripolitanus , a deep system of forts and military posts in the Roman province of Africa proconsularis . An outpost of the fort, the small fort Gasr Zerzi , was built a day's march west of Gholaia at almost 30 kilometers. Gholaia is located south of the oasis of Bu Njem on the edge of the Sahara in the municipality of Surt in Libya . The facility was located in the easternmost section of the Tripolitan Limes. The many epigraphic remains are an exemplary testimony to the advanced writing during the time of the Principate in an African province and give an intensive insight into the organization and life of the border guard and its officers. Gholaia was the decades-long work of the French archeologist René Rebuffat to the best researched Tripoli (1930-2019) limes fortress.

location

The oasis of Bu Njem, around 100 kilometers inland from the Mediterranean coast to the north and around 280 kilometers south of Tripoli , offered the Roman general staff good strategic military opportunities to defend and observe the Limes Tripolitanus , the border of the Roman Empire. In addition to these advantages, the geographical location was also decisive for the construction of an important fort. Important traffic routes led from Bu Njem to the southwest and south via the Giofra oases into the Fessan . To the east, the traveler could reach the province of Aegyptus via Augila and the Siwa oasis . The oasis itself, which was formed by around 150 palm trees around 1954, had around 20 wells with a depth of five to 15 meters, most of which had inedible water. About three kilometers northeast of the fort there is a small lake in a natural depression, which is surrounded by lush vegetation. It is possible that the Roman soldiers took the water for their garrison from there.

The fort was built on a slight hillside south of the actual oasis. The south front of the complex with the Porta principalis dextra , the south gate and the praetorium , the commandant's house, is a good five meters higher than the Porta principalis sinistra , the north gate and the military bath on the northern Via sagularis , Lagerringstrasse.

Gholaia is located in the steppe area of ​​the semi-arid Libyan lowlands on the edge of the Sahara . To the east is Wadi Bay al-Khaib, which flows further north into the large Wadi Bay al-Kabir. The undated metric building inscription of Centurios Q (uintus) Avidius Quintianus from the frigidarium (cold bath) of the thermal baths of Bu Njem he built warned his soldiers to relax in the scorching heat. A second building inscription from the military bath, dating from AD 203, most likely establishes the temporal context. The translation of the inscription of Q (uintus) Avidius Quintianus follows that of the classical philologist Stephan Busch :

Q uaesii multum quot (!) Memoriae
tradere
A gens prae cunctos in
hac castra milites
V otum communem (!)
Prque reditu exercitus
I nter priores et
futuros reddere
D um quaero mecum dig-
na divom nomina
I nveni tandem nomen
et numen deae
V otis perennem (!) quem (!)
dicare in hoc loco
S alutis igitur quandium
(!) cultores sient
Q ua potui sanxi nomen
et cunctis dedi
V eras salutis lymphas
tantis ignibus
I n istis semper
hernacis (! ) collibus
N utantis aust (e) ri solis
flammas fervidas
T ranquille ut nando
delenirent corpora-
I ta tu qui sentis mag-
nam facti gratiam
A estuantis animae
fucilari (!) spiritum
N oli pigere laudem
voce reddere
V eram qui voluit
esse te sanum tibi
S et (!) protestare vel
salutis gratia

Translation: “I have thought a lot about what I should hand down and take as a common vow for the <happy> return of the army by acting in front of all soldiers in this camp, among the front [= centurions], also among the future ones. In considering the names of deities worthy of this, I finally found the name and the divine nature of a goddess whom I could consecrate forever with my vows in this place. So as long as there are admirers of Salus [= health], <for so long> I have consecrated their name as far as I could, and I have given all of them the nymphs [the water] who really belong to health because there is such a strong fire in These sand dunes always rule: so that their bodies soothe the blazing flames of the burning sun of the south while swimming calmly. So you, who feel great gratitude for the fact that the breath of your heat-glowing breath of life is being revived, do not be disgruntled to proclaim your true praise in your voice <for the> who wanted you to be healthy. But at least bear witness for the sake of health. "

The archaeologist David Mattingly thought of the "blazing flames of the burning sun of the south" of the hot desert wind (Ghibli), which is also mentioned in other ancient sources. In addition, these sources support the assumption that there was neither abundant nor reliable rainfall in ancient times. The verses of the inscription are designed as an acrostic that reveals the name of the donor, Q (uintus) Avidius Quintianus. Among others, the ancient historian Konrad Vössing (1997) and Busch (1999) studied the epigram and independently came to the conclusion that the linguistic forms are apparently linked to 18 relatively correctly used senars . Both scientists considered these Senare in the estimated time of origin of 203 AD for an unusual or considerable meter . This indicates the high level of education of the founder, who may have been advised by a specialist. The meter can be restored by making slight adjustments to the linguistically not so successful passages. Perhaps a correct template was not transferred quite so correctly by the stonemason.

Research history

The garrison site, which has been repeatedly buried by sand dunes to this day, was discovered in 1819 by the British navigator and explorer George Francis Lyon (1795–1832). The drawing he made at the time of the north gate of the fort, which at that time still consisted of three floors , is of inestimable value for science today. The following travelers also made important observations. With the construction of the small Ottoman fort around one kilometer to the east in 1843, which the Italian occupiers renovated in 1914 and 1927 to 1942, the archaeological site was abused as a quarry and plundered. In particular, the north gate, which had been in excellent condition up to that point, was torn down by the Ottomans to the ground. On the other hand, this destruction in 1927 led to the discovery by Italian soldiers of the bath building located within the surrounding wall and the metrical building inscription of Quintus Avidius Quintianus already reproduced above.

In 1892, the historian and epigrapher René Cagnat (1852–1937) published the first sketch of the fort, which the African explorer Henri Duveyrier (1840–1892) made during a visit to the oasis in 1861. The first more precise plan of the facility was created by the British archaeologist Richard Goodchild (1918–1968) on the basis of field inspections and aerial photographs.

In 1961, the Roman provincial archaeologist Dietwulf Baatz visited the square in order to study the structural details of the still-preserved Roman fort gate systems . Analogously, he transferred the observations he had brought up for discussion to graphic reconstructions of the gate structures at Fort Hesselbach , a fort that he excavated from 1966 to 1968.

From 1967 a French excavation team led by René Rebuffat began extensive excavations and investigations at the site. The French not only limited themselves to the military facilities, but also researched in the vicus (camp village) belonging to the fort and in the hinterland. Fieldwork, recognized internationally as outstanding, ended in 1977. In 1980 the project was completed. In addition to the excavated building remains, Rebuffat had a large amount of ephipraphic evidence to show. In 2000, 11 graffiti in old Libyan script , 34 legible Latin stone inscriptions, one Latin bronze inscription, 151 military correspondence and morning reports written in ink on amphora fragments ( ostraka ), as well as around forty usable wall graffiti could be used for scientific processing. In addition, various stamps, marks and graffiti on amphorae, lamps and a brick were recovered. All of these documents focus on a relatively short period between AD 201 and AD 263 at the latest.

The British archaeologist Derek A. Welsby , who himself conducted research at Gheriat el-Garbia in 1981 , pointed out in 1988 that he had worked out the fact that the two Tripolitan forts Gholaia and Gheriat el-Garbia, which were almost simultaneously affected by vexillations of the Legio III Augusta, the best preserved military architectural models of the Princely era are made of stone.

Building history

The remains of the fort's building, buried in the sand: View from the southeast over the Praetorium in the foreground and the Principa to the Bu Njem oasis (2008)

During the reign of Emperor Septimius Severus (193-211) a large military expansion program was started on the Limes Tripolitanus and the border was moved far to the south. During this phase of aggressive expansion, Roman armies mostly advanced along important Trans-Saharan routes and at the same time pushed the imperial border up to the edge of the desert. With the expansion of weir systems along the newly created Limes line, this period of expansive geographical expansion in Tripolitania was completed.

As the British archaeologist Olwen Brogan (1900-1989) argued at other checkpoints on the Tripolitan border line, the staff in charge with the border protection measures may have planned the migratory movements of traders, locals and shepherd nomads - called the Garamanten on the ostraca of Gholaia - at the edge to better monitor the Sahara and at the same time to illustrate Rome's power with a multitude of bases and sentinels along the Limes. According to Brogan, the annual cycle of nomads, based on alternating pasturage, and their crossings into the fertile regions of the north should be controllable. This is supported by the fact that the ostraka recovered in Gholaia confirm the participation of the regular troops in routine police tasks and the surveillance of civilians. Mattingly, on the other hand, could also imagine warlike causes for the advancement and expansion of the Limes.

The founding of the oasis garrison of Gholaia can be traced back to inscriptions. The here dislocated vexillation the Legio III Augusta reached the place on January 24, 201 and started quickly in order to build the castle. In the same year the four gates of the facility were ready for handover.

The oldest known inscription is an altar of consecration for the protective spirit ( genius loci ) of Gholaia. According to the inscription, it must have been erected before the fort was built, i.e. 201:

Genio Gholaiae
pro salute Auggg (ustorum)
C (aius) Iuulius (!) Dignus
[| (centurio)] leg (ionis) III Aug (ustae) p (iae) v (indicis)
qui [pr] imo die
quo ad locum
ventum est
ubi domini nnn (ostri)
castra fieri
iusserunt lo-
cum consecravit
et ex p [---]

Translation: “To the guardian spirit of Gholaia, for the salvation of the sublime, Gaius Julius Dignus, Centurion of the Third Legion Augusta, the conscientious one, the protective one, on the first day when she came to the place where our masters ordered the fort to be built , he has consecrated space and made p [---] "

The inscription from the lintel to the cella of the Vanammon temple with the founding date of Gholaia; Leptis Magna Museum

The exact date back to the founding event is provided by the inscription from the lintel to the cella of the Vanammon Temple. It reports that after their arrival in Gholaia and the completion of the most important construction works, the vexillation apparently disengaged again and did not return until December 26, 205. As explained in detail below, Rebuffat tried to explain this with an initial double tip in the vexillation guide. It is also not to be expected that the not yet fully completed fort was left for years without any minimum crew.

