Limesfall

The hoard of Neupotz is directly related to looting after the Limes fall and was therefore also referred to as "Alemanni booty".

The Limesfall is understood to mean the abandonment of the Upper Germanic-Raetian Limes built by the Romans around the middle of the 3rd century AD, as well as the retreat of the imperial troops from the provincial area beyond the Rhine and Danube the river limits.

Through a series of meaningful archaeological finds and the re-evaluation of the literary sources, the Limesfall no longer appears to be a simple historical process, but rather a multi-layered, complex phenomenon, the historical context of which has not yet been fully understood. Because written sources are largely lacking or are of dubious reliability, research is often dependent on archaeological findings, which in turn can be interpreted in different ways.

In the past it was mostly assumed monocausally that the Romans had been forced to evacuate the area east of the Rhine and north of the Danube as a result of warlike events and external attackers in the context of the so-called Alamannensturm . Archaeological finds suggest, however, that this process was the result of years of development during the so-called imperial crisis of the 3rd century with the decline of the border region; Civil wars in the empire also seem to have played a role. All of this finally led in the years from 259/260 to the de facto abandonment of the so-called Dekumatland and the withdrawal of the Roman military border on the Rhine and Danube.

Research history

Timeline for the fall of the Limes and the 3rd century

The considerations as to which historical events led to the abandonment of the Upper Germanic-Raetian Limes and when exactly they took place are as old as the Limes research itself. The great ancient historian Theodor Mommsen described the long prevailing view of the process in 1885 as follows:

“ A number of flourishing Roman cities were deserted by the invading barbarians, and the right bank of the Rhine was lost to the Romans for ever. "

- Theodor Mommsen : Roman history

The Reich Limes Commission co-initiated by Mommsen came to similar results. Georg Wolff stated in 1916:

“ A withdrawal into the second, backward line, of course one that was forced through some breakthroughs, was what we are used to calling the conquest of the Limes by the Teutons. "

- Georg Wolff : On the history of the Upper German Limes.

At that time, research was still clearly dominated by military issues, which is why it was taken for granted that external enemies would storm the border wall. However, the lack of evidence to support such an event was a problem even then. Objections came from the neighboring disciplines of Provincial Roman Archeology . Numismatists identified many coin finds in the former Limes region as coins from the period after 260. Early Middle Ages archaeologists doubted the basis of dating and drew attention to the spatial proximity of many early Alemannic settlements. More recently, paleobotanical research has shown that the late Limes period appears to coincide with a number of significant environmental changes.

The first doubts about a single, dramatic, warlike event as the cause of a "Limesfall" were already clear in the late period of the Imperial Limes Commission through the discovery of partially consecutive coin series. With his dating of the Limes Falls in 1927, Ernst Fabricius attached greater importance to the latest finds, especially from the forts in Saalburg , Kapersburg , Jagsthausen and Niederbieber . After evaluating the coins and inscriptions, he nevertheless came to the conclusion that all Limes forts were abandoned or, more rarely, destroyed in the year 260. At the same time, Fabricius had to admit that parts of the property on the right bank of the Rhine were held by the Romans for longer, until the middle of the 4th century, even after the loss of the Limes, or that they were temporarily re-occupied .

While, after the Second World War, historical research in the GDR wanted to see a sudden overcoming of the already weakened Roman slave- owner order in the Limes case, the West German archaeologists took up Fabricius' work and tried to answer the question of the partly continuous coin series ( Wilhelm Schleiermacher ) and the exact dating of the Limesfalls ( Helmut Schoppa ) to be clarified. Based on findings from the Großkrotzenburg and Alteburg castles, Schoppa believed that Roman population groups would remain. The area around Wiesbaden ( Aquae Mattiacorum ) was only cleared by the Romans with the abandonment of the Rhine border in late antiquity .

Experts in the 1980s and 1990s were more cautious about the exact dating. The assumption that 260 marked a massive incision was increasingly distanced. Dieter Planck, for example, did not want to rule out a somewhat later abandonment of the imperial border in 1988. In 1990, Hans Ulrich Nuber stated that the task of the Limes must continue to be the subject of research, and referred to internal Roman disputes at the same time.

Only two years later, the discovery of the Augsburg Victory Altar changed the picture of the fall of the Limes forever and confirmed Nuber. Up until then it was completely unknown that the province of Raetia had joined the Gallic Empire under Postumus at the time of the Limes fall . In the same year, the Württemberg State Museum held a special exhibition on the Limes Falls. The new find enlivened the scientific debate about the fall of the Limes. In 1995 a scientific colloquium and a special exhibition on the Augsburg Altar of Victory took place in the Saalburg Museum. The time of the Limesfall is now more illuminated in its individual aspects with interdisciplinary approaches to numismatics and the natural sciences. Current publications avoid formulations such as “the Limes was overrun on a broad front” because the events of 259/60 are now mostly only viewed as an important stage in a long-term development with many individual problems.

The frontier in the 3rd century

The strongly militarily shaped borderland between the Rhine and the Upper German-Raetian Limes ( also called Agri decumates by Tacitus ) had experienced a peacetime of well over 100 years since the German wars of Emperor Domitian , apart from minor regional conflicts. The Pax romana was based on a functioning Limes system, under the protection of which prosperous small towns with civil administration ( civitates ) and a comprehensive system of villae rusticae were established. The troops stationed in the Limes forts with their riding and draft animals guaranteed a constant high demand for agricultural products and were at the same time the guarantee for a functioning economic, administrative and settlement system.

Part of the coin treasure from the vicus at Fort Seligenstadt , final coin Caracalla .

Southwest Germany and the border region in the 3rd century

This system worked particularly well in the 2nd century. The border region seems to have recovered quickly from minor attacks, possibly during the Marcomann Wars , as evidenced by coin treasure finds and occasional horizons of destruction in villas between 160 and 180. In the Taunus, the Limes was strengthened by the numerus fort in Holzhausen , Kleiner Feldberg and Kapersburg . Many Roman villas and main civitas towns were largely built in stone only from the beginning of the 3rd century.

Significant cuts in the life of the border region are only tangible from the second third of the 3rd century, when the military could no longer guarantee the necessary security due to internal Roman disputes. It is also considered whether the Roman armed forces were weakened by events like the Maternus revolt at the end of the 2nd century . As a result of the Constitutio Antoniniana , service in the auxiliary troops , which provided guard duty on the Limes, became unattractive, because at the end of it usually the granting of Roman citizenship stood. In the Germania magna outside the territory of the Reich, the large groups of Franks and Alemanni formed from numerous smaller Germanic tribes as new, dangerous opponents.

A Caracalla campaign in 213 stabilized the situation for a few years. Possibly on this occasion the Limestor Dalkingen was expanded into a triumphal monument. But the Alemanni incursion from 233 to 235 had devastating consequences for the border region. Since the Upper Germanic army had made its most efficient formations available, including the cavalry associations ( Alae ) , for Severus Alexander's Persian campaign , no effective resistance seems to have come about. It is important to remember that the Limes was not a purely military fortification, but primarily served to control the movement of goods and people.

It is unclear to what extent external pressure increased, because the growing instability of the empire inside also played an important role: In the face of a large number of civil wars, the Romans' ability to look after the protection of the borders dwindled. The security situation there has deteriorated rapidly since around 230. In addition to various horizons of destruction in several forts and settlements, the emergency situation of the population becomes tangible through numerous buried coin treasures, which their owners could no longer retrieve later. Such finds were made in Nida-Heddernheim and the Ober-Florstadt fort . After the last great Roman counter-attack under Maximinus Thrax in 235, a clear turning point can be seen, because in 238 he was killed in the year of the sixth emperor , and the troubled times of the soldier emperors began. In view of the unstable situation, many settlements on the Limes were either not rebuilt or only to a very limited extent. However, inscriptions on stone monuments and the walling of vici and Civitas main places testify to the will of the remaining population to assert themselves.

However, a decline in population due to flight or as a result of armed conflicts is also unmistakable. Civilian victims' casualties by looting soldiers and robbers are documented by inscriptions. Latronibus interfectus ("slain by robbers") can now be found more frequently in grave inscriptions.

Construction phases of the Rainau-Buch fort bath; on the right the reduced, latest phase in the 3rd century

Roman inscription from Obernburg with reference to the logging command of Legio XXII Primigenia .

Ecological problems

As early as 1932, Oscar Paret discovered that the Romans had overexploited the forest. Since the use of hard coal and lignite was little known and widespread, not only the castles, vici and villas with their bathrooms, kitchens and hypocaust heating systems were dependent on the use of the raw material wood , as in the entire pre-industrial period , but also the manual production .

A lack of the otherwise readily available energy source on the provincial soil can be recognized by various indications since the 3rd century. Reductions in fort baths such as those in Rainau-Buch , Schirenhof , Osterburken and Walldürn support the Parets thesis, as do inscriptions by logging commands from around 214 that were discovered in numerous fort locations on the Main Limes . The targets of the detachments were probably the still wooded low mountain ranges of the Spessart or the Odenwald . Dendrochronological studies on timbers of the Limes palisade were able to show that this was not renewed in the 3rd century and was probably replaced by earth walls and ditches in Upper Germany or the wall in Raetia due to a lack of wood.

