Catholic workers' associations
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The Catholic Workers' Associations were lay organizations established in the 19th century and led by the clergy . They are also known as the Catholic Labor Movement (KAB). After the Second World War, the Catholic workers' movement continued this tradition. Apart from Germany , there were Catholic workers' associations in various European countries, including Switzerland and Austria .
The workers' associations in Germany were initially spiritually dominated and primarily served to secure the Catholic milieu in the process of industrialization . In addition to spiritual support and the involvement of the workers in the parishes , there were various kinds of self-help institutions. At first, representation of interests was not one of the tasks of the associations. Nevertheless, at the turn of the century they were drawn into the trade union dispute in Catholic Germany and divided. During the Weimar Republic , the associations also took a stand on social and economic issues. They were largely on the side of the republic. The era of National Socialism could partly be as depoliticized clubs. The West German branch was neither broken up nor brought into line. From this association in particular, leading representatives of the clubs participated in the resistance .
prehistory
The first suggestions to found Catholic workers' associations go back, among other things, to the factory speech by MP Franz Joseph von Buß from the Grand Duchy of Baden in 1837. In 1847, Peter Reichensperger called for workers to take the initiative in the socio-political area and recommended the establishment of workers' associations. The work by Wilhelm Emmanuel von Ketteler from 1864 The Workers' Question and Christianity became important . Ketteler also proposed associations of workers. On various Catholic days, Ketteler campaigned for workers' associations. The Katholikentag of 1869 in Düsseldorf agreed with him.
The first Catholic workers' associations were established during the revolution of 1848 . A first was founded in Regensburg in 1847 . According to other information, this was created as a support association of St. Joseph, the worker only in 1849/1850 as a part of the local Pius Association . This was followed by Nuremberg and other southern German cities. These initial approaches could not last long. Journeyman's associations have been in existence since the 1840s. Under the influence of Adolph Kolping , they experienced an upswing from the 1850s. Since the 1850s, Catholic miners 'associations and workers' associations emerged, particularly in the Ruhr area, but also in the Lower Rhine and Saarland. However, even these could usually not hold up.
At the suggestion not least of Ketteler, Christian-social associations came into being, which reached their peak in the 1870s and 1880s. In the Ruhr area alone they had 30,000 members in the mid-1870s. The Christian social workers' associations were fundamentally non-denominational, but usually organized Catholics. The clubs were quite union-like and did not reject strikes, for example. In this way they clearly differed from the later Catholic workers' associations. On the one hand, they suffered from the effects of the Kulturkampf . On the other hand, the socialist law also narrowed their leeway, so that they soon lost their importance.
Time of the empire
Beginnings
In the 1870s, the club movement, supported by Christian-social clergy, experienced an upswing. The workers' associations were supported by the association Arbeiterwohl founded by Catholic entrepreneurs with Franz Brandts in 1880 and its general secretary Franz Wärme .
The workers' associations stood in a double position against the culture-fighting Protestantism and against the increasingly church-critical social democracy . Against this background, the workers' associations were strictly Catholic. From the beginning there were different views about the goal and tasks. There were spiritual, social reform or trade union tendencies. At first there was still resistance in the church. As recently as the 1880s it was said that workers “should always be mindful” “that they cannot expect the full, true wages for their work and effort in this world […].” The worker should “in the spirit of the Yoke repentance, obedience and humility ”and“ begin by improving one's standing in oneself. Thrift, diligence, moderation and a religious, quiet life give an inner satisfaction ”.
Pope Leo XIII. had encouraged the formation of workers' associations in his encyclical Humani generis in 1884 . In Germany, Franz Wärme called for the establishment of workers' associations at the Catholic Day in the same year. There he presented basic principles for the organization of Catholic workers' associations. Last but not least, he emphasized an anti-social democratic objective: “Only religion with its power over the minds and passions [...] protects against social democratic seduction. The social democracy must be isolated and organization against organization. ”However, he did not see the social democratic movement only as an aberration, because“ it is awakening from the calamities of our people ” Workers' clubs.
As a result, many such clubs were formed. In 1889 there were 168 workers' associations, 51 miners' associations, 26 female workers' associations and 37 associations for young workers with a total of around 60,000–65,000 members.
The associations received further impetus in 1890 through the encyclical Rerum Novarum , in which they were officially recognized and endorsed by the top of the church. In addition, there was a corresponding pastoral letter from the German bishops. The founding of the Volksverein for Catholic Germany in 1890 was also beneficial.
Tasks and self-image
The central aim was to educate the workers "from class to class". This ethical program was intended as an alternative to the socialist class struggle . The defense against socialism was an important motive for founding the clubs. Overall, there is a similarity to the journeyman's associations in Kolping .