Vexillatio leg (ionis) [III Aug (ustae) p (iae) v (indicis) S (everianae)]
quae at [= ad] castra Chol (aiae) aedific (anda) venit
Muciano et Fabiano co (n) s (ulibus ) VIIII Kal (endas) Febr (uarias) et
reversa est Antonino II et Geta Caes (are) Augg (ustis) co (n) s (ulibus) VII Kal (endas) Ian (uarias)

Translation: “The vexillation of the Third Legion Augusta, the conscientious, the protective, the Severan who came to the construction of the Cholaia fort when Marcus Nonius Arrius Mucianus and Lucius Annius Fabianus were consuls, on January 24th, 201 and returned as Antoninus II. And Geta , the Caesars, the exalted, were consuls, on December 26, 205. "

The building inscription on one of the castle gates, which was built under the governorship of Quintus Anicius Faustus, reads:

Imp (eratori) Caes (ari) L (ucio) Septimio
Severo Pio Pertina-
ci Aug (usto) tr (ibunicia) p (otestate) IX imp (eratori) co (n) s (uli) II p (atri) p ( atriae) et
Imp (eratori) Caes (ari) M (arco) Aurelio
Antonino Aug (usto) tr (ibunicia) p (otestate) IIII et
[L (ucio)] Sept (imio) [Getae] Caes (ari) Aug (usto) Q (uinto) Anicio
Fausto leg (ato) Augg (ustorum) co (n) s (ulari) [leg (ionis) III Aug (ustae) P (iae) V (indicis)]

Translation: “To the emperor Caesar Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax , the exalted, for the ninth time holder of the tribunician power , the general, for the second time consul, father of the fatherland and the emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus , for the fourth time holder of the tribunician power and Lucius Septimius Geta , the Caesar, the exalted, Quintus Anicius Faustus , the consular governor, the Third Legion of Augusta, the conscientious, the protective. "

At Gholaia, Gheriat el-Garbia, the largest Tripolitan border fort, was built further east in the same period. In addition to the equally important small fort Bezereos (Bir Rhezen), built by a vexillation of the Legio III Augusta, the fort Cidamus ( Ghadames ) , which was advanced far beyond the actual border, was also occupied in the years between 209 and 211 AD. The rear fort Thenadassa (Ain Wif), postulated in particular by Mattingly , as well as the Auru (Ain el-Auenia) confirmed by a building inscription dated between 197/198 and 211 AD could belong to the other new constructions of this time . In Ain el-Auenia, a vexillation of the Legio III Augusta and the first cohort of Syrian archers ( Cohors I Syrorum sagittariorum ) were entrusted with the construction work. Another new building of the time was the small fort Gasr Zerzi. There, two building inscriptions confirm that it was erected around AD 209.

Enclosing wall and gates

The Porta principalis sinistra , the north gate, which was still in excellent condition in 1819. You can see u. a. the inscription CIL VIII 6.
The western gate tower of the Porta principalis sinistra in 2008, almost 200 years later after it was abused as a quarry by the Ottomans

The 138 × 93 meter (= 1.38 hectare) complex has the elongated, rectangular floor plan with rounded corners (playing card shape) typical of the Castra stativa of the Middle Imperial period . In Gholaia the narrow sides are oriented almost exactly to the west-east. There is a gate system on each of the four flanks, the access to which is flanked by two gate towers. The surrounding wall itself was measured with a thickness of 2.40 to 2.50 meters and, according to Rebuffat, should have been five meters high including its parapet. The wall itself was built from small rubble stones, while large blocks were only intended for the lower areas of the gates. Most of the boss stones on the gates were given a roughly worked stone surface as rustic masonry with edging, which is a special feature of the facility. But the outer shell of the gates must not hide their inner structure, as the ashlar blocks clad a masonry made of small rubble stones. Lyon's drawing from 1819 shows the condition of the Porta principalis sinistra of Gholaia at that time, which, by the way, was not built entirely from ashlar, but rather consisted of those small rubble stones in the upper structure that, as just discussed, already lined the interior of the basement . It is important to understand the drawing of Lyons by Welsby that the proportions, especially the width of the towers and the passage, are reproduced in a strongly falsified manner. In addition, the window openings broken out in the quarry stone masonry above the Severan arched windows represent a more recent change that can no longer be classified in terms of time.

The main gate of the fort, the Porta praetoria , was on the eastern narrow side. It had a single-lane driveway, which was flanked as a further special feature by two gate towers protruding from the wall structure, which were angled at an angle to the entrance gate on their outside and thus had a funnel effect. After the Roman troops withdrew, the gateways of the Porta praetoria may have been converted into grain silos. All three remaining gates of the fortification were flanked by square gate towers, which also protruded from the connection of the surrounding wall. The north and south gates were excavated. Each of the gate towers had two large arched windows on the first floor and one or two smaller ones on the second floor. The restoration inscription from the year 222, reproduced in full below, testifies to this that one of the gates of the fort, which is not specifically designated, was in disrepair and in need of repair after 20 years (portam vetustate conlabsam lapidi quadrato arco curvato restituit) . The inscription also mentions the four-storey structure of the gate towers (excelsae turres quater divisae) . Based on this knowledge, Rebuffat assumed that all other gate towers also had four floors. The German provincial Roman archaeologist Michael Mackensen pointed out, however, that the fact that only one gate has four floors - ground floor, two floors and the crenellated tower platform - cannot be transferred so easily to the other gates of the fort. Mackensen also sees older ideas that the storage towers had these four floors from the start, at least in the discussion. A graffito from the military baths in Gholaia vividly testifies to a castrum , the eight gate towers of which are very high in relation to the walls, but whether Gholaia is actually represented here and how reliable the incised drawing is remains questionable according to Mackensen's considerations. There is also various speculations about the ultimate tower heights. According to the British archaeologist David Mattingly , they must have been over eight meters high. The German archaeologist Michael Mackensen, who carried out the most intensive excavations and studies to date in Gheriat el-Garbia from 2009 to 2010, came to a similar height of 8.50 to 9.0 meters in comparison with the values ​​analyzed there at the Porta praetoria . With four storeys, however, 12.50 meters can be assumed.

Rebuffat was also able to prove traces of at least one intermediate tower during his excavations. In addition, it must be assumed that the fort had corner towers.

  • Enclosing wall with gates (2008)

  • The Porta praetoria - view from outside into the castle. The beveled cheeks of the gate towers and the rustic masonry with the edging are clearly visible

  • View over the Porta praetoria to the north. Rough stone setting inside the tower, facing brickwork outside

  • The Porta decumana - view over the gate into the interior of the camp to the Principia . The rustic masonry is also visible here

  • The south-eastern rounded corner of the fort in which there was most likely a corner tower

  • The south-western rounded corner of the fort. The Ottoman-Italian fort can be seen in the upper left as a narrow strip.

Interior development

Fort Gholaia, findings plan of the principia , the praetorium , the double horreum and the thermal baths (2008)

Obvious measurement errors, which went unnoticed by the surveyors while the fort was being built on the outer defenses, meant that both the porta principalis sinistra and the opposite porta principalis dextra are slightly offset from one another. This meant that the buildings on the Via principalis , which connects the north and south gates, had to be offset. This measure affected the Principia and four of the six crew barracks in the Praetentura . Another peculiarity of the fort floor plan is that the cardinal dimensions apparently correspond to Punic cubits and not Roman feet.

The principia , along with the praetorium , the military bath and a double horreum, were completely excavated. All these buildings are located in the Latera praetorii , the median of the fort. The Principia correspond in many parts of the High Imperial standard. Offices, armories and other rooms flank the central rectangular peristyle . This courtyard was enclosed by an archway supported by square orthostats . As can still be seen on older photos, there were capital-like, monolithic arches resting on these girders, which were worked flat on the outside and inside to the pier shafts. In the western, rear part is the rectangular flag sanctuary (Aedes / Sacellum) , which is a few steps higher. An important finding was the identification of the scriptorium , the writing room, in one of the southern offices. The archaeologists were able to distinguish at least four phases of construction or renovation of the Principia in the Strati .

  • Details of the Principia (2008)

  • Looking west over the Via principalis into the Peristyle of the Principia . On the left the southern room suite of the staff building with the individual service rooms

  • View to the west: the southern suite of the offices in the Principia with the sanctuary in the background

  • View from the south over the rear porticus of the Principia with the once supporting orthostats . The second pillar from the right used to have an arch

  • View from the sanctuary on the peristyle and the southern offices. In the background are the Porta praetoria and the Porta principalis dextra

View to the south over the Praetorium to the Porta principalis dextra (2008)

Although Rebuffat mainly had a first surface subgrade built within the fort, the disposition of the strip development could be clearly recognized. The team barracks have the two-room units per contubernium typical for this period . An exception are some smaller strip buildings, which were probably warehouses or factories. The fort offered adequate accommodation for six centurions or a cohort of around 480 men. Rebuffat suggested a crew of 480 to 640 men as the most likely solution, but the undoubted presence of a squadron in the 250s means that changes over time must be expected. The bath of the vexillation was north of the principia and within the defense in the latera praetorii . Rebuffat's excavations brought a wealth of archaeological details about this complex to light, as it had been preserved up to the level of the roof. It turned out that repairs and alterations had continued long after AD 238. For example in the so-called “Hall of Fortuna”. It is uncertain where the water that fed the thermal baths came from. Both Lyon and Duveyrier noted a fountain near the south gate. Perhaps the soldiers could have tapped the water here. It was also possible to use the small lake in the northeast of the garrison. There was also at least one well inside the fort. Getting water and wood for the bathroom was one of the tasks that was reflected in the morning reports. The 14 × 15 meter praetorium and the double horreum were on the south side of the Principia . In the house chapel of the praetorium located directly at the Porta principalis dextra , an important inscription testimony to the genius Gholaiae was found. This inscription has already been dealt with earlier in the text. In addition, various fixtures had been preserved in the kitchen and living area of ​​the Praetorium .

  • The military bath (2008)

  • View from the north over the vaulted rooms of the bathroom to the staff building and the Porta principalis dextra

  • View from the southeast over the bath to the surrounding wall. In the background the oasis of Bu Njem

  • Wall heating in the military bath

Late and late

Readings from the fort area, including wall and edge fragments as well as handles of Roman pottery that can be assigned to the 3rd century

The Gholaia fort remained an important location for border protection in this section in the 250s. Nevertheless, the daily strength reports for the garrison show that the strength of the garrison in the years 254 to 259 fell to a threateningly low level of around 45 and 60 men. This already includes those soldiers who were posted on a daily basis for routine service. The reasons for this understaffing, which show clear parallels to the events in the northern provinces, have not yet been clarified. However, it becomes clear that the nominal strength of individual forts in the troubled times of the 3rd century could be dramatically below the minimum. The respective Praepositus limitis Tripolitanae from this location is known through two inscriptions from Gholaia . A building inscription from the year 248 AD, which was created at the entrance to the flag sanctuary for the successful restoration of the Principia (staff building) , mentions the Numidian governor Marcus Aurelius Cominius Cassianus , who again on the inscription Ann. ép. 1972, 678, as well as Lucretius Marcellus , who as border guard commander exercised the authority over the entire Limes Tripolitanus. The section commanders of the individual sections of the Limes were under his leadership. However, the local commander of the Legion Vexillation of Gholaia himself was a Decurio who was acting as a commander at the time. Marcus Aurelius Cominius Cassianus is also known from the building inscription of the Centenarium Gasr Duib .