Since Paret's time, scientific methods such as archaeobotany , dendrochronology and quaternary geology have provided new insights into the environmental problems of the 3rd century. Pollen diagrams of Roman sediments (here in particular the wells in the east fort Welzheim ) show the increasing clearing due to a decrease in tree pollen compared to that of grass and herbs. Due to heavy logging in existing forest areas, fast-growing softwood species were able to prevail against slow-growing firs and oaks. River valleys in particular were preferred to be cleared due to the favorable transport conditions.

By dendrochronological dating of alluvial forest oaks and geological investigations of the deposits in river valleys it could be proven that the flood events of the rivers increased strongly between the 1st and 3rd centuries. Flood and heavy rain events triggered soil erosion on the cleared slopes, which were the preferred agricultural areas of the Villae rusticae , and deposited in the valleys scree and floodplain in places several meters high. In Roman times these soils were not usable. Only in the 4th and 5th centuries did the flood levels of the rivers decline, which made it possible to use them after the floodplains were drained in the Middle Ages .

Assumptions that this problem existed in the entire Roman province and that it was a noteworthy contributory cause for the abandonment of the Dekumatland have recently been disputed again.

Economic crisis

The predominant rural settlement form of villa rustica was extremely vulnerable to crises for various reasons. Roman estates in the Limes region usually produced for the local market due to limited transport options. A loss of regular sales markets (e.g. due to the withdrawal of troops), a shortage of personnel during harvest time, rising transport costs or a decline in land yield could lead to the abandonment of larger goods. In the border region, stagnation in the expansion of goods can already be seen in some regions towards the end of the 2nd century. In the course of the 3rd century most of them appear to have been abandoned by their residents. Horizons of destruction are only comparatively rarely proven. In contrast to the large estates to the left of the Rhine, some of which were still magnificently expanded in the 4th century, a trend towards downsizing can be seen in many villa squares on the right bank of the Rhine in the late 3rd century, which primarily affected the more complex heating systems in the houses and bathrooms.

Casting crucibles and counterfeit coins from Rottweil

Rest of the Roman city wall in Rottenburg

The changed security situation could have caused many residents to move to safe provinces. This exacerbated the shortage of personnel, which affected not only the military but to a much greater extent the private sector.

There were also economic difficulties in the everyday life of the remaining residents of the Dekumatland. Imperial foundations and representative buildings failed to materialize. The state tried to counteract inflation by lowering the silver content of the antoninians , which at the height of the crisis only had a thin silver coating with the same nominal value. In return, producers and traders had to raise their prices, which started a vicious circle. The establishment of numerous beneficiary stations in the Limes region from the late 2nd century onwards is evidence of the state's attempts to generate additional income through customs duties.

The loss of purchasing power of the residents was accompanied by a decline in imports, which can be proven in the finds from this period. Terra Sigillata from workshops on the left bank of the Rhine (such as Tabernae, today's Rheinzabern) reached the Limes much less often and its quality declined significantly in the late 3rd century. The same applies to imported products such as olive oil and garum , whose typical amphora shapes were less common. Wine could have been replaced by own cultivation in the Germanic provinces, although it is unclear to what extent this happened. In general, it must be assumed that the residents tried to compensate for missing imports in this way. Finds of counterfeit coins and their molds, such as those discovered in Riississen , Rottenburg and Rottweil , may also be taken as an indication of the crisis .

Findings

The inhabitants of the border region were aware of the effects of this crisis. Countermeasures testify to an ultimately unsuccessful will of the population to assert themselves. Some of them are archaeologically accessible and were usually aimed at the safety of the residents.

Vici fence

At the beginning of the 3rd century, numerous civitas capitals on the right bank of the Rhine were given city walls: Nida-Heddernheim , Dieburg , Lopodunum ( Ladenburg ), Bad Wimpfen , Sumelocenna ( Rottenburg am Neckar ), and Arae Flaviae ( Rottweil ). Exceptions were Aquae Mattiacorum ( Wiesbaden ) and Aquae ( Baden-Baden ), where one may trust the proximity to the Rhine and the legions stationed there.

These city walls were not erected in an acute emergency, but rather systematically, as indicated by their careful construction. Mostly they reduced the size of the mid-imperial city area, only in Heddernheim the wall was oversized.

Kapersburg Fort with the late Limestone period of reduction at the top right

Reduced Eining fort on the (later) Danube-Iller-Rhein-Limes

Downsizing of forts

The decline of the Limes system went hand in hand with the decline of the border region. Findings of walled-up fort gates ( Osterburken , Jagsthausen , Öhringen ) and reduced fort baths apply as a reaction to staff shortages . More recent studies at the Kapersburg and Miltenberg-Ost castles have shown that in the late Limes period, castles were reduced by up to a quarter of their original size.

In both cases, part of the interior of the fort was partitioned off by another strong transverse wall. On the Kapersburg, this area included the horreum and various stone buildings, including the commandant's apartment. The rest of the fort area presumably took up the remaining civilian settlement, as the walls clearly remained intact into modern times. It is conceivable that a reduction was accepted there on less endangered stretches, which anticipated later developments such as in Fort Eining or Fort Dormagen .

Teutons in Roman settlements

Bathing building in Wurmlingen with built-in Alemannic

Since the third century there were Germanic residents in the border region, who presumably had immigrated from northern areas. In the fort villages of the Taunus Limes (Saalburg and Zugmantel) they are documented by finds of Germanic ceramics. A demarcation of the living areas is just as little recognizable as secured buildings in Germanic construction. It is therefore obvious that the new settlers, possibly as a state measure, were settled in the midst of the previous residents, perhaps in vacant vicus buildings. Germanic finds can also be found in the fort villages of Rainau-Buch, Jagsthausen and Obernburg am Main. Germanic tribes can already be found in the Limes hinterland in the early imperial period, but their traces are lost due to the Romanization in the 2nd century. From the 3rd century onwards, Germanic tribes are again increasingly proven as new settlers.

In Nida-Heddernheim, too, Teutons can be traced back to the 3rd century through finds of handmade ceramics and fibulae . Judging by the finds, they come from the Rhine-Weser Germanic environment near the Roman border. The grave of a Germanic officer in Roman service is reminiscent of a mercenary troop in the Teutonic finds of the 3rd century.

In the Roman bath building of Wurmlingen there was rare evidence of the conversion of a villa rustica by Alemannic settlers. The house of the associated complex burned down in the first third of the 3rd century. The settlement activity on site continued without transition under changed circumstances. An installation in the bath building has a typical Germanic post construction. Evidence of dismantling of the bathrooms in the villas in Lauffen and Bondorf as well as in the villa urbana in Heitersheim must also be demonstrated. The circumstances made it less and less possible to specialize or to produce surpluses, and farms returned to subsistence farming .

Leugenstein from the Civitas Taunensium from Friedberg in the Wetterau Museum.

The latest inscriptions

Military inscriptions are documented much less often for the years after the Alemanni invasions from 233 to 235, but show that a large part of the forts was still occupied by troops after this time. In Aalen the inscriptions end as early as 222. In Murrhardt , on the Feldberg and on the Saalburg the latest inscriptions come from the reign of Severus Alexander (222–235). The latest evidence of the Taunus Limes is a consecration in honor of Emperor Maximinus Thrax (235–238) in the Zugmantel fort . In 241 men of the Cohors I Septimia Belgarum restored a water pipe in Öhringen that had been interrupted for a long time. A partially erased inscription for the restoration of the Jagsthausen fort bath, probably dating from the years 244–247 and partially erased in 249/250, is the youngest to document military activity. From the year 249 there are also inscriptions from the fort towns of Stockstadt and Osterburken .

Inscription of Gallienus from Hausen ob Lontal (cast in the Alamannenmuseum Ellwangen )

There are also other certificates. An inscription from Altenstadt possibly documents attempts by the population to help themselves. The inscription names a collegium iuventutis (perhaps a kind of young team or citizen militia). Similar inscription finds are known from Pannonia and Öhringen. In Friedberg in der Wetterau , the council of the Civitas Taunensium had a Leugenstein erected in 249 . The Civitas Ulpia Sueborum Nicretum set the last such stones in 253 in Ladenburg and Heidelberg . Their discovery suggests that the administration of the areas was still somewhat functioning at the time. It should be noted that the number of newly set Latin inscriptions decreased dramatically throughout the Roman Empire around the middle of the 3rd century.

The most recent, only fragmentary, inscription in the Raetian Limes area comes from Hausen ob Lontal and is dated to the beginning of the joint government of Valerian and Gallienus (end of 254 / beginning of 255) due to the imperial titulature . Inscriptions as evidence of a Roman troop presence after 250 are not yet known.

The latest coin finds from forts and watchtowers

Coin finds from settlements allow exact dating in the form of a terminus post quem after the minting of the coin. However, the number of coins found in most forts declined sharply in the post-Severe period. However, reliable conclusions cannot be drawn from this that the number of troops will be reduced. It should be remembered that from the 3rd century onwards, the Roman state reacted to the crisis with a form of forced economy. This included forced services, fixed prices and, above all, special charges for the army.

In many forts such as the Saalburg, the regular supply of coins ceased around the middle of the 3rd century. However, there are individual coins found beyond the year 260, but it cannot usually be said whether they were lost by soldiers. A tetradrachm discovered during excavations in 2014 in the watchtower 3 / 43a , which was assigned to the late Limes period and which was minted in Alexandria in 268/269 , showed only minor traces of circulation, so the excavator assumed it had been lost by a soldier. It remained open whether the Limes in this area of ​​the Taunus remained continuously occupied or was possibly (re) occupied temporarily. In general, it can be stated that the forts were abandoned earlier than the fort villages at their gates. Some fort vici may well have been inhabited until the fourth century.