[Im] pp (eratoribus) dd (ominis) nn (ostris) Philipp [is]
[Aug] g (ustis) M (arco) Aurel (io) Cominio
Cassiano leg (ato) Augg (ustorum) pr (o) pr ( aetore) c (larissimo) v (iro)
et Lucretio Marcello v (iro) e (gregio)
proc (uratore) Augg (ustorum) nn (ostrorum) praeposito
limitis Tripolitanae
C (aius) Iulius Do [n] atus dec (urio)
alae Flavi [a] e Philip-
pianae pr [ae] fectus
a dd (ominis) nn (ostris) Augg (ustis) et (?)
prefuit vex [illationi]
Golensi et I (?) [---]
Impp (eratoribus) Philippo III et Philippo
II co (n) s (ulibus)

Translation: “The emperors, our masters, the [two] Philip, the noble [and] Marcus Aurelius Cominius Cassianus, governor of the sublime, the highly respected man, and Lucretius Marcellus, the excellent man, procurator of our noble, border guard commander of the Limes Tripolitanus; Gaius Julius Donatus, Decurio of Ala Flavia Philippiana , Prefect of our Lords, the Exalted, and Commander of the Gholensian Vexillation and I (?) [---] the emperors and consuls Philip III and Philip II . "

The occupation of the fort is referred to in the document as "vexillatio Golensis". The naming of detachments after their respective location was a not infrequently used characteristic of the Roman army.

Even around 260 AD, the ostraka convey the image of a quiet borderline life in the oasis. The last clearly datable Ostracon was found that during the campaigns Rebuffats and clearly dated, comes from the July 259 n. Chr. Rebuffat suggested that the end of Gholaia more or less with the creation of entirely new fort of Ras el Ain Tlalet coincided . The reasons for giving up the gholaia are unclear. The fact is, however, that the eighth partially mounted cohort "Die Treue" ( Cohors VIII Fida equitata ) stationed in the not yet located fort Secedi, about 600 kilometers further north-west of their previous location at Gholaia, was the fort of Ras el Ain in AD 263 Tlalet built. The reports received from Gholaia show that some horsemen (equites) of the Cohors VIII Fida were commanded as dispositi from their ancestral unit in Secedi to Gholaia at least in the years 258/259 AD . The time window in which the cohort was shifted to the northwest is therefore to be classified between 259 and 263 AD. The reason for the relocation is apparently the archaeologically verifiable abandonment of the military border installations in the region around Gholaia, which were advanced far to the south, and which occurred during this period. This task probably also affected the Gheriat el-Garbia fort with the associated outpost. Serious defeats on other frontier sections of the empire, including the final Limes fall in the Germanic provinces, internal Roman conflicts, troop shortages and strategic considerations will have forced Emperor Gallienus (260-268) to take this step at the height of the imperial crisis and the tripolitan one Move the border back at least in the area around Gholaia. Mattingly noted that the complete border line in Tripolitania was not moved back at the same time. The Mizda fort seems to have been occupied as late as 275 AD, as the last datable milestone on the important road south of Garian attests. The final coin from the small fort Tisavar , minted during the reign of Emperor Maximinus Daia (305-313), points in this direction.

Commanders and troops

Commander in Chief and Border Guard Commander

The building inscription CIL VIII 6 from the Porta principalis sinistra , Leptis Magna Museum

As the already mentioned building inscription, most likely in AD 201, testifies to the foundation of the fort, the garrison was built by the centurion Gaius Julius Dignus on the direct imperial order. At that time, Quintus Anicius Faustus was governor of Numidia. He is mentioned in four inscriptions from Gholaia, all of which date from December 10, 200 to December 9, 201. Since the inscription CIL VIII 10992 was placed above the entrance to the western camp gate and the inscription CIL VIII 6 above the north gate, they too can be brought into line with the foundation of the fort in AD 201. At that time the governors were also the commanders in chief of the African army. In 222 Flavius ​​Sossianus is mentioned as provisional Numidian governor (vice praesidis Numidiae) . The restoration inscription of the staff building from 248 then names the governor Marcus Aurelius Cominius Cassianus, who is also known from another fragment of the inscription from Gholaia. At the same time, the restoration inscription makes it clear that the highest command structure in the province has changed. The governor is no longer the sole commander in chief, because with Lucretius Marcellus there is a separate border guard commander for the entire Limes Tripolitanus (praeposito limitis Tripolitanae) . An ostraka has been handed down from Gholaia for 254, according to which a governor named Pu [...] held office in the second year of reign of two jointly ruling emperors. This could point to the rulers Valerian and Gallienus (253–260). The historian and classical philologist Robert Marichal (1904–1999) speculated that behind the two clearly legible letters “Pu” there could be a “b” belonging to the name.

Local border guard commanders

The changing garrison commanders ( praepositi ) of the fort, all with the rank of centurion, had always been detached here from the headquarters of Legio III Augusta in Lambaesis between 201 and 238 AD . These centurions lived in the extensive praetorium . The reconstructed NCOs took quarters in the head buildings of the team barracks, which were only around 48 square meters in size and had three or four rooms.

In Gholaia, legionary centurions were in command from the start. Immediately after the construction of the surrounding walls of the fort and its most important buildings, two centurions were appointed, one to complete the rest of the barracks and the other to carry out parallel operational tasks for the troops away from the new garrison. Rebuffat could not exactly determine the date of introduction of this military dual leadership in the camp, but it must have already existed in 202/203 and remained in place until December 26, 205. The vexillation may have been busy building secondary outposts by this point. Their return on December 26, 205 was probably as solemn for Gholaia as the establishment of the garrison itself.

Another important inscription document from the year 222 has been secured with the building inscription for the successful restoration of a dilapidated camp gate. The inscription, also recited in poetry, was discovered in 1970 in the "Hall of Fortuna" of the military bath. The text also includes an acrostic; the translation follows that of Christof Flügel , Klaus Mühl, Jürgen Obmann and Ricarda Schmidt:

Imp (eratori) Caes (ari) M (arco) Aurelio [Antonino Pio Felici Aug (usto) sacerdoti]
amplissimo pontifici maximo trib (unicia) pot (estate) [V] co (n) s (uli) [IIII] p ( atri) p (atriae) et
[M (arco) Aurelio Alexandr] o nobilissimo Caes (ari) d (omini) n (ostri) [Antonini] Aug (usti) [fil (io)] Aug (usto)
Flavius ​​Sossianus v ( ir) e (gregius) vice praesidis Numidiae per vexillationem
leg (atus) leg (ionis) III Aug (ustae) P (iae) V (indicis) [Antoninianae] devotissimi numini eorum
P ortam vetustate conlabsam (!) lapidi quadrato arco curvato restituit
O mnes past tense cuius laboratories vitabant
R igido vigore iuvenum tertia Augustani fecerunt
C reto consilio hort ante Parato magistro
I uncta Virtus militum paucorum Velocitas ingens
U sui compendio lapides de longe adtractos chamulco
S ub arcata militum Virtus funib (us) cannabinis strictis
I on nunc contendunt fieri cito milites omnes
A rta virtute sua opera aeternale fecerunt
S ubsequentes stipendiis antecessorum (h) onestia bona sumebant
U rguente tempore hiemis necumqu a (m) cessaverunt
C elerius excelsae turres quater divisae cum voce militum terra venerunt
T orrens virtus [leg (ionis) III Aug (ustae) P (iae) V (indicis)]
H aec ut fierent milites omnes sibi zelum tradebant
A nimadvertentes quod priores sibi vestigia fecissent
N unc et ipsi titulis suis virtutis devotionis ornaverunt
contendentes si amplius esset athuc opera fecissent
ex numero militum quidam amplius voluntatem suam dederit
necumquam operam suam erupi exhibitorunt
tantus fuit eis zelus maget ()
temporarily [ tantus viribus ] laus zelus honoribus [---]
effecta opera gaudet aeterna militum virtus
gemma ut auro cl (a) uditur sic castram (!) porta decorat
florida Tertia Augusta legio cum magna virtute
curavit faciendum devotionis suae honorem
muneri quoque dictatores strenue cesserunt
animosos duo contemnentes residuum
capita versorum (!) relegens adgnosce curantem
Porcius Iasucthan cent (urio) leg (ionis) f (ecit) c (urante) mac (istro) (!)