The auxiliary troops that had served on the border in the previous centuries disappeared from tradition in these years. It is unknown whether they were disbanded, relocated to other areas, or perished as a result of fighting. Failure to make regular wages would have deprived the professional soldiers of their livelihood.

So the question arises whether and to what extent troops were still stationed in the Limes forts after 233. In individual sections, the state could have transferred border protection to Germanic federations , as happened more often in late antiquity. A reaction of the state to an acute threat to the border cannot be ascertained, the borderland sank into a kind of no man's land, to which, in addition to local difficulties, the general imperial crisis contributed.

Lack of written sources

Looting campaigns by Germanic groups in AD 260

In contrast to the early imperial era, only a few reliable written sources are available for the advanced third century. A passage in Eusebius of Caesarea , which was later translated into Latin and supplemented by the church father Jerome, is considered to be almost contemporary . Eusebius reports in his chronicle about the Germanic invasions under Emperor Gallienus 262/263:

“While Gallienus indulged himself in every kind of licentiousness, the Teutons came to Ravenna.
After ravaging the Gallic territories, the Alamanni moved on to Italy, while Greece, Macedonia, Pontus and Asia Minor were ravaged by the Goths. Quadi and Sarmatians occupied Pannonia. "

From the description of Eusebius we learn nothing about the events on the Limes, but we do learn about the events in the Rhine and Danube provinces in the crisis year 260. In that year, Gallienus' father Valerian was taken prisoner in the east, and Postumus rose against Gallienus in the west , which led to the creation of the Gallic Empire . Germanic tribes crossed the borders and penetrated deep into Roman territory.

Somewhat illuminating is the fragmentary Laterculus Veronensis (late 3rd / early 4th century), which reports that all civitates on the other side of the Rhine were occupied by barbarians at the time of Emperor Gallienus. However, Gallienus is usually portrayed negatively in Roman historiography, and in modern literature it is often pointed out that the imperial crisis reached its climax during his reign. The rescue of the empire was attributed to the emperors of the Gallic special empire and, in the east, to the partial empire of Palmyra . Less negative representations emphasize that Gallienus preserved his sphere of influence under the difficult circumstances of the year 260, that he carried out reforms in administration and the military and that the de facto secession of parts of the imperial territory by the opposing emperors was not permanent.

For the evacuation of the last forts on the Upper Germanic-Raetian Limes, the conflict between Gallienus and Postumus may have been the cause after the epigraphic reference to the brief rule of Postumus over Raetia, which results from the Augsburg victory altar. This probably did not take place simultaneously in all border sections. The Raetian Limes does not seem to have been rebuilt after it was destroyed in 254, while in the northern Limes arc of the Wetterau many series of finds go back to the year 260. Thus Postumus was responsible for clearing the last forts on the right of the Rhine, but he managed to stabilize the Rhine border. From the Roman point of view, the areas did not necessarily have to be considered “lost” and the claim to them was maintained.

Archaeological sources from the time of the Limes falls

Findings

From the archaeological sources, no singular event can be identified as a Limesfall . There is no horizon of destruction that has been proven at a significant number of sites at the same time. The deviation is particularly noticeable in Raetia, where most of the fort sites north of the Danube seem to have ended by fire horizons since 254. The findings from Niederbieber and Pfünz, which are often used in older research, are not clearly attributable to Germanic invasions. In recent times, internal Roman disputes were suspected for both sites, and the results of the older excavations are now assessed more cautiously. Recent excavations have provided clearer clues as to the fate of the civilian population.

Niederbieber Castle

Niederbieber is a good example of how difficult it can be to interpret apparently unambiguous archaeological findings. The fort Niederbieber at Neuwied was long considered a prime example of a fighting sunken at Limes case against onrushing Germans castle crew. The reason for this assumption was the old find (1826) of an almost complete human skeleton in the Principia , which based on the accompanying finds (remains of a sign , an iron helmet framed with bronze sheet metal and a silver plate with a fragment of inscription) as the signifier of the Cohors VII Raetorum from the neighboring Niederberg fort has been identified. The skeleton was leaning against the wall of the later collapsed building in a sitting position. Other human skeletons and numerous animal bones were found in the fort area.

However, it remains unclear why the unit was used to defend the neighboring fort. The finding that the southern gate tower of the Porta Principalis dextra (right side gate) was undermined during the attack, according to today's archaeologists, also indicates Roman troops as attackers. The preserved silver signum disk could show Saloninus , the son of Gallienus murdered by Postumus, which could indicate that the castle garrison was attacked because they remained on Gallienus' side during the civil war; but this is hypothetical. In any case, the fact that the valuable finds from the staff building were not looted speaks against Teutons as attackers. If this reinterpretation applies, then the destruction of the fort belongs in the context of an internal Roman civil war and was not caused by Teutons.

Niederbieber was one of the largest troop locations on the Upper German Limes, where riders were stationed in addition to two numbers . Five coin treasures are known from the fort and the associated vicus , the final coin of one dated to the year 258, of three to the year 259 and one to the year 236.

Fort Pfünz

Finds similar to those in Niederbieber can also be found in Fort Pfünz in the Altmühltal. The excavation of the Reichs-Limeskommission also produced human bones there in the principia , in a cistern south of it, as well as three lower jaws from the southeast corner tower under a layer of fire. A lower leg bone of a prisoner is said to have been stuck in an iron chain on the outer wall of the staff building. The remains of shield shackles were found in front of the tower . This was interpreted by the original excavator as a sign of a sudden, unexpected attack. According to more recent considerations, an unnoticed approach to the fort would be unlikely, which is why inner-Roman battles can also be considered here. For unknown reasons, a gate passage of the Porta principalis sinistra (left side gate) had been walled up beforehand .

The associated fort village was looted and went up in flames along with the fort. A hoard in the Dolichenus sanctuary was overlooked. According to the latest coins, the destruction of the vicus was dated to the year 233, but this is not completely certain. A reconstruction of the fort cannot be proven.

Benefit station in Obernburg am Main with overturned consecration stones

Sinking stone monuments in wells, violence against sculptures

A large number of well-preserved stone monuments in the hinterland of the Limes were recovered from Roman wells. In particular, consecrations to the gods were carefully placed in the wells, which indicates that this was carried out by the last Roman inhabitants and not by plundering Alemanni. They probably wanted to protect the stone monuments. This shows that the population apparently expected a return.

The question of who is responsible also arises with numerous willfully damaged or shattered images of gods. A well-known example is the Jupiter giant column from Hausen an der Zaber , which was found dismantled in a pit . It cannot be ruled out that the pagan images of gods, apart from plundering Teutons, were in later times removed very carefully by early Christians. In a beneficiary station that was uncovered between 2000 and 2007 at the Obernburg fort , in the 3rd century after the station was closed, there seems to have been a veritable iconoclasm in which many of the beneficiaries' ordination altars were violently overturned.

Leugensteine were also often very carefully laid in former cellars, pits and wells. The most notable finds of this type are seven Roman milestones in a cellar and one upright in a nearby well in Heidelberg - Bergheim . The empress inscriptions on the stones range from Elagabal to Valerian and Gallienus. A similar find of five stones also comes from a cellar in the nearby Ladenburg. In these cases, the careful laying of the stones could be related to the forced labor (munera) that the residents of the street could be obliged to perform.

Individual and hoard finds

The archaeological finds highlight the plight of the civilian population. Hoard finds can usually only be classified in a historical context by their composition, the place of their safekeeping and their dating.

Woman's skull with cuts and cut marks from the fountain in the Regensburg-Harting villa

Skeleton finds

As from the Niederbieber and Pfünz castles, there are also skeleton finds from civilian settlements that prove warlike events, in this case violent looting. Most of them are well finds. The most famous find in this regard comes from the Villa rustica in Regensburg-Harting . Two wells contained bone fragments from a total of 13 individuals. The skulls in particular showed severe injuries, and the women had also been scalped. Many victims were killed by heavy blows to the forehead and eye area, and the corpses were finally thrown into the wells. The anatomy suggests that the victims were related, presumably they were the residents of the estate. The bones are now in the Museum of the City of Regensburg and in the State Anthropological Collection in Munich .

In Nida-Heddernheim, too, the victims of an attack were thrown into a well; in this case, it was a young woman, a male individual and a 2.5 to 3 year old child. A molecular biological examination revealed that the woman was the mother of the child, but the man was not the father, both were between 25 and 30 years old. The victims received several blows with a blunt object, some of them lying on the ground, first in the face and later in the right ear. Because of the condition of the bones, the type of injuries in the child could not be determined. There were skeletons of three dogs and a cat among the victims in the well, although it cannot be said with certainty whether these were sunk there with the human victims. The three people were presumably of Germanic origin, so that it is assumed that they were domestic staff who, despite the crisis, remained in the town house and fell victim to an excess of violence by Alemannic (?) Looters.

In 1975 the skeleton of a graceful 20-year-old man in reserve was discovered in the fountain of a villa rustica near Frankfurt - Schwanheim near Heddernheim . The skull showed traces of a sword blow; the skeleton was missing all foot bones and most of the hand bones. In the well shaft, which is dated to the time after 228/229 based on a coin find, there was also a cult image of a bull and an unusually large number of horse teeth, so that the finding is referred to as a special ritual burial .