Translation: “In honor of Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix Augustus , the high priest, the pontifex Maximus, endowed with tribunician power for the 5th time, the consul for the 4th time, the father of the fatherland, and in honor of Marcus Aurelius Alexander Augustus , the noblest Caesar, the son of our Lord Antoninus Augustus, Flavius ​​Sossianus, the outstanding man [from the knightly state], deputy head of Numidia, through the legion delegation of Legion III Augusta Pia Vindex Antoniana, all very loyal to their divine work, has that Gate, which had collapsed due to its age, restored with ashlar stones and a vaulted arch. The work on this gate, which all predecessors avoided, was carried out by the Augustans, the Third Legion, thanks to the indomitable energy of the young men. After the plan was drawn up, with the encouragement of the site manager Paratus, the combined efficiency of fewer soldiers led to tremendous speed. The saving of time was an advantage because the stones with the chamulcus were brought from far away. Under the arches the skill of the soldiers was evident after they had knotted ropes from hemp. Now all soldiers are trying to get the job done quickly. With dignified performance they have completed their work for eternity. By imitating the military service of their predecessors, they gained honorable goods. As winter was pressing, they never rested. The towering four-story towers rose from the ground fairly quickly to the loud cries of the soldiers. That was the exuberant willingness to perform of the Legio III Augusta Pia Vindex, that this work came about, the soldiers left all their admiring rivalry when they noticed that their predecessors had left their mark on them. Now they too have adorned themselves with the merits of their ability and self-sacrifice by making an effort, even if it were even more, that they would have advanced the work by then. Of the number of soldiers, some of them are likely to have given their goodwill to a higher degree and never let them see that their zeal for work could be destroyed. They had such great enthusiasm for work, great willingness to perform (?) In happy times through honors (?) ... As the work is done, the eternal achievement of the soldiers is happy. Just as the gem is set in gold, the gate adorns the camp. In the freshness of youth, the third Augusta Legion set up the offering of their devotion with great commitment. The two leading men ["dictators"] have also dedicated themselves to the task. The shameful unfinished remnant had not let go of the two courageous men who disliked him. By reading the first few letters of the verse again, you will recognize who made it happen. Porcius Iasucthanus, Centurion of the Legion, had it built under the supervision of the architect. "

The full name of the founder, M (arcus) Porcius Iasucthanus, is known from a consecration stone from Lambaesis, the legion's headquarters, which he had made there on the basis of a vow. As this second inscription attests, it was made during the reign of Emperor Severus Alexander between 222 and 235; So after his time in Gholaia, in which he served as the former Vexillationcenturio of the "Legio III Augusta Pia Vindex Antoniniana". With pathetic words, the text describes the pride in the successful construction project. The above-average commitment of the soldiers who were involved in the construction is praised several times. Military institutions were the "physical manifestation of Rome". Tacitus wrote : "The camp is the special pride of the soldiers." The emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix Augustus named in the inscription has remained known to posterity as Elagabal and was murdered on March 11, 222, which indicates the origin of the inscription dated the first third of the year 222.

Dedication from the Temple of Mars Canapphar Augustus; Leptis Magna Museum

As early as 225 T (itus) Flavius ​​Apronianus was the next commander in office at the inauguration of the new Martian temple . The name of the emperor Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander (222-235) was erased on the dedicatory inscription of the temple after his murder.

Deo Marti Canapphari Aug (usto)
pro salute et incolumitate domini n (ostri)
Imp (eratoris) Caes (aris) divi Septimi Severi [nepotis]
divi Magni Antonini [filii]
M (arci) Aureli Severi [Alexandri]
In- victi Pii Felicis Aug (usti) pontificis
maximi trib (uniciae) potestatis IIII co (n) s (ulis)
p (atris) p (atriae) et Iuliae [Mamm (a) eae] Aug (ustae) matris
Aug (usti) n (ostri) et castrorum totiusque
domus divinae per vexillatio / nem [leg (ionis) III Aug (ustae) P (iae) V (indicis)] Severianae
curante T (ito) Flavio Aproniano | (centurione)
[leg (ionis) eiusdem] praeposito vexillationis

Translation: “To the god Mars Canapphar, the exalted, for the salvation and the integrity of our Lord, the grandson of the deified Emperor Caesar Septimius Severus , the son of the deified Magnus Antoninus , Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander, the undefeated, the pious, the happy, the Exalted, high priest, holder of the tribunician power for the fourth time, the consul, father of the fatherland and Julia Mamaea , the exalted, the mother of our exalted one and the castles and the whole divine imperial family, with the help of the vexillation of the Legio III Augusta, the faithful Titus Flavius ​​Apronianus, centurion of the same legion, commander of the vexillation, has arranged for [the execution]. "

For the years 236, 237 or 238, in addition to the regular legionary vexillation, a numerus conlatus is recorded in Gholaia. Both units were led by the camp commander at the time, the centurion Marcus Caecilius Felix. There is also an epigraphic testimony to this. The name of the troop called "Legio III Augusta Pia Vindex Maximiniana" was obviously erased shortly after the inscription was erected, in the course of the joint murder of Emperor Maximinus Thrax (235–238) and his son Maximus Caesar on the highest orders:

I (ovi) O (ptimo) M (aximo)
pro salute et incolumitate dd (ominorum) nn (ostrorum) Impp (eratorum)
C (ai) Iuli Veri Maximini Pii Felic (is) Aug (usti)
et C (ai) Iuli Veri Maximini n (obilissimi) C (aesaris)
vexill (atio) leg (ionis) III Aug (ustae) P (iae) V (indicis)
aram Cerei consecravit
M (arcus) Caecilius Felixs (!) | (Centurio) leg (ionis ) III Aug (ustae) P (iae) V (indicis) Maximinianae p (rae) p (ositus) vexill (ationis)
per vexillationem leg (ionis) III Aug (ustae) et numerum conlatum
fac (iendum) cur (avit)

Translation: “Jupiter, the best and greatest for the salvation and the integrity of our emperors Gaius Julius Verus Maximinus Pius Felix , the Exalted, and Gaius Julius Verus Maximinus , the noble Caesars, the vexillation of the Legio III Augusta Pia Vindex, the loyalty, the protector consecrated the altar to the [goddess] Ceres ; Marcus Caecilius Felix, Centurio of the Legio III Augusta Pia Vindex Maximiniana, commander of the vexillation, carried out the execution with the help of the vexillation of the Legio III Augusta and the Numerus conlatus. "

Nothing is known about the root unit of the number, its composition or individual personalities. It also remains a secret when he moved into Gholaia. Neither the extensive documents from the castle's office, nor other building inscriptions name the unit.

Another centurion who left a donor's inscription is Aurelius Varixen, whose cognomen remains unknown. The dedication was discovered during Rebuffat's excavations outside the temple, walled into its west wall. The temple itself was located southwest of the vicus .

Vanammoni Aug (usto) sac (rum)
Aurelius Varixen ordin (arius)
qui ex fortia et suff (ragio) vex (illationi)
profec (it) ex voto
a solo extruxit l (ibens) a (nimo)

Translation: "Vanammon, the sublime, consecrated, Aurelius Varixen, Ordinarius, through the heroic deeds and the support of the vexillation, gladly built [this building] on the basis of a vow."

The classical scholar Peter Riedlberger followed Rebuffat in his considerations to explain the otherwise unknown deity "Vanammon" via the Berber languages , so that the name form "van-Ammon" is possibly to be expected, which would translate as "son of Ammon ". In the context that applies here, “Ordinarius” is synonymous with “ Centurio ”, although details of the ancient use of the term “Ordinarius” in science are still being discussed.

Due to their loyalty to Emperor Maximinus Thrax and his Numidian governor Capelianus , who remained loyal to him, during the suppression of the usurper Gordian I (238), the subsequent Emperor Gordian III. (238–244) dissolve the Legio III Augusta and also erase the name of the Legion from all accessible inscriptions. The dissolution of this large association had fatal consequences for the security of the Tripolitan southern border, which could only be secured again by the re-establishment of the legion under Emperor Valerian (253-260) in 253/254 AD. In the inscription from 248 AD, already documented above, during the time when the Legion no longer existed, Gholaia was not given up, but led by Decurio Gaius Julius Donatus, detached from the Ala Flavia Philippiana. Between 238 and the task of the fort to 259/263, it was the practice to Rebuffat that Decurions now a vexillatio Golensis called Force in company strength resulted.

Border guard commanders of the Vexillatio Legionis III Augustae in Gholaia (201–238)

Surname rank Time position comment
G (aius) Julius Dignus Centurion called 201 On the day of arrival in Bu Njem he set up an altar of consecration for the guardian spirit of Gholaia
Q (uintus) Avidius Quintianus Centurion? an inscription dated between December 10, 202 and December 9, 203; most likely 203 had the military bath built in the absence of vexillation
Tullius Romulus Centurio ex maioriario prepositus vexillationis two inscriptions, one datable between 205 and 209 had a dedicatory inscription set up to the returning Jupiter Hammon
M (arcus) Porcius Iasucthanus Centurion Spring 222 had a dilapidated camp gate rebuilt; came back to Lambaesis in garrison after his time in Gholaia
T (itus) Flavius ​​Apronianus Centurion 225 inaugurated a new Martian temple
M (arcus) Caecilius Felix Centurion an inscription dated between 235 and 238 consecrated an altar to Ceres
Aurelius Varixen Centurio Ordinarius cannot be assigned in more detail in time (205–238) dedicated a temple to Vanammon
Vicrius Verus Centurion cannot be assigned in more detail in time (205–238) a fragment of the inscription was preserved

Border guard commanders of the Vexillatio Gholensis in Gholaia (238–259 / 263)

Surname rank Time position comment
G (aius) Julius Donatus Decurio, Praefectus called 248 Building inscription on the flag sanctuary: Decurio of the Ala Flavia Philippiana, prefect and commander of the Gholensian vexillation
Manilius Florus (Decurio), Praepositus probably under Valerian (253-260), according to Rebuffat "August 254" wrote a letter about a delivery to the governor Pu ...
Octavius ​​Festus Decurio, Praepositus named in January 259 The commander is named on several waybills.
Julius Vitalis Decurio Date unknown named on a consecration altar from the staff building
Aurelius Secundus Decurio Date unknown The name is passed down on an official letter: "Greetings from Licinius Fortunatus to the Decurio Aurelius Secundus."
Julius Decurio, Praepositus Date unknown A part of the name is passed down on an official letter: "To [Decurio] Julius ..., my superior ..."
Cornelius ... iolus Decurio, Praepositus Date unknown Belonging to the garrison probably. Part of the name is handed down on an official letter.
Atilius Iobenal Decurio, Praepositus Date unknown Belonging to the garrison probably. The name is handed down on an official letter: "To the Decurio Atilius Iobenal, ... superior, (I bid), the Decurio ... nius Saturninus, the greeting."
... nius Saturninus Decurio Date unknown Can also be a non-garrison Decurio. The name fragment is handed down on the official letter mentioned above.
Terentius Decurio Date unknown Can also be a non-garrison Decurio. The name fragment is handed down on two official letters: "Terentius ... and Decurio ..."

Through the exchange of official orders, members of the Cohors VIII Fida lying in Fort Secedi were ordered to Gholaia. The letter issued by Decurio Pomponius Silvanus, who commanded the cohort, on the occasion shows that, in addition to the day of the exhibition in Secedi, a receipt with the date was noted on arrival in Gholaia.

Commanders of the Cohors VIII Fida in Secedi

Surname rank Time position comment
Pomponius Silvanus Decurio 253 to 259 (date of issue: April 24th; receipt: April 27th) The name is passed down through two official letters:

NCOs and men

Individual soldiers have also left visible traces in Gholaia. In the military bath , for example, a plaster tabula ansata was found on which a restoration inscription had been painted. Both "handles" of the board showed separately the words "numina invicta" (undefeated deities), on the board itself the following incorrect text was written:

Iunius Amicus
(sesquiplicarius) qui e (t) lbirarius [= librarius]
pregolem [= priorem] labarclum [= lavacrum] ex parte restituit
cum omne numerum militum

Translation: "Iunius Amicus, Sesquiplicarius [non-commissioned officer with 1.5 times pay] as well as clerk, has partially restored the former bathroom with the total number of soldiers."

In addition, the names of common soldiers were preserved through stone inscriptions, such as that of the miles Titus Julius Crisontianus.

A number of the names of individual border guards have also come down to us through Ostraka. The following document is listed below as an example of a morning report:

VIIII Ka (lenda) s Ian (uarias) n (umerus) LVII
in his librarius I
optio I
(proculcator I) [crossed out]
| (equites) VIII
quintanari (i) XXII
de spec (u) lis I
ad porta (m) I
ad p (rae) p (ositum) I
structor I
(a) egri III
Sulpicius Donatus
Titus Buzuris
Aurelius Rufus
ad virgas I
religui [= reliqui] repungent (ur) XVII
fur (n) us XV
(balneus) II

Translation:

"24. December, number [of soldiers]: 57,
including: scribe 1,
Option 1,
Scout 1,
Cavalrymen 8,
while exercising 22,
on the watchtower 1,
at gate 1,
at the commandant 1,
Construction worker 1;
Ill 3:
- Sulpicius Donatus,
- Titus Buzuris,
- Aurelius Rufus;
when whipping 1;
the rest are re-marked 17:
at the furnace 15,
in bathroom 2. "

Marichal examined the term reliqui repungent , which is often used in the lists, and came to the conclusion that it should be read as reliqui repungentur . In his detailed discussion, he explained that the term repungentur can best be translated as pointer à nouveau or marquer à nouveau . In addition to the disposable product "Ostraka", which was only used briefly for the morning report, there were also more permanent, comprehensive crew lists made of papyrus or wood, on which a point was placed in front of all those soldiers who were available to the commandant for the day in question and who thus did not have to perform any special tasks. Marichal's conclusion was also followed by the Swiss ancient historian Michael Alexander Speidel , who emphasized, among other things, that the regulations used by the Roman troop administration do not yet come close to the predominantly controlled regulations of modern armies, but it can still be determined that the verifiable differences in the Roman documents from military agencies originating from different parts of the empire are “surprisingly small over time and space”.

The ostraka from Gholaia

A significant complex of finds was the large number of military records written on ostraka. The fragments recovered in and around the headquarters building provide important information about the final phase of the military occupation in Gholaia. The majority of the ostraka were in a dump on the outer south wall of the building, near the scriptorium, while others came to light in several places within the principia. This latter group of records represents the last current ostraca that were kept in the unit's headquarters building before the fort was abandoned. It was evidently the practice to throw away the daily reports of the border guard, which were recorded in the lists every day, as well as service correspondence, which probably ran into the thousands every year, after a certain period of time. There is a huge garbage dump southwest of the fortification. A few more ostracas have already been found there. The ostraka from Gholaia illustrate the organization of the Limes Tripolitanus and offer a wide range of knowledge to the soldiers and officers. This also includes the living conditions and everyday life at the garrison location. It was one of the tasks of the border guards to control barbarians entering the country and to provide them with accompanying letters.

The Latin language, as rendered on many ostracas, is no different from that written by the simple Roman soldier in Syria or Egypt. It is a form of the so-called " Vulgar Latin ", which perhaps shows a hint of the old Punic accent in Gholaia. Wherever “o” and “u” appear, there is often complete confusion for the user of the font. It turns out that the linguistic Romanization in the southern provinces of the high principate still seems very artificial. Wherever the possibly well-trained librarius (scribe) in a clerk's office wrote the usually established official terms correctly, the simple soldier who served in a small post apparently used such rudimentary language as his writing makes clear. He said "bice piciparis" instead of "vice principalis", "bone" for "bene" and "Propositus" for "Praepositus", the rank of his garrison commander, whose rank he should have known. One of them wrote:

[…]
Salutem a
Geminio Crescente
un (um) asinu (m) cuis [= quis] n-
obis at (t) ulisti Bar-
las decimu (m) Cal (endas) [= Kalendas]
emit asinu (m) valias
[= valeas] opto te
bene vale-
re

Translation: "... Greetings from Geminius Crescentus, a donkey who (sic!) You brought us, Barlas bought the donkey on the tenth, farewell, I wish you health at all times."

Marichal wondered if the man was even aware of what the correctly spelled "valeas" meant. The classical philologist said that this was no longer vulgar Latin, but something like the pseudo-Sabir with which the linguist Pierre Perego identified the French of the Arabs in the Maghreb in the 1960s. It is the one-dimensional attempt by a group of speakers to emulate the language with the higher social nimbus, a kind of Creole Latin. The linguist Johannes Kramer , on the other hand, followed the considerations of the classical philologist James Noel Adams in his view that the letter writers were Africans who had learned Latin as a second language, but had no fluent knowledge.

Further finds

Metal was poorly preserved in the African climate around Gholaia. So Rebuffat also had a hard time spotting coins. A few coins of Claudius Gothicus (268–270), Diocletians (284–305) and Constantine II (337–340) have survived as evidence of the time after the town was abandoned as a garrison .

Lost property

Many finds, such as the stone monuments, are now in the Leptis Magna Museum in Leptis Magna .

literature

  • Renato Bartoccini : La fortezza Romana di Bu Ngem . In: Africa Italiana 2, 1928, pp. 50-58.
  • Christof Flügel , Klaus Mühl, Jürgen Obmann and Ricarda Schmidt: “The way the precious stone is set in gold, the gate adorns the warehouse.” On the reception of Roman fort gates in the middle imperial period . In: Report of the Bayerische Bodendenkmalpflege 56, 2015, pp. 395–407.
  • Richard Goodchild : Oasis Forts of Legio III Augusta on the Routes to the Fezzan (= Papers of the British School at Rome 22), 1954, pp. 56-68; here: pp. 57–60.
  • Martin Langner : Antique graffiti drawings, motifs, design and meaning (= Palilia 11), Reichert, Wiesbaden 2001, ISBN 3895001880 , cat. 1193, plate 76.
  • Bruno Lavagnini : Il centurione di Bu Ngem (Q. Avidius Quintianus) . In: Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica , NS 6, 1928, pp. 416-422.
  • Michael Mackensen : Crew accommodation and organization of a Severan legion vexillation in the Tripolitan fort Gholaia / Bu Njem (Libya) . In: Germania 86, 1, 2008, pp. 271-306.
  • Robert Marichal : Les ostraca de Bu Njem (= Libya Antiqua , supplementary volume 7), Tripoli, Département des antiquités, Grande Jamahira Arabe, Boccard, Paris 1992
  • Robert Marichal: Les ostraca de Bu Njem . In: Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 123-3, 1979, pp. 436-452.
  • James Noel Adams : Bu Njem . In: Bilingualism and the Latin Language , Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2003, ISBN 0-521-81771-4 , p. 236.
  • James Noel Adams: The Poets Of Bu Njem. Language, Culture and the Centurionate . In: The Journal of Roman Studies 89, 1999, pp. 109-134.
  • James Noel Adams: The Bu Njem Ostraca: a Postscript . In: Dutch Studies 2, 1995, pp. 171-172; here: p. 172.
  • James Noel Adams: Latin and Punic in contact? The case of the Bu Njem ostraca . In: The Journal of Roman Studies 84, 1994, pp. 87-112.
  • René Rebuffat : L'armée romaine à Gholaia . In: Géza Alföldy , Brian Dobson , Werner Eck (eds.): Emperor, Army and Society in the Roman Empire. Commemorative for Eric Birley . Steiner, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 978-3-515-07654-8 , pp. 227-259.
  • René Rebuffat: Le centurion M. Porcius Iasucthan à Bu Njem (Notes et documents XI). In: Libya antiqua , new series 1, 1995, pp. 79–123.
  • René Rebuffat: Notes sur le camp romain de Gholaia (Bu Njem) . In: Libyan Studies 20, 1989, pp. 155-167.
  • René Rebuffat: Les fermiers du desert . In: Attilio Mastino (ed.): L'Africa romana 5, Atti del V convegno di studio, Sassari 11-13 December 1987, Sassari 1988, pp 33-68.
  • René Rebuffat: Lampes romaines à Gholaia (Bu Njem, Libye) . In: Thérèse Oziol (ed.): Les lampes de terre cuite en Méditerranée des origines à Justinien. Table Ronde du CNRS, Lyon du 7 au 11 December 1981, Paris 1987 (= Travaux de la Maison de l'Orient 13), pp. 83-90.
  • René Rebuffat: Le poème de Q. Avidius Quintianus à la déesse Salus . In: Carthage. Revue d'archéologie méditerranéenne 21, 1984, pp. 93-105.
  • René Rebuffat: Les centurions de Gholaia . In: Attilio Mastino (ed.): L'Africa romana 2, Atti del II convegno di studio, Sassari 14-16 December 1984, Sassari 1985, pp 225-238.
  • René Rebuffat, Ara cerei In: Mélanges de l'École française de Rome. Antiquité , 94-2, 1982, pp. 911-919.
  • René Rebuffat: Dix ans de recherches dans le prédésert de Tripolitaine (Notes et documents VIII) . In: Libya antiqua 13, 1976-1977, pp. 79-91.
  • René Rebuffat: Bu Njem, 1972 . In: Libya antiqua 13, 1976-1977, pp. 37-77.
  • René Rebuffat: Bu Njem, 1971 . In: Libya antiqua 11, 1974-1975, pp 189-241.
  • René Rebuffat: Gholaia (Notes et documents VI) . In: Libya antiqua 9-10, 1972-1973, pp 135-145.
  • René Rebuffat: L'arrivée des Romains à Bu Njem (Notes et documents V) . In: Libya antiqua 9-10, 1972-1973, pp 121-134.
  • René Rebuffat: Les inscriptions des portes du camp de Bu Njem (Notes et documents IV). In: Libya antiqua 9-10, 1972-1973, pp. 99-120.
  • René Rebuffat: Bu Njem, 1970 . In: Libya antiqua 6, 1969-1970; Pp. 107-158.
  • René Rebuffat: Bu Njem, 1968 . In: Libya antiqua 6, 1969-1970; Pp. 9-86.
  • René Rebuffat: Une plaquette de bronze inscrite du camp, 1967 . In: Libya antiqua 6, 1969-1970; Pp. 175-180.
  • René Rebuffat: Bu Njem . In: Libya antiqua 3, 1966-1967, pp. 49-137.
  • Michael Speidel : Outpost duty in the desert. Building the fort at Gholaia (Bu Njem, Libya) . In: Antiquités africaines 24, 1988, pp. 99-102.
  • Bengt E. Thomasson : On the use of Augustorum, Augg. and Aug. as designation of the sovereign rule of two rulers . In: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 52, 1983, pp. 125–135.
  • Derek A. Welsby : The Defenses of the Roman Forts at Bu Ngem and Gheriat el-Garbia . In: Paul Bidwell, Roger Miket, Bill Ford: Portae cum turribus. Studies of Roman fort gates . Papers of a seminar at South Shields in July 1985 (= British Archaeological Reports, British series 206), Oxford 1988. ISBN 1407305204 , pp. 63-82.