Parts of the skeleton from the vicus of Nidderau - Heldenbergen can not be clearly assigned to civilian victims or soldiers, but it is obvious that they are those who died in a battle shortly after the village was abandoned in 233. About 60 skeletal parts were scattered over the entire vicus; they belonged to ten to twelve male individuals between the ages of 20 and 50 years. Gun finds suggest that they were soldiers. The fact that the bodies remained unburied in the abandoned vicus on a Roman road to Fort Marköbel so that they were scattered by animals may indicate that they were Germanic tribes who were victims of the Roman counter-attack under Maximinus Thrax in the Year 235.

Other bone finds that are seen in a direct connection with the Limesfall were in Augusta Raurica ( Augst ), in a temple near Regensburg, in Ladenburg near Heidelberg and in villas near Mundelsheim , Pforzheim and Waiblingen .

Stone monuments

Augsburg victory altar

Augsburg victory altar

→ Main article : Augsburg Altar of Victory

The most important stone monument that illuminates the events in the border region is undoubtedly the Augsburg Altar of Victory . The stone was discovered in August 1992 about 350 meters south of the urban area of ​​the Raetian provincial capital Augusta Vindelicorum ( Augsburg ) in a construction pit. In Roman times there was an old arm of the Lech . The altar-shaped, 1.56 meter high stone has two side reliefs, a large inscription front and probably carried a statue of the goddess Victoria .

The stone was reused in AD 260, as evidenced by the remains of an older inscription by Severus Alexander in a different script. The more recent inscription was also partially erased later; Lines 11, 12 and 15 with the names of the consuls Postumus (the emperor of the Imperium Galliarum ) and Honoratianus have been removed . The inscription tells of a two-day battle on 24./25. April 260 against Semnonen and Juthungen and the liberation of captured Italians. The circumstances suggest that they were Germanic looters who had crossed the Alps in the winter of 259 and were now laden with loot and on their way back with prisoners.

The Roman troops were led by the knight Marcus Simplicinius Genialis in place of the governor, and a force composed of regular soldiers from the province of Raetia, "Germanic" associations ( Germanicianis , possibly remnants of the auxiliary troops on the Limes) and locals is named. Completely new on the inscription is the still recognizable naming of Postumus as consul, which proves that the province belonged to the Gallic Empire in 260 and recognized Postumus. However, this can only have been the case for a very short time, because the corresponding lines of the inscription were soon erased. Presumably, Raetia came back under the control of Emperor Gallienus in 265 .

Copy of the Dativius-Victor arch in Mainz

Dativius-Victor arch

→ Main article : Dativius-Victor arch

43 blocks of the Dativius-Victor-Bogen were found between 1898 and 1911 as spoils in the medieval Mainz city wall. The 6.50 meter high and 4.55 meter wide arch is considered an arch of honor, even if it was not originally free, but was part of a portico mentioned in the inscription on the front of the attic . This shows that the councilor Dativius Victor from the Civitas Taunensium had promised the Mainz citizens the arch with portico. The front of the archivolt is decorated with a partially preserved zodiac , the keystone shows Jupiter and Juno . Sacrificial scenes with two seasons are shown in the area above the archivolt . The image field, which is not further divided, is dominated by a priest wrapped in a toga , possibly the founder himself while exercising his priesthood.

It seems unusual that a decurion of a foreign civitas donated such a building in Mainz ( Mogontiacum ). The consecration to Iuppiter Conservator (the "preserving" Jupiter) reminds one of a happily survived event, possibly an escape from the areas on the right bank of the Rhine.

In addition to the Dativius-Victor arch, there is another stone monument that could prove the retreat of a councilor of the civitas Taunensium to Mainz. The Nidenser duumvir Licinius Tugnatius Publius had a Jupiter column erected on his property in Mainz-Kastel in 242 (in suo ut haberet restituit) . This inscription is also dedicated to the Iuppiter Conservator . But there are also known inscriptions from officials of the civitas who initially stayed in Heddernheim and can be dated to the same time.

Treasure finds

For a long time, treasure finds were regarded as the main evidence of the Germanic invasions of the 3rd century, in some cases even attempts were made to reconstruct the routes of incursion based on their mapping. The large number of recent finds in the 20th century, the often incomplete delivery of the treasures and the fact that dating to the exact year is seldom possible have led to a skeptical assessment of the evidential value. When it comes to hoarding, a distinction is made between pure coin hoarding, precious metal hoarding, tool hoarding and scrap metal hoarding. Some types do not necessarily have to be traced back to plundering Teutons. The main criteria for the attribution are the composition and the location of the treasures.

Important treasure finds from the 3rd century

Surname	Location	Dating	description
Treasure find from Weißenburg	Weißenburg i. Bay. / Biriciana	233 or shortly thereafter	Mercury statuette from the Weißenburg treasure trove → Main article : Treasure trove from Weißenburg The Weißenburg treasure trove was discovered in 1979 while gardening 70 m south of the Roman thermal baths of Weißenburg . It contained silver votive sheets , bronze statuettes and vessels, pieces of parade armor and iron implements. The inventory suggests that it was largely the inventory of a temple.
Temple treasure from Mauer an der Url	Wall near Amstetten / Locus Felicis	233 or shortly thereafter	Group of statues of the goddess Juno Regina and Jupiter Dolichenus from the treasure trove of Mauer The find of Mauer an der Url (Noricum), which was discovered in 1937 in a pit near the fort wall, is very similar in its composition to the Weißenburg treasure. However, armor parts are completely missing here and the pieces usually do not reach the quality of the comparison findings from Weißenburg. The importance of the Austrian find, however, is that a temple inventory of a shrine of Iupiter Dolichenus is tangible there.
Eisenhort from Künzing	Künzing / Künzing Castle	after 243/44	Military dagger from the Künzinger hoard The iron hoard of Künzing, weighing 82 kg, is one of the largest hoard finds. It was discovered in 1962 during Hans Schönberger's excavations east of the principia in a shallow pit. It contained an unprecedented number of weapons and military equipment that gave an insight into the armory of a cohort. The accompanying find of a coin of Gordian III. is also the latest coin from the fort area. The metal finds had all melted and apparently only got into the ground after the fort had been destroyed. Several other hoard finds are known from Künzing, including two bronze horts, which also contained partially melted objects.
Hagenbach hoard found	Hagenbach	259/60	Parts of the Hagenbach treasure trove The hoard find from Hagenbach is one of the largest finds of silver votive sheets with 128 pieces. The inscriptions suggest that it was looted property from the province of Gallia Aquitania . This character of the find is underlined by chopped up silver vessels. The find also contains a large number of silver jewelry, including massive bar rings as well as arm and neck rings. Similar to the Neupotzer find, which was discovered not far away, the Hagenbacher hoard comes from a gravel pit and was recovered over a period of 20 years without any connection to the findings.
So-called Alemanni booty, hoard from Neupotz	Neupotz	260, possibly also 277/78	Re-enactment of the transport of the Alemanni booty in one of at least two cars → Main article : Neupotz hoard found The Neupotz hoard was brought to the light of day in a gravel pit south of the village of Neupotz since 1967 . With over 800 items, it forms the largest inventory of metal goods in the northwestern provinces. The composition and the location in a loop of the old Rhine indicate that the treasure was lost when crossing the river. Coin finds from one of the cauldrons show a final coin from Gallienus, which is why the hoard find is usually dated to the year 260.
Eisenhort from Eining Castle	Eining / Fort Eining	first half of the 3rd century	The Eining ironworks was plowed in 1975. Among other things, it contained, in whole or in part, a face helmet of the oriental type, three bronze occiput helmets, four greaves and five head protection plates for horses.
Treasure find from Straubing	Straubing	first half of the 3rd century	Oriental-style face helmet from the Straubing treasure trove The Straubing treasure trove was discovered in October 1950 during construction work west of the city on the site of a villa rustica. In a copper kettle, seven masks of bronze face helmets (four of the Hellenistic, three of the oriental type), an iron half of the occiput, five richly decorated greaves with knee protection, eight decorated head protection plates for horses, seven figures of gods and various small parts made of bronze were deposited. There were also various weapons and tools made of iron. The find was unique at the time. It was possibly created when the Sorviodurum Fort 3 kilometers to the west was sacked in the 3rd century.

Small coin hoard from the vicus of Rheinzabern ( Tabernae ) in the Terra Sigillata Museum

Coin Treasures

Burying coin treasures was commonplace in pre-industrial times and is mentioned in some written sources, even in the Gospel of Matthew . In the absence of a banking system, soil was the natural place to hide greater values. For a long time, mapping of the coin treasures by means of fund numerism was seen as a way of determining Germanic incursion routes. In fact, there are a number of reasons why hoards of coins were buried and (actually more importantly) why they were not dug up again. Dating based on the final coin is also often problematic.

Thus, for the time of the Limes falls, there is neither a temporal nor geographical uniform picture. Coin hoards between 220 and 300 are particularly common in the Gaulish and Germanic provinces, after 235 they are rather rare in the border areas with the exception of Niederbieber; Focal points can be seen in northern and central Gaul. It is noticeable that coin treasures were often buried in the 3rd century in the years 242–244 and 253–254, when under Gordian III. and Valerian and Gallienus' troops were withdrawn for foreign campaigns. During these times there are also more frequent signs of battle from the Limes area. In a work published in 2001, hoards with final coins after Marcus Aurelius and before Diocletian could be accepted from Gaul and the Germanic provinces in 1724 .