Web links

Commons : Castra Gholaia  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Remarks

  1. ↑ AE 1988, 01102 .
  2. ↑ OBuNjem 00075 .
  3. ↑ René Rebuffat: Dix ans de recherches dans le prédésert de Tripolitaine (Notes et documents VIII) . In: Libya antiqua 13, 1976-1977, pp. 79-91; here: p. 84.
  4. ↑ Michael Mackensen : forts and military posts of the late 2nd and 3rd centuries on the "Limes Tripolitanus" . In: Der Limes 2 (2010), pp. 20–24; here: p. 22.
  5. ↑ René Rebuffat : Les citernes de Syrtique occidentale . In: Encyclopédie Berbère 13, 1994, pp. 2017-2025; here p. 2021.
  6. ↑ fortlet Gasr Zerzi at 30 ° 32 '35.87 "  N , 15 ° 6' 11.57"  O
  7. ↑ a b Michael Mackensen : Crew accommodation and organization of a Severan legionary vexillation in the Tripolitan fort Gholaia / Bu Njem (Libya) . In: Germania 86, 1, 2008, pp. 271-306; here: p. 281.
  8. ↑ Michael Mackensen: Building stock and reconstruction of the porta praetoria of the Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya) . In: Roman fortifications. Findings and reconstruction. Contents - projects - documentation . (= Publication series Bavarian State Office for Monument Preservation 7), 2013, pp. 88–107; here: p. 96.
  9. ↑ Bulletin analytique d'histoire romaine 8, 1973, pp. 140-144; here: p. 144.
  10. ↑ Michael Mackensen : Crew accommodation and organization of a Severan legion vexillation in the Tripolitan fort Gholaia / Bu Njem (Libya) . In: Germania 86, 1, 2008, pp. 271-306; here: p. 282.
  11. ^ A b Richard Goodchild : Oasis Forts of Legio III Augusta on the Routes to the Fezzan (= Papers of the British School at Rome 22), 1954, pp. 56-68; here: p. 57.
  12. ^ A b Richard Goodchild : Oasis Forts of Legio III Augusta on the Routes to the Fezzan (= Papers of the British School at Rome 22), 1954, pp. 56-68; here: p. 60.
  13. ↑ Michael Mackensen : Crew accommodation and organization of a Severan legion vexillation in the Tripolitan fort Gholaia / Bu Njem (Libya) . In: Germania 86, 1, 2008, pp. 271-306; here: p. 271.
  14. ↑ a b David Mattingly : Tripolitania. Batsford, London 2005, ISBN 0-203-48101-1 , p. 3.
  15. ↑ AE 1929, 00007 .
  16. ↑ The verse inscription by Q. Avidius Quintianus in a photograph: [1]
  17. ↑ Stephan Busch : Versus Balnearum. The ancient poetry about baths and bathing in the Roman Empire . Teubner, Stuttgart, Leipzig 1999, ISBN 3-519-07256-4 , p. 560.
  18. ↑ Alternative translation : “I wanted to leave something important for posterity when, in front of all soldiers in this camp, I began to fulfill a common vow for the return of the soldiers, both for the former and the future. While I was looking for the right gods for my foundation, I finally succeeded in making Salus, a powerful goddess who always accepts vows, as the patron of this place as long as there are admirers of her. I installed the goddess as best I could, and in this scorching heat I gave everyone a health-refreshing water so that they can always refresh themselves in peace by bathing in these sand hills where the south wind drives the glowing flames of the sun before them can. So do not fail, who you feel the comfort of my work, to give with your voice true praise for it, who wishes that you maintain your health, and also bear witness to Salus. ”Source: Margot Klee : Limits of Empire. Life on the Roman Limes . Theiss, Stuttgart 2006, ISBN 978-3-8062-2015-5 , p. 137.
  19. ↑ Bruno Lavagnini (1898–1992) discusses the verse form and the acrostic in: Il centurione di Bu Ngem (Q. Avidius Quintianus) . In: Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica , NS 6, 1928, pp. 416-422.
  20. ↑ Stephan Busch : Versus Balnearum. The ancient poetry about baths and bathing in the Roman Empire . Teubner, Stuttgart, Leipzig 1999, ISBN 3-519-07256-4 , pp. 561-563.
  21. ↑ Konrad Vössing : School and education in North Africa during the Roman Empire . (= Collection Latomus 238), Latomus, Brussels 1997, ISBN 2-87031-178-8 , p. 80.
  22. ^ A b c d Richard Goodchild : Oasis Forts of Legio III Augusta on the Routes to the Fezzan (= Papers of the British School at Rome 22), 1954, pp. 56-68; here: p. 58.
  23. ^ Renato Bartoccini : La fortezza Romana di Bu Ngem . In: Africa Italiana 2, 1928, pp. 50-58.
  24. ^ René Cagnat: L'armée romaine d'Afrique et l'occupation militaire de l'Afrique sous les empereurs . 2nd edition, Imprimerie nationale, Leroux, Paris 1912; Pp. 555-557.
  25. ↑ Michael Mackensen : Building stock and reconstruction of the "porta praetoria" of the Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya) . In: Christof Flügel , Jürgen Obmann (Ed.): Roman fortifications, findings and reconstruction . Volk Verlag, Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-86222-131-8 , p. 90.
  26. ↑ Dietwulf Baatz: Fort Hesselbach and other research on the Odenwald Limes (= Limesforschungen 12), Mann, Berlin 1973, ISBN 3-7861-1059-X , pp. 9–114.
  27. ↑ a b David Mattingly : Tripolitania. Batsford, London 2005, ISBN 0-203-48101-1 , p. 152.
  28. ↑ Michael Mackensen : Crew accommodation and organization of a Severan legion vexillation in the Tripolitan fort Gholaia / Bu Njem (Libya) . In: Germania 86, 1, 2008, pp. 271-306; here: p. 281.
  29. ↑ René Rebuffat : L'armée romaine à Gholaia . In: Géza Alföldy , Brian Dobson , Werner Eck (eds.): Emperor, Army and Society in the Roman Empire. Commemorative for Eric Birley . Steiner, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 978-3-515-07654-8 , pp. 227-259; here: p. 227.
  30. ↑ Derek A. Welsby : The Defenses of the Roman Forts at Bu Ngem and Gheriat el-Garbia . In: Paul Bidwell, Roger Miket, Bill Ford, (Eds.): Portae cum turribus. Studies of Roman fort gates (= British Archaeological Reports, British series 206), Oxford 1988, pp. 63-82; here: p. 64.
  31. ^ Christian Witschel: On the situation in Roman Africa during the 3rd century . In: Klaus-Peter Johne, Thomas Gerhardt, Udo Hartmann (eds.): Deleto paene imperio Romano. Transformation processes of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century and their reception in modern times . Steiner, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-515-08941-1 , pp. 145-22; here: p. 173.
  32. ^ Christian Witschel: Crisis - Recession - Stagnation? The west of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD (= Frankfurt ancient historical contributions 4), Marte Clauss, Frankfurt a. M. 1999, ISBN 3-934040-01-2 , p. 191. (Dissertation)
  33. ↑ OBuNjem 00028 ; OBuNjem 00147
  34. ^ Christian Witschel: On the situation in Roman Africa during the 3rd century . In: Klaus-Peter Johne, Thomas Gerhardt, Udo Hartmann (eds.): Deleto paene imperio Romano. Transformation processes of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century and their reception in modern times . Steiner, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-515-08941-1 , pp. 145-22; here: p. 174.
  35. ↑ Olwen Brogan : Hadd Hajar, a clausura in the Tripolitanian Gebel Garian south of Asabaa . In: Libyan Studies , 11, 1980, pp. 45-52; here: p. 50.
  36. ↑ Robert Marichal: Les ostraka de Bu Njem . In: Comptes rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (1979), pp. 436-437.
  37. ^ David Mattingly : Tripolitania. Batsford, London 2005, ISBN 0-203-48101-1 , p. 130.
  38. ^ Christian Witschel: On the situation in Roman Africa during the 3rd century . In: Klaus-Peter Johne, Thomas Gerhardt, Udo Hartmann (eds.): Deleto paene imperio Romano. Transformation processes of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century and their reception in modern times . Steiner, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-515-08941-1 , pp. 145-22; here: p. 175.
  39. ↑ AE 1976, 00700 .
  40. ↑ Véronique Brouquier -Reddé: Temples et cultes de Tripolitaine . CNRS Editions, Paris 1992, ISBN 2-222-04665-3 , p. 154.
  41. ↑ AE 1976, 00698 .
  42. ↑ AE 1976, 00697 .
  43. ^ René Cagnat, Alfred Merlin, Louis Chatelain: Inscriptions latines d'Afrique. Paris 1923, No. 27; AE 1928, 22 ; Epigraphic database Heidelberg .
  44. ↑ Joyce Maire Reynolds, John Bryan Ward-Perkins: Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania. British School at Rome, Rome, London 1952. p. 226.
  45. ^ David J. Mattingly : Tripolitania . University of Michigan Press, 1994, ISBN 0-472-10658-9 , p. 99.
  46. ↑ AE 1992, 01761 .
  47. ↑ Olwen Brogan , Joyce Reynolds : Inscriptions from the Tripolitanian Hinterland . In: Libya antiqua 1, 1964, pp. 43-46; here: pp. 43–44.
  48. ↑ René Rebuffat: Recherches en Tripolitaine du Sud . In: Revue archéologique , Nouvelle Série, Fasc. 1, 1971, pp. 177-184; here: p. 179.
  49. ↑ Derek A. Welsby : The Defenses of the Roman Forts at Bu Ngem and Gheriat el-Garbia . In: Paul Bidwell, Roger Miket, Bill Ford, (Eds.): Portae cum turribus. Studies of Roman fort gates (= British Archaeological Reports, British series 206), Oxford 1988, pp. 63-82; here: p. 77.
  50. ↑ Derek A. Welsby : The Defenses of the Roman Forts at Bu Ngem and Gheriat el-Garbia . In: Paul Bidwell, Roger Miket, Bill Ford, (Eds.): Portae cum turribus. Studies of Roman fort gates (= British Archaeological Reports, British series 206), Oxford 1988, pp. 63-82; here: p. 79.