Larger coin treasures of the 3rd century

Surname	Location	Final coin / tpq	description
Coin treasure from Ober-Florstadt	Ober-Florstadt / Fort Oberflorstadt	Severus Alexander / 233 or shortly thereafter	Coin treasure from Ober-Florstadt in the Wetterau Museum Discovered in 1984 near the western corner in the interior of the fort. With 1136 denarii, the treasure contained one and a half times the annual earnings of an auxiliary soldier and is now in the Wetterau Museum in Friedberg. The burial is probably connected to the Alemanni invasions of 233-235.
Niederbieber	Niederbieber / Niederbieber Castle	259/60	So far, five coin treasures are known from Niederbieber Castle, which was destroyed by fighting in 259/260, three of them from the interior of the fort. One of them was found in the area of ​​the principia in a bronze cauldron. It contained 889 antoninians, the 68 final coins date to the year 259. The find was therefore referred to as the "troop treasury" and is now in the Rheinisches Landesmuseum Bonn . In 1989 another large hoard from 1942 denarii and an antoninian was found, which dates back to the 230s and is located in the Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier . The final coins of the three other known treasure finds show twice the year 259 and once 258.
Coin hoard from Neftenbach	Neftenbach	Postumus / 263-65	Coin hoard from Neftenbach in a bronze jug In December 1983, during excavations by the cantonal archeology in the Neftenbach estate near Winterthur / Vitodurum, a hoard of 1243 silver coins was discovered. The denarii and antoninians were recovered from a bronze can and were corroded into a lump. A stratigraphy of the collection inside the vessel could not be determined, but structures such as a roll and various small bags that were visible on X-rays could. The treasure was hidden under the floor of an outbuilding. Destruction of the facility does not seem to correspond to its closure, it did not take place until around 280.
Treasure find from Brauweiler	Brauweiler	Tetricus I.	The Brauweiler coin treasure was discovered in November 1971 during construction work on Mühlenstrasse. A pot of Urmitzer design (form Niederbieber 89 ) contained a total of 2623 coins. They had been taken out of circulation; The earliest issue year was 254, with 79 percent issues of the Gallic special empire dominated.

consequences

Late Roman fort Kellmünz on the Iller ( Caelius Mons )

The border defense of late antiquity

As a result of the internal Roman disputes with the Gallic Sonderreich and the peoples who invaded the territory of the Empire, the Roman Empire did not succeed in securing the imperial borders on the Rhine and Danube for a long time. Only Emperor Probus took more energetic action against the Teutons. He drove them out of Gaul, made an advance on the Neckar and the Swabian Alb and, according to Zosimos , was able to defeat the Burgundians, Vandals and Goths on the Lech. A fragmentary inscription of honor from the Augsburg Fronhof describes the emperor as restitutor provinciarum et operum publicorum .

On the basis of this inscription, the first measures to secure the late Roman border, such as the first construction phase of the Vemania fort near Isny, were sometimes ascribed to the Probus. The coin series of the most important fortress buildings did not begin until the Diocletian period (from 285). The establishment of the Danube-Iller-Rhein-Limes , which now mainly secured the imperial border along larger rivers, can therefore be attributed to neither of the two emperors with certainty. Finds of inscriptions from fortresses such as Tasgetium ( Stein am Rhein ) indicate, however, that the new border system was only systematically expanded under the Tetrarchs .

The imperial measures stabilized the Roman border defense and lasted until the beginning of the 5th century. Much smaller forts with a reduced crew, in between numerous burgi and shipyards for naval departments, now monitored the border and deterred looters. Compared to the camps of the Middle Imperial period, the late Roman forts were often adapted to the geographical location and, like medieval castles, used steep hilltops and river islands, which made it difficult for the enemy to approach. The border troops in these forts were no longer provided by auxiliary troops , but by so-called limitanei . This strategy was supplemented by campaigns of deterrence and revenge by the mobile field army as well as contracts ( foedera ) with, in particular, Alemannic " warlords ".

It was only when internal turmoil and civil wars that began around 395 that the Roman offensive campaigns ceased in the area on the right bank of the Rhine, while troops were withdrawn from the border fortifications or not paid any further, did the Danube-Iller-Rhine-Limes gradually collapse.

Coin circulation

Coin circulation in the Limes region did not suddenly end in the years 259/60. While the number of lost coins has declined sharply since the year 233 and the reign of Severus Alexander, this convex curve did not fall to zero at most of the fort and settlement sites with the Limes Falls. Occasionally, coins minted later were lost, although it cannot be said whether they came from provincial residents who stayed behind or whether they came from Germanic tribes. Most of the coin series in the 250s sooner or later immerse themselves in this later “background noise” of lost individual coins. It is noticeable that this happened in the open settlements at the beginning of the 250s, but at most fort sites around 255 and near the Rhine towards the end of the 250s. In the walled main towns of Civitas and Vici, the curve fell less steeply and still had a noticeable level even after 260.

A rudimentary circulation of Roman money continued in the evacuated areas even after 260. The focus is to be geographically fixed at Bad Ems , Wiesbaden, Friedberg, Groß-Gerau , Stockstadt, Heidelberg, Pforzheim and Riegel . Here, too, it cannot be said whether this use of Roman money can be traced back to the newly settled Alemanni, which can be found in many of these places, or to the remaining Romans.

The round mountain near Urach , place of an aristocratic seat of the Alemanni

Settlement structure

The Limesfall fundamentally changed the settlement structure of the affected areas. However, the older assumption that the Alemanni avoided the former Roman settlements is incorrect. Germanic installations in Roman buildings or Germanic finds at all are relatively rare, for example in or near the villas of Bondorf , Bietigheim - Weilerlen and Lauffen a. N. In this context, the Alemannic finds from many fort locations on the Main Limes are also remarkable . In addition to the ruinous condition, further use of Roman buildings could also fail due to the technical possibilities, such as the roof structures and the water supply facilities. Alemannic settlements, as can be proven in the newly occupied area of ​​the Wetterau from the 280s onwards, consisted of wooden buildings, could also be located near Roman settlements, but were dependent on the proximity of a flowing water.

Compared to the largely open and unprotected settlements of the middle imperial period, the late Roman settlements again increasingly made use of the favorable fortification altitude. In Raetien there are clear examples in the Lorenzberg near Epfach , in the Moosberg near Murnau and in Kempten ( Cambodunum ), where the mid-imperial settlement on the Lindenberg was abandoned and a Roman fortification was built on the Burghalde hill (→ Cambidanum ). On the Alemannic side, some hilltop settlements such as the Glauberg in Wetterau or the Runde Berg near Urach became important aristocratic seats. In the former Limes area, the Limesfall heralded the transition from ancient to medieval conditions.

literature

• Gerhard Fingerlin : From the Romans to the Alemanni. New masters in the country. In: Archäologisches Landesmuseum Baden-Württemberg (Ed.): Imperium Romanum. Rome's provinces on the Neckar, Rhine and Danube. Theiss et al., Stuttgart et al. 2005, ISBN 3-8062-1945-1 , pp. 452-462.
• Klaus-Peter Johne , Thomas Gerhardt, Udo Hartmann (eds.): Deleto paene imperio Romano. Transformation processes of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century and their reception in modern times. Steiner, Stuttgart 2006, ISBN 3-515-08941-1 .
• Martin Kemkes , Jörg Scheuerbrandt, Nina Willburger : On the edge of the empire. The Limes - Rome's border to the barbarians (= Württembergisches Landesmuseum. Archaeological collections: guides and inventory catalogs. Vol. 7). Published by the Württembergisches Landesmuseum Stuttgart. Thorbecke, Stuttgart 2002, ISBN 3-7995-3400-8 , pp. 237-260, especially pp. 249-253.
• Hans-Peter Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. (= Württembergisches Landesmuseum. Archaeological Collections: Guide and Inventory Catalogs. Vol. 2). Accompanying volume for the special exhibition from May 28 to November 1, 1992 in the Limes Museum Aalen, branch museum of the Württemberg State Museum in Stuttgart. Theiss, Stuttgart 1992, ISBN 3-8062-1056-X .
• Hans Ulrich Nuber : State Crisis in the 3rd Century. The task of the areas on the right bank of the Rhine. In: Archäologisches Landesmuseum Baden-Württemberg (Ed.): Imperium Romanum. Rome's provinces on the Neckar, Rhine and Danube. Theiss et al., Stuttgart et al. 2005, ISBN 3-8062-1945-1 , pp. 442-451.
• Hans Ulrich Nuber: Turning point on the right of the Rhine. Rome and the Alemanni. In: Karlheinz Fuchs, Martin Kempa, Rainer Redies (Red.): The Alamannen. 4th edition. Theiss, Stuttgart 2001, ISBN 3-8062-1535-9 , pp. 59–68 (exhibition catalog).
• Hans Ulrich Nuber: The end of the Upper German-Raetian Limes - a research task. In: Archeology and History of the First Millennium in Southwest Germany ( Archeology and History. Vol. 1). Thorbecke, Sigmaringen 1990, ISBN 3-7995-7352-6 , pp. 51-68.
• Marcus Reuter : The end of the Raetian Limes in the year 254 AD. In: Bavarian prehistory sheets . Vol. 72, 2007, pp. 77–149 (ibid. Pp. 78–86: The “Limesfall” - an overview of the history of research. ).
• Marcus Reuter: The end of the Upper German Limes. Research perspectives and open questions. In: Thomas Fischer (Ed.): The crisis of the 3rd century AD and the Gallic Sonderreich. Files from the Xanten Interdisciplinary Colloquium, February 26-28, 2009. Reichert, Wiesbaden 2012, ISBN 978-3-89500-889-4 ( publications of the Teaching and Research Center for the Ancient Cultures of the Mediterranean - Center for Mediterranean Cultures [ZAKMIRA] 8 ), Pp. 307-323.
• Egon Schallmayer (Ed.): The Augsburg victory altar. Testimony to a troubled time ( Saalburg-Schriften. Vol. 2). Bad Saalburgmuseum, Homburg vd H. 1995, ISBN 3-931267-01-6 .
• Egon Schallmayer (Ed.): Niederbieber, Postumus and the Limesfall. Stages of a political process ( Saalburg-Schriften. Vol. 3). Report of the first Saalburg colloquium. Saalburg Museum, Bad Homburg vd H. 1996, ISBN 3-931267-02-4 .
• Bernd Steidl : The loss of the Upper German-Raetian Limes areas. In: Ludwig Wamser , Christof Flügel and Bernward Ziegaus (eds.): The Romans between the Alps and the North Sea. Civilizational legacy of a European military power. Catalog manual for the state exhibition of the Free State of Bavaria, Rosenheim 2000. von Zabern, Mainz 2000, ISBN 3-8053-2615-7 , pp. 75–80.
• Christian Witschel : Crisis - Recession - Stagnation? The west of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD (= Frankfurt ancient historical contributions. Vol. 4). Clauss, Frankfurt am Main 1999, ISBN 3-934040-01-2 , esp. Pp. 210-233 (At the same time: Frankfurt am Main, Universität, Dissertation, 1998).

Individual evidence

1. ^ ^{A b c d} Hans Ulrich Nuber : State crisis in the 3rd century. The task of the areas on the right bank of the Rhine. In: Imperium Romanum. Rome's provinces on the Neckar, Rhine and Danube. Esslingen 2005, pp. 442–451, here p. 450.
2. ^ ^{A b} Christian Witschel: Crisis - Recession - Stagnation? The west of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD Frankfurt am Main 1999, p. 210.
3. ^ Theodor Mommsen : Roman history. (1885) special edition. in 2 vol. based on the complete edition from 1976, WBG, Darmstadt 2010, ISBN 978-3-534-23237-6 , book 8, 4th chapter, p. 154.
4. ↑ Georg Wolff: On the history of the Upper German Limes. In: Report of the Roman-Germanic Commission 9, 1916, pp. 18–114, here p. 40.
5. ↑ Hans-Peter Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 15.
6. ↑ ^{a b} Ernst Fabricius: Limes. In: Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen Antiquity Science (RE). Volume 13, Stuttgart 1893ff., Sp. 572-671; here: col. 596f.
7. ^ Author collective: Die Germanen. History and culture of the Germanic tribes in Central Europe. Vol. 2, Berlin 1983, p. 15 and 650f.
8. ^ Wilhelm Schleiermacher: The Upper German Limes and late Roman fortifications on the Rhine. In: Report of the Roman-Germanic Commission 33, 1943–1950 (1951), pp. 133ff.
9. ↑ Helmut Schoppa: The occupation of the Limes area by the Alemanni. In: Nassauische Annalen 67, 1956, pp. 1-14.
10. ↑ Helmut Schoppa: The occupation of the Limes area by the Alemanni. In: Nassauische Annalen 67, 1956, pp. 10-13.
11. ↑ Dieter Planck: The Upper Germanic-Rhaetian Limes in southwest Germany and its forerunners. In: D. Planck (Ed.): Archeology in Württemberg. Stuttgart 1988, pp. 278f.
12. ↑ Hans Ulrich Nuber: The end of the Upper German-Raetian Limes - a research task. In: H. U. Nuber u. a. (Ed.): Archeology and history of the first millennium in southwest Germany . Sigmaringen 1990, pp. 51-68 ( Archeology and History 1).
13. ^ Egon Schallmayer in: E. Schallmayer (Hrsg.): The Augsburg victory altar - testimony to a troubled time. Bad Homburg vd H. 1995, pp. 10-12.
14. ↑ Hans-Peter Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Württembergisches Landesmuseum, Stuttgart 1992, ISBN 3-8062-1056-X .
15. ^ Egon Schallmayer (ed.): The Augsburg victory altar - testimony to a troubled time. Bad Homburg vd H. 1995, ISBN 3-931267-01-6 ( Saalburg-Schriften . 2); Egon Schallmayer (Ed.): Niederbieber, Postumus and the Limesfall. Stations in a political process. Report of the first Saalburg colloquium, Bad Homburg v. d. H. 1996 ( Saalburg-Schriften . 3).
16. ↑ Dietwulf Baatz in: D. Baatz, F.-R. Herrmann (Ed.): The Romans in Hessen . 2nd edition, Theiss, Stuttgart 1989, ISBN 3-8062-0599-X , pp. 211-213.
17. ↑ Archaeobotanical studies have shown an annual requirement of 3,034 tons of grain (without seeds) and 10,371 tons of hay for the Limes arch in the Wetterau alone . See Angela Kreuz : Agriculture and its ecological basis in the centuries around the birth of Christ. On the status of scientific research in Hesse. In: Reports on archaeological research in Hessen 3, 1994/95, pp. 79–81.
18. ^ Helmut Schubert: The coins found in the Roman period in Germany (FMRD) . Dept. V: Hessen. Vol. 2.1: Darmstadt. Mainz 1989, ISBN 3-7861-1292-4 , pp. 389-403.
19. ↑ Coin treasure in the Stockstadt Castle see Hans-Jörg Kellner : A treasure trove from the Stockstadt Castle, district of Aschaffenburg. In: Germania 41, 1963, pp. 119-122; for further findings from Hessen see Dietwulf Baatz in: D. Baatz, F.-R. Herrmann (Ed.): The Romans in Hessen . 2nd edition, Theiss, Stuttgart 1989, ISBN 3-8062-0599-X , pp. 211f.
20. ^ Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: H.-P. Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 36; Bernd Steidl : From the Roman provincial territory to the settlement area of ​​the Alemannic Bucinobanten. The Wetterau in the 3rd century AD In: Egon Schallmayer (ed.): Niederbieber, Postumus and the Limesfall. Stations in a political process. Report of the first Saalburg colloquium , Bad Homburg v. d. H. 1996, p. 29.
21. ↑ Dieter Planck (Ed.): Archeology in Württemberg. Results and perspectives of archaeological research from the Paleolithic to modern times. Konrad Theiss Verlag, Stuttgart 1988, ISBN 3-8062-0542-6 , p. 275.
22. ^ Helmut Schubert: The coins found in the Roman period in Germany (FMRD) . Dept. V: Hessen . Vol. 2.2: Darmstadt: Frankfurt am Main. Mainz 1989, ISBN 3-7861-1552-4 , p. 298f.
23. ↑ ^{a b} Helmut Schubert: An imperial denarf find from the fort of Ober-Florstadt. In: Vera Rupp (Hrsg.): Archeology of the Wetterau. Friedberg 1991, pp. 271-285; the same: the denar treasure from Ober-Florstadt. A Roman coin treasure from the cohort fort on the eastern Wetteraulimes. Wiesbaden 1994 ( Archaeological Monuments in Hesse . 118).
24. ↑ CIL 13, 2667 , CIL 13, 3689 , CIL 13, 06429 (4, p 95) ; see Hans Ulrich Nuber: Turn of the times right of the Rhine. Rome and the Alemanni. In: Karlheinz Fuchs, Martin Kempa, Rainer Redies: The Alamannen. Exhibition catalog. Theiss, Stuttgart 2001, p. 65.
25. ↑ Helmut Castritius , Manfred Clauss , Leo Hefner: The Roman stone inscriptions of the Odenwald (RSO) . In: Contributions to the exploration of the Odenwald and its peripheral landscapes 2, 1977, pp. 237–308, No. 28.
26. ↑ Oscar Paret: The settlements of the Roman Württemberg. In: Friedrich Hertlein , Oscar Paret, Peter Goessler (ed.): The Romans in Baden-Württemberg. Volume III, 1. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 1932, p. 149.
27. ↑ ^{a b} Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: H.-P. Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 37.
28. ↑ Martin Luik in Hans-Peter Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, pp. 68-70; Markus Scholz : Ceramics and history of the Limes Fort Kapersburg. An inventory . In: Saalburg Jahrbuch 52/53, 2002/03 (2006), pp. 9–281, here: p. 111.
29. ↑ For the inscriptions see Dietwulf Baatz: Die Römer in Hessen. 2nd edition, Theiss, Stuttgart 1989, ISBN 3-8062-0599-X , p. 103; Stockstadt: CIL 13, 11781 ; Obernburg: CIL 13, 6623 ; as well as Helmut Castritius, Manfred Clauss, Leo Hefner: The Roman stone inscriptions of the Odenwald (RSO) . In: Contributions to the exploration of the Odenwald and its peripheral landscapes 2, 1977, pp. 237–308, no. 28; Trennfurt: AE 1899, 194 .
30. ↑ Egon Schallmayer: On the Limes Palisade in the 3rd century AD. Function and interpretation. In: E. Schallmayer (Ed.): Limes Imperii Romani. Contributions to the specialist colloquium “Limes World Heritage Site” in November 2001 in Lich-Arnsburg. Bad Homburg v. d. H. 2004, ISBN 3-931267-05-9 , pp. 37-42 ( Saalburg-Schriften . 6).
31. ↑ Udelgard Körber-Grohne u. a .: Flora and fauna in the east fort of Welzheim . Theiss, Stuttgart 1983, ISBN 3-8062-0766-6 ( research and reports on prehistory and early history in Baden-Württemberg. 14).
32. ↑ Marcus Nenninger: The Romans and the Forest. Investigations into dealing with a natural area using the example of the Roman north-west provinces. Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2001, ISBN 3-515-07398-1 , pp. 204-210.
33. ↑ Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 32f.
34. ↑ Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 33; Hans Ulrich Nuber: State Crisis in the 3rd Century. The task of the areas on the right bank of the Rhine. In: Imperium Romanum. Rome's provinces on the Neckar, Rhine and Danube. Esslingen 2005, pp. 448-450.
35. ↑ ^{a b} Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 34.
36. ↑ Peter Knieriem in: Egon Schallmayer (ed.): The Augsburg victory altar - testimony to a troubled time. Bad Homburg 1995, p. 39.