  51. ↑ a b c d e f g David Mattingly : Tripolitania. Batsford, London 2005, ISBN 0-203-48101-1 , p. 153.
  52. ↑ a b AE 1995, 01671 .
  53. ↑ Michael Mackensen: Building stock and reconstruction of the porta praetoria of the Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya) . In: Roman fortifications. Findings and reconstruction. Contents - projects - documentation . (= Publication series Bavarian State Office for Monument Preservation 7), 2013, pp. 88–107; here: p. 93.
  54. ^ A b Michael Mackensen: Building stock and reconstruction of the porta praetoria of the Severan vexillation fort Myd (---) / Gheriat el-Garbia on the "limes Tripolitanus" (Libya) . In: Roman fortifications. Findings and reconstruction. Contents - projects - documentation . (= Publication series Bavarian State Office for Monument Preservation 7), 2013, pp. 88–107; here: p. 95.
  55. ↑ Erwin M. Ruprechtsberger : The Roman Limes Zone in Tripoliania and the Cyrenaica (Tunisia - Libya) , (= Writings of the Limes Museum Aalen 47), 1993, fig. 57, 58.
  56. ↑ a b c d e David Mattingly : Tripolitania. Batsford, London 2005, ISBN 0-203-48101-1 , p. 154.
  57. ^ A b c Michael Mackensen, Hans Roland Baldus : Military camp or marble workshops. New investigations in the eastern area of ​​the Simitthus / Chemtou labor and quarry camp. Philipp von Zabern, Mainz 2005, ISBN 3-8053-3461-3 , p. 77.
  58. ↑ AE 1976, 00700 .
  59. ↑ Markus Scholz : Ceramics and history of the Kapersburg fort - an inventory . In: Saalburg-Jahrbuch 52/53, 2002/2003, pp. 9–282; here: p. 91.
  60. ↑ a b c d e David Mattingly : Tripolitania. Batsford, London 2005, ISBN 0-203-48101-1 , p. 134.
  61. ↑ a b c René Rebuffat : L'armée romaine à Gholaia . In: Géza Alföldy , Brian Dobson , Werner Eck (eds.): Emperor, Army and Society in the Roman Empire. Commemorative for Eric Birley . Steiner, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 978-3-515-07654-8 , pp. 227-259; here: p. 227.
  62. ^ Christian Witschel: On the situation in Roman Africa during the 3rd century . In: Klaus-Peter Johne, Thomas Gerhardt, Udo Hartmann (eds.): Deleto paene imperio Romano. Transformation processes of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century and their reception in modern times . Steiner, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-515-08941-1 , pp. 145-22; here: p. 180.
  63. ↑ AE 1972, 00678 .
  64. ↑ AE 1993, 01709 .
  65. ^ Christian Körner : Philippus Arabs. A soldier emperor in the tradition of the Antonine-Severan principate (= studies of ancient literature and history 61), de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2002, ISBN 3-11-017205-4 , p. 243.
  66. ↑ Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania: IRT 880 (with photos and drawings) , accessed January 29, 2019.
  67. ↑ René Rebuffat : L'armée romaine à Gholaia . In: Géza Alföldy , Brian Dobson , Werner Eck (eds.): Emperor, Army and Society in the Roman Empire. Commemorative for Eric Birley . Steiner, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 978-3-515-07654-8 , pp. 227-259; P. 252.
  68. ↑ Marcus Reuter : Studies on the numbers of the Roman Army in the Middle Imperial Period , dissertation, In: Reports of the Roman-Germanic Commission 80, 1999, pp. 359-569, here p. 400.
  69. ^ A b Christian Witschel: Crisis - Recession - Stagnation? The west of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD (= Frankfurt ancient historical contributions 4), Marte Clauss, Frankfurt a. M. 1999, ISBN 3-934040-01-2 , p. 192, footnote 60. (Dissertation)
  70. ↑ René Rebuffat : L'armée romaine à Gholaia . In: Géza Alföldy , Brian Dobson , Werner Eck (eds.): Emperor, Army and Society in the Roman Empire. Commemorative for Eric Birley . Steiner, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 978-3-515-07654-8 , pp. 227-259; here: pp. 227–228.
  71. ↑ CIL 08, 22765 .
  72. ^ Pol Trousset : Recherches sur le limes Tripolitanus, du Chott el-Djerid à la frontière tuniso-libyenne. (Etudes d'Antiquites africaines). Éditions du Center national de la recherche scientifique, Paris 1974, ISBN 2-222-01589-8 . Pp. 98-102; here: p. 101.
  73. ↑ a b Michael Mackensen : Crew accommodation and organization of a Severan legionary vexillation in the Tripolitan fort Gholaia / Bu Njem (Libya) . In: Germania 86.1, 2008 (2009), pp. 271-306; here: p. 286.
  74. ↑ Hans Ulrich Nuber : The end of the Upper German-Raetian Limes - a research task. In: Hans Ulrich Nuber u. a. (Ed.): Archeology and history of the first millennium in southwest Germany (= Archeology and History 1), Sigmaringen 1990, pp. 51–68.
  75. ^ David J. Mattingly: Tripolitania. Taylor & Francis, 2005, ISBN 0-203-48101-1 , p. 130.
  76. ↑ CIL 08, 10992 ; CIL 08.00006 ; AE 1976, 00697 ; Kashuba-1994-83 .
  77. ↑ René Rebuffat: Les inscriptions of the Portes du camp de Bu Njem (Notes et documents IV). In: Libya antiqua 9-10, 1972-1973, pp. 99-120.
  78. ↑ AE 1995, 01671 .
  79. ↑ AE 1972, 00678
  80. ↑ René Rebuffat : L'armée romaine à Gholaia . In: Géza Alföldy , Brian Dobson , Werner Eck (eds.): Emperor, Army and Society in the Roman Empire. Commemorative for Eric Birley . Franz Steiner, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 978-3-515-07654-8 , pp. 227-259; here p. 245 and p. 253.
  81. ↑ Robert Marichal : Les ostraca de Bu Njem (= Libya Antiqua , supplementary volume 7), Tripoli, Département des antiquités, Grande Jamahira Arabe, Boccard, Paris 1992, p. 182.
  82. ↑ a b c d René Rebuffat : L'armée romaine à Gholaia . In: Géza Alföldy , Brian Dobson , Werner Eck (eds.): Emperor, Army and Society in the Roman Empire. Commemorative for Eric Birley . Steiner, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 978-3-515-07654-8 , pp. 227-259; here: p. 230.
  83. ↑ René Rebuffat: Le centurion M. Porcius Iasucthan à Bu Njem (Notes et documents XI). In: Libya antiqua , new series 1, 1995, pp. 79–123.
  84. ↑ Christof Flügel , Klaus Mühl, Jürgen Obmann and Ricarda Schmidt: “How the precious stone is set in gold, the gate adorns the warehouse.” On the reception of Roman fort gates in the Middle Imperial period . In: Report of the Bayerische Bodendenkmalpflege 56, 2015, pp. 395–407; here: pp. 405–406.
  85. ↑ Lower wagons or rollers on a smoothed road.
  86. ↑ CIL 08, 2638 .
  87. ↑ René Rebuffat: Le centurion M. Porcius Iasucthan à Bu Njem (Notes et documents XI). In: Libya antiqua , new series 1, 1995, pp. 79–123.
  88. ↑ Simon James: Rome and the Sword. How warriors and weapons shaped Roman history . WBG, Darmstadt 2013, ISBN 978-3-534-25598-6 , p. 161.
  89. ↑ Christof Flügel , Klaus Mühl, Jürgen Obmann and Ricarda Schmidt: “How the precious stone is set in gold, the gate adorns the warehouse.” On the reception of Roman fort gates in the Middle Imperial period . In: Report of the Bayerische Bodendenkmalpflege 56, 2015, pp. 395–407; here: p. 395.
  90. ↑ Histories 3.84
  91. ↑ AE 1979, 00645 .
  92. ↑ AE 1972, 677 .
  93. ↑ René Rebuffat: Divinités De L'Oued Kebir (Tripolitaine) . In: Attilio Mastino (ed.): L'Africa romana 7. Atti del VII convegno di studio Sassari, December 15-17, 1989 (1990), pp. 119-159; here: pp. 154–157.
  94. ↑ AE 1991, 1620 .
  95. ^ Peter Riedlberger : Philological, historical and liturgical commentary on the 8th book of the Johannis des Goripp together with a critical edition and translation. Forsten, Groningen 2010m, ISBN 978-90-6980-157-5 . P. 301.
  96. ↑ René Rebuffat: Divinités De L'Oued Kebir (Tripolitaine) . In: Attilio Mastino (ed.): L'Africa romana 7. Atti del VII convegno di studio Sassari, December 15-17, 1989 (1990), pp. 119-159; here: p. 140 f.
  97. ↑ Oliver Stoll : Roman Army and Society. Collected articles 1991–1999. Steiner, Stuttgart 2001, ISBN 3-515-07817-7 , pp. 222-230.
  98. ↑ Olwen Brogan , Joyce Reynolds : Inscriptions from the Tripolitanian Hinterland . In: Libya antiqua 1, 1964, pp. 43-46; here: p. 43.
  99. ↑ AE 2013, 01767 .
  100. ^ Dedication to Jupiter Hammon , Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania
  101. ↑ AE 1972, 00681 .
  102. ↑ a b René Rebuffat: L'armée romaine à Gholaia . In: Géza Alföldy , Brian Dobson , Werner Eck (eds.): Emperor, Army and Society in the Roman Empire. Commemorative for Eric Birley . Steiner, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 978-3-515-07654-8 , pp. 227-259; here: p. 245.
  103. ↑ OBuNjem 00075 :

    ---] Manilio Floro pr [aeposito ---]
    [sal] utem a Pu [---]
    [pro] curatore A [ug (ustorum) n (ostrorum) ---]
    [---] dedi ad usus m [ilitum ---]
    [---] mor [ant] ium [G] olas L DXXX [---]
    [---] Kal (endas) Sep [t] emres anno secu [ndo ---]
    dom [i] nor (um)

    Translation: ... "the commandant Manilius Florus ... greetings from Pooh ... the governor of our exalted ones ... ... I have given permission for the benefit of the soldiers ... to stop Golas [= Gholaia] 50 530 ... August in the year 2 ... of our lords."