37. ↑ On the city walls see C. Sebastian Sommer : The urban settlements in Upper Germany on the right bank of the Rhine. In: Hans-Joachim Schalles (Hrsg.): The Roman city in the 2nd century AD. The functional change of public space. Colloquium Xanten May 2 to 4, 1990, Rheinland-Verlag, Cologne 1992, ISBN 3-7927-1252-0 , pp. 119-141, especially pp. 137-140 (= Xantener reports , volume 2); Nida-Heddernheim: Carsten Wenzel: The city fortifications of NIDA-Heddernheim. Frankfurt 2000, ISBN 3-88270-339-3 ( writings of the Frankfurt Museum for Pre- and Early History . 17).
38. ↑ Markus Scholz: Reduction in the late Limes versus medieval installation in Limes forts. In: Egon Schallmayer (Ed.): Limes Imperii Romani. Contributions to the specialist colloquium “Limes World Heritage Site” in November 2001 in Lich-Arnsburg. Bad Homburg v. d. H. 2004, ISBN 3-931267-05-9 , pp. 135-145. ( Saalburg writings . 6); on Miltenberg see Bernd Steidl: Limes World Heritage: Rome's border on the Main. Logo, Obernburg am Main 2008, ISBN 978-3-939462-06-4 , pp. 205-209; Markus Scholz: Ceramics and history of the Limes Fort Kapersburg. An inventory . In: Saalburg Jahrbuch 52/53, 2002/03 (2006), pp. 9–281, esp. Pp. 87–119.
39. ↑ For the Eining fort see Michael Mackensen : The interior and the north porch of the late Roman fort Abusina / Eining. In: Germania 72, 1994 (2), pp. 479-523.
40. ↑ For ceramics see Rafael von Uslar : The Germanic ceramics in the forts Zugmantel and Saalburg. In: Saalburg-Jahrbuch 8, 1934, pp. 61–96; Vicus Zugmantel: C. Sebastian Sommer: Fort vicus and fort. In: Find reports from Baden-Württemberg 13, 1988, pp. 457-707; on the vicus structure: Dörte Walter: “Germanenviertel” on the Limes? Location relationships between Germanic settlements and Roman forts and fort vici. In: Egon Schallmayer (Ed.): Limes Imperii Romani. Contributions to the specialist colloquium “Limes World Heritage Site” in November 2001 in Lich-Arnsburg. Bad Homburg v. d. H. 2004, pp. 127-134. ( Saalburg writings . 6).
41. ^ Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: H.-P. Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 113.
42. ^ Ingeborg Huld-Zetsche : NIDA - a Roman city in Frankfurt am Main. Stuttgart, 1994, p. 28 and Fig. 107 ( Writings of the Limes Museum Aalen . 48); late in Heddernheim Alexander Reis: NIDA-Heddernheim in the 3rd century AD Frankfurt 2010, ISBN 978-3-88270-505-8 ( writings of the Archaeological Museum Frankfurt. 24), especially on the Teutons p. 276.
43. ^ Hans Ulrich Nuber: State crisis in the 3rd century. The task of the areas on the right bank of the Rhine. In: Imperium Romanum. Rome's provinces on the Neckar, Rhine and Danube. Esslingen 2005, p. 448.
44. ↑ ^{a b} CIL 13, 9123
45. ↑ Géza Alföldy : The inscriptions from the Principia of the Alenkastells Aalen. In: Find reports from Baden-Württemberg 14, 1989, p. 293ff.
46. ↑ Murrhardt: CIL 13, 6552 ; Feldberg: CIL 13.07495 ; Saalburg: CIL 13, 06532 .
47. ↑ CIL 13, 11971 .
48. ↑ CIL 13, 11759 : multo tempor (e) / [interm] issam .
49. ↑ CIL 13, 6562 . See A. Thiel in: Fundbericht aus Baden-Württemberg 20, 1995, pp. 731-732 ( AE 1995, 1166 ).
50. ^ Stockstadt: CIL 13, 6658 ; Osterburken: CIL 13, 6566 ; Jagsthausen: CIL 13, 6552
51. ↑ CIL 13, 7424 .
52. ^ AE 1938, 156 .
53. ↑ CIL 13, 6549 .
54. ↑ Ladenburg: CIL 13, 9103 ; Heidelberg: CIL 13, 9111
55. ↑ CIL 13, 5933 - for dating see Hans Ulrich Nuber: Staatskrise im 3. Jahrhundert. The task of the areas on the right bank of the Rhine. In: Imperium Romanum. Rome's provinces on the Neckar, Rhine and Danube. Esslingen 2005, p. 442.
56. ↑ Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 35; Saalburg: Mario Becker and Elke Löhnig in: Egon Schallmayer (Hrsg.): The Augsburg victory altar - testimony to a troubled time. Bad Homburg 1995, pp. 49-51.
57. ↑ Dietwulf Baatz: The Roman Limes. Archaeological excursions between the Rhine and the Danube . 4th edition, Gebr. Mann, Berlin 2000, ISBN 3-7861-2347-0 , p. 128.
58. ↑ Thomas Becker: Pillar construction at glassworks examined and covered . In: Der Limes 1, 2015, pp. 8–11; here: p. 11.
59. ^ Preserved in a medieval manuscript from Weingarten Monastery (G34), Württembergische Landesbibliothek Stuttgart (HBV 18).
60. ^ Andreas Goltz and Udo Hartmann: Valerianus and Gallienus. In: Klaus-Peter Johne (ed.): The time of the military emperors: Crisis and transformation of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD (235–284). Akademie-Verlag, Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-05-004529-0 , pp. 223-295, here pp. 293-295.
61. ↑ ^{a b} Marcus Reuter : The end of the Raetian Limes in the year 254 AD. In: Bavarian History sheets 72, 2007, p. 143f.
62. ^ Andreas Luther: The Gallic Sonderreich. In: Klaus-Peter Johne (ed.): The time of the soldier emperors: Crisis and transformation of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD (235-284). Akademie-Verlag, Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-05-004529-0 , pp. 325–341, here pp. 329–331; Christian Witschel: Crisis - Recession - Stagnation? The west of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD Frankfurt am Main 1999, p. 211f.
63. ^ Christian Witschel: Crisis - Recession - Stagnation? The West of the Roman Empire in the 3rd Century AD Frankfurt am Main 1999, p. 212.
64. ^ ^{A b} Egon Schallmayer in: E. Schallmayer (Ed.): Niederbieber, Postumus and the Limesfall. Stations in a political process. Report of the first Saalburg colloquium , Bad Homburg v. d. H. 1996, pp. 51-54; Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 36.
65. ↑ CIL 13, 7765 .
66. ↑ On the coin hoards see Hans-Christoph Noeske : Comments on the coin finds from Niederbieber. In: Egon Schallmayer (Ed.): Niederbieber, Postumus and the Limesfall. Stations in a political process. Report of the first Saalburg colloquium , Bad Homburg v. d. H. 1996, pp. 45-51.
67. ^ Frank Unruh in: Hans-Peter Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 67.
68. ↑ For the numerous examples from Nida-Heddernheim see Ingeborg Huld-Zetsche: NIDA - a Roman city in Frankfurt am Main. Stuttgart 1994, p. 38 u. 61f. ( Writings of the Limes Museum Aalen . 48).
69. ^ Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: H.-P. Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 42f. u. 91.
70. ↑ Bernd Steidl: Limes World Heritage: Rome's border on the Main. Logo, Obernburg am Main 2008, ISBN 978-3-939462-06-4 , pp. 202f.
71. ↑ CIL 13, 9104 , CIL 13, 9105 , CIL 13, 9106 , CIL 13, 9107 , CIL 13, 9108 , CIL 13, 9109 , CIL 13, 9110 , CIL 13, 9111 .
72. ↑ CIL 13, 9099 , CIL 13, 9100 , CIL 13, 09101 , CIL 13, 9102 , CIL 13, 9103 .
73. ^ Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: H.-P. Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, pp. 93f.
74. ↑ For the finds from Regensburg-Harting see P. Schröter: Skeletal remains from two Roman wells from Regensburg-Harting as evidence of human sacrifices by the Germanic peoples of the imperial era. In: The archaeological year in Bavaria 1984, pp. 115–120.
75. ↑ Kurt W. Alt and Guido Brandt: Family analysis on the three human individuals from findings 35. In: Alexander Reis: NIDA-Heddernheim in the 3rd century AD Frankfurt 2010, pp. 304-308
76. ↑ Andrea Hampel: Nida crime scene: murder victims plunged into wells. In: Svend Hansen , Volker Pingel (Hrsg.): Archeology in Hessen: New finds and findings. Festschrift for Fritz-Rudolf Herrmann on his 65th birthday. Rahden / Westf. 2001, pp. 213-218 ( International Archeology, Studia honoraria 13).
77. ↑ Andrea Faber, Vera Rupp, Paul Wagner: The villa rustica in the "Heftgewann" near Frankfurt am Main-Schwanheim. In: Fund reports from Hessen 32/33, 1992/93 (2000) pp. 129–197; on burial see Norbert Müller and Günter Lange: A human skeleton from the fountain of a villa rustica near Frankfurt aM-Schwanheim. In: Find reports from Hessen 15, 1975 (1977), pp. 315–326.
78. ↑ Wolfgang Czysz : Heroes mountains in the Wetterau. Camp, fort, vicus. von Zabern, Mainz 2003, ISBN 3-8053-2834-6 , pp. 182-193 ( Limes research . 27).
79. ^ Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: H.-P. Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 45.
80. ^ AE 1993, 1231
81. ^ Egon Schallmayer: The "Augsburger Victory Altar." In: E. Schallmayer (Ed.): The Augsburger Victory Altar - Testimony to a Troubled Time. Bad Homburg 1995, pp. 13-26.
82. ↑ CIL 13, 6705 .
83. ^ Ingeborg Huld-Zetsche: NIDA - a Roman city in Frankfurt am Main. Stuttgart 1994, p. 62 ( Writings of the Limes Museum Aalen . 48).
84. ^ Ingeborg Huld-Zetsche: NIDA - a Roman city in Frankfurt am Main. Stuttgart, 1994, p. 61 ( Writings of the Limes Museum Aalen . 48); CIL 13, 7265 .
85. ↑ CIL 13, 7370 or CIL 13, 7352 .
86. ^ Hans-Peter Kuhnen in: H.-P. Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 39f.
87. ↑ On the Weißenburg treasure find see Hans-Jörg Kellner, Gisela Zahlhaas: The Roman treasure find from Weißenburg. 3rd extended edition, Schnell and Steiner, Regensburg 1997, ISBN 3-7954-1104-1 ( Exhibition Guide Prehistoric State Collection Munich . 2); Hans-Jörg Kellner, Gisela Zahlhaas: The Roman temple treasure of Weißenburg i. Bay. von Zabern, Mainz 1993, ISBN 3-8053-1513-9 .
88. ↑ Rudolf Noll: The inventory of the Dolichenus sanctuary of Mauer an der Url (Noricum). Publishing house of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna 1980 ( The Roman Limes in Austria . 30).
89. ^ Fritz-Rudolf Herrmann : The iron hoard find from the Künzing fort. In: Saalburg-Jahrbuch 26, 1969, pp. 129–141; Hans-Jörg Kellner: The great crisis in the 3rd century. In: Wolfgang Czysz among others: The Romans in Bavaria. License edition of the 1995 edition, Nikol, Hamburg 2005, ISBN 3-937872-11-6 , p. 329f.
90. ↑ Helmut Bernhard: The Roman treasure find from Hagenbach. Published by the Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier and the Roman-Germanic Central Museum , Mainz 1990, ISBN 3-88467-026-3 ; the same in: Heinz Cüppers (Ed.): The Romans in Rhineland-Palatinate. Licensed edition, Nikol, Hamburg 2002, ISBN 3-933203-60-0 , p. 378f.
91. ^ Ernst Künzl : The Alemanni booty from the Rhine near Neupotz. Looted property from Roman Gaul. 4 volumes. Habelt, Bonn 1993, ISBN 3-88467-032-8 ( monographs of the Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz . 34); Juliane Stadler (Red.): Robbed and sunk in the Rhine. The barbarian treasure. Published by the Historisches Museum der Pfalz Speyer , Theiss, Stuttgart 2006, ISBN 3-8062-2025-5 ; Helmut Bernhard : Neupotz GER. In: Heinz Cüppers (Hrsg.): The Romans in Rhineland-Palatinate. Licensed edition, Nikol, Hamburg 2002, ISBN 3-933203-60-0 , p. 378f.
92. ↑ Hans-Jörg Kellner: The Roman deposit of Eining . Beck, Munich 1978, ISBN 3-406-00499-7 ( Munich contributions to prehistory and early history . 53).
93. ↑ Josef Keim, Hans Klumbach : The Roman treasure trove of Straubing. Beck, Munich 1951 ( Munich contributions to prehistory and early history . 3).
94. ↑ Mt 13.44  EU ; Horace , Satires 1, see Lawrence Okamura: Hoards lost during third-century "Wirren". In: Egon Schallmayer (Ed.): Niederbieber, Postumus and the Limesfall. Stations in a political process. Report of the first Saalburg colloquium . Bad Homburg v. d. H. 1996, p. 31 with further examples.
95. ↑ Lawrence Okamura: Hoards lost during third-century "Wirren". In: Egon Schallmayer (Ed.): Niederbieber, Postumus and the Limesfall. Stations in a political process. Report of the first Saalburg colloquium , Bad Homburg v. d. H. 1996, pp. 31-37; Hans-Christoph Noeske: Comments on the coin finds from Niederbieber. In: Egon Schallmayer (Ed.): Niederbieber, Postumus and the Limesfall. Stations in a political process. Report of the first Saalburg colloquium , Bad Homburg v. d. H. 1996, p. 48f.
96. ^ Hans Ulrich Nuber: State crisis in the 3rd century. The task of the areas on the right bank of the Rhine. In: Imperium Romanum. Rome's provinces on the Neckar, Rhine and Danube. Esslingen 2005, pp. 442–451, here: p. 446.
97. ↑ Peter Haupt: Roman coin hoard of the 3rd century. in Gaul and the Germanic provinces. Greiner, Grunbach 2001, ISBN 3-935383-07-X , esp.p. 240f. ( Roman Provincial Studies . 1).
98. ↑ Hans-Christoph Noeske: Comments on the coin finds from Niederbieber. In: Egon Schallmayer (Ed.): Niederbieber, Postumus and the Limesfall. Stations in a political process. Report of the first Saalburg colloquium , Bad Homburg v. d. H. 1996, pp. 45-51.
99. ^ Hans-Markus von Kaenel , Hansjörg Brem u. a .: The coin hoard from the estate in Neftenbach. Antoninians and denarii from Septimius Severus to Postumus. Zurich 1993, ISBN 3-905647-54-0 ( Zurich Monument Preservation, Archaeological Monographs . 16).
100. ^ Ruprecht Ziegler: The treasure trove of Brauweiler. Investigations into coinage and money circulation in the Gallic Empire. Rhineland, Cologne 1983, ISBN 3-7927-0662-8 ( supplements to the Bonner Jahrbücher . 42).
101. ↑ Zosimos 1.67f.
102. ^ Friedrich Wagner: New inscriptions from Raetia. In: Report of the Roman-Germanic Commission 37/38, 1956/57, pp. 215–264, No. 30; www.ubi-erat-lupa.org .
103. ^ On the events of the 5th century, see Henning Börm: Westrom. From Honorius to Justinian. Stuttgart 2013.
104. ↑ Klaus Kortüm : The end of fort sites on the right bank of the Rhine and civil settlements due to the coin finds. In: Egon Schallmayer (Ed.): Niederbieber, Postumus and the Limesfall. Stations in a political process. Bad Homburg v. d. H. 1996, pp. 38-44.
105. ↑ Karl Horst Stribrny: .. Romans of the Rhine to 260 AD mapping, structure analysis and synopsis late Roman series of coins between Koblenz and Regensburg. In: Report of the Roman-Germanic Commission 70, 1989, pp. 351–505.
106. ^ Hans Ulrich Nuber: State crisis in the 3rd century. The task of the areas on the right bank of the Rhine. In: Imperium Romanum. Rome's provinces on the Neckar, Rhine and Danube. Esslingen 2005, p. 447f .; Bettine Gralfs in: Hans-Peter Kuhnen (Ed.): Stormed - Cleared - Forgotten? The Limesfall and the end of Roman rule in southwest Germany. Stuttgart 1992, p. 59f.
107. ^ Großkrotzenburg: Claus Bergmann: From the state border to the garbage heap. In: hessenARCHÄOLOGIE 2001, p. 101f .; Hainstadt: Bernhard and Christamaria Beckmann: The local ceramics from the area of ​​the Roman Limes fort Hainstadt am Main (district of Offenbach). In: Bonner Jahrbücher 178, 1978, pp. 235–258; Stockstadt: Hans Schönberger : The body graves of the fourth century from Stockstadt a. Main. In: Bavarian History Leaves 20, 1954, pp. 128-134; Obernburg: Egon Schallmayer: The Odenwald Limes. Along the Roman border between the Main and Neckar. Theiss, Stuttgart 2010, p. 57.
108. ↑ Bernd Steidl: From the Roman provincial territory to the settlement area of ​​the Alemannic Bucinobanten. The Wetterau in the 3rd century AD In: Egon Schallmayer (ed.): Niederbieber, Postumus and the Limesfall. Stations in a political process. Report of the first Saalburg colloquium, Bad Homburg v. d. H. 1996, pp. 28-30.
109. ^ Christian Witschel: Crisis - Recession - Stagnation? The west of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD Frankfurt am Main 1999, p. 338.

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