  104. ↑ OBuNjem 00087 :

    ---] ma [---]
    Manili [o] [---]
    misi d [---]
    gura VI [---]
    [---] recepta VIIII Kal (endas) [---]
    dom [i] nor (um)

    Rebuffat also assigns this ostraka to Manilius Florus.

  105. ↑ See explanatory notes on the two letters OBuNjem 75 and 87: Konrad Stauner : The official writing of the Roman army from Augustus to Gallienus (27 BC – 268 AD). An examination of the structure, function and importance of the official military administrative documentation and its writers. Habelt, Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-7749-3270-0 , p. 50.
  106. ↑ OBuNjem 00076 :

    Octavio Festo dec (urioni) p (rae) p (osito) meo
    Aemilius Aemilianus mil (es)
    salutem
    transmisi at [= ad] te domine
    per kamellarios Iddibalis
    selesua tridici (m) [= tredecim)] VII sept (m)
    et semis q (uae) f (aciunt) modios n (on) aginta
    consules futuros post Thusco
    et Bas [so co (n) s (ulibus)] XII Kal (endas) Febr (u) arias

    The translation follows Johannes Kramer : “To Decurio Octavius, my superior, (I offer), the soldier Aemilius Aemilianus, the greeting. I have sent you, sir, seven and a half selesva (hectoliters) of wheat through the camel drivers of Iddibal, which makes 90 bushels. Among the consuls who will take office after Thuscus and Bassus, on January 21st. "

    Source: Johannes Kramer: Vulgar Latin everyday documents on papyri, ostracas, tablets and inscriptions (= Archive for Papyrus Research and Related Areas , Supplement 23), de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2007, ISBN 978-3-11-020224-3 , p. 76-78. See also explanatory notes on this letter: Konrad Stauner : The official writing of the Roman army from Augustus to Gallienus (27 BC – 268 AD). An examination of the structure, function and importance of the official military administrative documentation and its writers. Habelt, Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-7749-3270-0 , p. 48.

  107. ↑ OBuNjem 00077 :

    Octavio Festo dec (urioni) p (rae) p (osito) meo
    Aemilius Aemilianus mil (es) salutem
    transmisi at [= ad] te domine per kamella-
    rius (!) Iassucthan sbitualis tridici (m) [= tredecim)]
    VII ( II) nove (m) q (uae) f (aciunt) modios centum octo
    consules futuros post Thusco et
    Basso co (n) s (ulibus) XII Kal (endas) Febr (u) arias

    The translation follows Kramer: “The Decurio Octavius, my superior, (I bid), the soldier Aemilius Aemilianus, the greeting. I have sent you nine sbitualis of wheat through the camel driver Iassucthan, sir, which makes 108 bushels. Among the consuls who will take office after Thuscus and Bassus, on January 21st. "

    Source: Johannes Kramer: Vulgar Latin everyday documents on papyri, ostracas, tablets and inscriptions (= Archive for Papyrus Research and Related Areas , Supplement 23), de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2007, ISBN 978-3-11-020224-3 , p. 82-84.

  108. ↑ OBuNjem 00079 :

    Octavio Festho (!) Dec (urioni) p (rae) p (osito meo)
    Aemilius Aemilianus m (iles salutem)
    transmisi at [= ad] te domi (ne per)
    Macargum siddipia trid (icim II) [= tredecim II]
    dua q (uae) f (aciunt) viginti qua (ttuor)
    co (n) s (ulibus) futuris post Thusc (o et)
    Basso co (n) s (ulibus)
    acc (epta) XII Kal (endas) Febr (uarias)
    lit (tera) I.

    The translation follows Kramer: “The Decurio Octavius ​​Festhus, my superior, (I bid), the soldier Aemilius Aemilianus, the greeting. I have sent you, Lord, two Siddipia wheat through Macargus, which makes 24. Among the consuls who will take office after Thuscus and Bassus. Received on January 21st. First letter. "

    Source: Johannes Kramer: Vulgar Latin everyday documents on papyri, ostracas, tablets and inscriptions (= Archive for Papyrus Research and Related Areas , Supplement 23), de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2007, ISBN 978-3-11-020224-3 , p. 85-86.

  109. ↑ OBuNjem 00078 :

    (Octavio) Festo dec (urioni) p (rae) p (osito) meo
    (Aemi) lius Aemilianus mil (es) salutem
    (tr) ansmisi at [= ad] te domine per
    camelarius (!) Iaremaban isidarim
    [- -] s tridici (m) [= tredecim] XXX (vigin) ti q (uae) f (aciunt)
    (m) odios sexagi (nta con) sules
    (fut) uros post Thu [sco] et Basso co (n) s (ulibus)
    [---] Kal (endas) February's

    Translation: “To the Decurio Octavius ​​Festhus, my superior, (I bid), the soldier Aemilius Aemilianus, the greeting. I have sent you, Lord, through the camel driver Iaremaban 20 Isidarim… wheat, which makes 60 bushels. Among the consuls who will take office after Thuscus and Bassus. Received on? January."

  110. ↑ OBuNjem 00078 :

    Octabio F [esto decurioni proposito meo]
    acc (epta) III Kal (endas) Feb [r (uarias) [---]
    [---] e Galin [---] i [---]
    Octabi (u) s (A) em [ilianus salutem [---]
    [d] ecurio prop [ositus 3]
    meum [---]
    meum [---]
    multos [---]
    et va [---]

  111. ↑ AE 1976, 00699 .
  112. ↑ OBuNjem 00079 :

    (Au) Aurel (io) Secundo dec (urioni) salutem
    from Licinio Fortunato tra (n) smisi
    a (d) te domine item per puros
    tuuos [= tuos] gura duua [= dua] semis
    quorum appoca mi (hi)

  113. ↑ OBuNjem 00103 .
  114. ↑ OBuNjem 00092 .
  115. ↑ OBuNjem 00148 .
  116. ↑ OBuNjem 00107 .
  117. ↑ OBuNjem 00095 ; OBuNjem 00094 :

    Part 1:
    Pomponius Sillvanus dec (urio) Iulio (Va)
    Vario eq (uiti) coh (ortis) VIII Fid (ae) salutem quere [= quaere (?)]
    Ad tessera (s) in locum qui dicitur Secedi

    Part 2:
    Varias misi tes (s) eras Secedi Iuli-
    um Ianuarium Secedi
    VIII Kal (endas) Maias

    Part 3:
    Accepta V Kal (endas) Maias
    per Pano (!) fr (umentarium)

    Translation, part 1: “Pomponius Silvanus, Decurio, greets Julius Varus, rider of Cohors VIII Fida. Ask about commands at the place of action called Secedi. "

    For the translation “in locum” with reference to this letter, see: Fritz Mitthof , Konrad Stauner : Two coffers in the Roman army and the role of the “signiferi”. A new papyrus certificate: P.Hamb. inv. 445 *. In: Tyche. Contributions to ancient history, papyrology and epigraphy 31, 2016, pp. 205–226; here: p. 222.

    Translation variants for part 2: a) “I have sent various orders to Julius Januarius in Secedi in Secedi. April 24th. ”B)“ I have sent various orders to Secedi through Julius Januarius to Secedi. April 24th. "

    The variants follow the considerations of James Noel Adams . Source: James Noel Adams: The Bu Njem Ostraca: a Postscript . In: Dutch Studies 2, 1995, pp. 171-172; here: p. 172.

    Now follows the second fragment with the name of Pomponius Silvanus:

    ---] Pom (ponius S) ilvanus dec (urio)
    [---] S [---] atianu (m?) Eq (uiti) n (umeri)
    [---] B [---] D concessi
    [--- lo] cu (m?) qui dicitur
    [---] absint
    [---] bun

  118. ↑ LibAnt-1969 / 70-142
  119. ^ Alison Cooley : The Cambridge Manual of Latin Epigraphy . Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2012, ISBN 978-0521840262 , p. 278.
  120. ↑ LibAnt-1969 / 70-18
  121. ↑ OBuNjem 00022
  122. ↑ Robert Marichal : Les ostraca de Bu Njem . In: Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 123, No. 3, 1979, pp. 436-452; Pp. 439, 444, 446
  123. ↑ Michael Alexander Speidel : Unity and diversity in the Roman army administration. "Pridiana", "diaria" and other types of documents . In: Michael Alexander Speidel: Army and rule in the Roman Empire of the High Imperial Era . Steiner, Stuttgart 2009, ISBN 978-3-515-09364-4 , pp. 294-295.
  124. ↑ Michael Alexander Speidel : Unity and diversity in the Roman army administration. "Pridiana", "diaria" and other types of documents . In: Michael Alexander Speidel: Army and rule in the Roman Empire of the High Imperial Era . Steiner, Stuttgart 2009, ISBN 978-3-515-09364-4 , p. 302.
  125. ^ David Mattingly : Tripolitania. Batsford, London 2005, ISBN 0-203-48101-1 , pp. 153-154.
  126. ^ A b Robert Marichal: Les ostraka de Bu Njem . In: Comptes rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (1979), pp. 436-452; here: p. 437.
  127. ↑ AE 1979, 00642 .
  128. ↑ Pierre Perego: Les sabirs . In: André Martinet (Ed.): Le langage . Gallimard, Paris 1968, pp. 597-607.
  129. ↑ James Noel Adams : Bu Njem . In: Bilingualism and the Latin Language , Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2003, ISBN 0-521-81771-4 , p. 236.
  130. ↑ Johannes Kramer : Vulgar Latin everyday documents on papyri, ostracas, tablets and inscriptions (= archive for papyrus research and related areas , supplement 23), de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2007, ISBN 978-3-11-020224-3 , p. 76 .
  131. ↑ René Rebuffat: Dix ans de recherches dans le prédésert de Tripolitaine (Notes et documents VIII) . In: Libya antiqua 13, 1976-1977, pp. 79-91; here: p. 84.