In addition to the ethos of class, pastoral care for the workers played an important role. The cultivation of religious life and the common reception of the sacraments were important for the associations. The sociability was strongly Catholic . The importance of this religious aspect and the influence of the priests in research are not entirely clear. Gerhard A. Ritter / Klaus Tenfelde speak of conflicts between spiritual demands and emancipatory interests. Benjamin Ziemann speaks of a creeping process of secularization of the associations. As early as the 1890s, pastors from Dortmund complained about the addiction to pleasure and the unworthy speeches in the workers' associations. There was talk of “ club dairy ” and “neglect of Christian teaching”. Something similar is known from other regions such as the more rural Sauerland . During the Weimar Republic, the clergymen complained about the growing importance of secular festivals. The thesis of a creeping secularization is relativized by others like Josef Mooser with a view to the strong position of the clergy. A more recent regional study on the workers' associations in the Ruhr area , however, comes to the conclusion that “the limits of priestly power and the influence of the association members” must not be overlooked.
In the club life there were events for religious edification, church and general educational offers. Cooperative self-help and the establishment of support funds were also important . There were labor exchanges implemented and offered specialized teaching courses. Until the end of the Weimar Republic, many workers' associations also had savings, health and death funds as well as libraries. Some even had consumer associations and people's offices. Association funds were increasingly being used in place of local funds. Legal advice was also offered, for example on professional issues. Full-time workers' secretaries were of great importance in this regard . In the southern German association, around 27 workers' secretariats were established by the First World War .
The associations forwarded suggestions to the municipal administrations or employers. But this had its limits. The association law precluded political activity. The workers 'associations also did not see themselves as representing material workers' interests. They left this field to the Christian trade unions that had been formed in the 1890s . Heat had understood the workers' associations as a kind of preliminary stage to the unions.
organization
In contrast to the Protestant workers 'associations and older attempts at organization, almost only workers themselves were organized in the workers' associations. Socially oriented bourgeoisie were not accepted and there were journeyman's associations for craftsmen .
The associations were created on the basis of the parishes . At the head was a local clergyman as praeses . This was called by the responsible bishop . The first clubs did not have an elected board. There was a protection committee or honorary advisory board made up of local dignitaries . This changed under the influence of the people's association. Now there was a regular board of directors in addition to the President. The board members were elected from the members of the association. Their respective function was assigned to them by the clergyman. The chairman and vice-president was an elected worker. There were also cashiers, secretaries and assessors. The presidential constitution was in deliberate contradiction to the liberal principle of equality for all association members. The democratic majority principle should be toned down. Only a spiritual leadership seemed to offer protection against aberrations of the clubs.
These “red chaplains” played an essential role in the success of the clubs. It depended on their commitment and their courage whether the workers in the associations - beyond religious education and identity - could also develop a social identity as workers. However, many clergy saw the clubs as an important factor in lay pastoral care. The clubs served not least to involve the workers in the parishes.
Since 1891 the clubs began to merge at the regional level. Below the regional associations there were diocesan and district associations at the level of the deaneries . A diocesan president was at the head of the diocesan associations, which were referred to as main associations. This was also appointed by the local bishop.
The organizational focus of the workers' associations was in West Germany. More than half of all members belonged to the West German association. In addition, a southern German association, the association of Catholic workers 'associations based in Berlin, an East German association and the diocesan associations of the Archdiocese of Freiburg and the Diocese of Rottenburg ("State Association of Catholic Workers' Associations of Württemberg.") The Catholic Polish associations remained the associations remote.
The regional associations and the workers 'associations of Baden and Württemberg merged in 1911 without the direction of Berlin to form a "Cartel Association of Catholic Workers' Associations in West, South and East Germany". The number of members in 1914 was about 500,000. The "District Association of Catholic Workers' Associations" in Saarbrücken, founded in 1903, as well as two associations for seafarers and boatmen , remained independent .
It is true that there were also workers' associations for a long time. However, these mostly joined forces later with those of the workers. In 1905 the "Association of Catholic Associations of Working Women and Girls in Germany" was founded, which represented the economic and peaceful positions of the Berlin direction. In 1906 the "Association of South German Catholic Workers' Associations" was established. It was not until 1917 that the "Association of Catholic Workers' Associations West Germany" was founded.
South German Association
The first regional association was established in southern Germany with its seat in Munich . Initially, only associations from Bavaria and the Archdiocese of Salzburg belonged to the organization. There were also some associations from the dioceses of Freiburg and Rottenburg. Around 1900 the associations were divided into diocesan and district associations below the association level. The priest was the clergyman Lorenz Huber from Munich. This also published the union journal Der Arbeiter . He was followed in 1904 by Carl Walterbach .
In the year it was founded, the association had 27 clubs and 6,000 members. In 1894 there were 56 associations with 11,625 members. At the turn of the century there were 372 clubs with almost 60,000 members. Shortly before the First World War, the association had 114,000 members in 1,041 clubs.
The workers' associations in Bavaria are relatively well researched. There it was possible to organize groups with farm workers and women that the socialist labor movement, for example, could not reach. These often rural workers' associations differed in their anti-capitalist objectives from the more social reform associations in the industrial conurbations in West Germany.
Berlin Direction and East German Association
The Central and East German associations from Berlin , Brandenburg , Pomerania and Silesia merged in 1897 to form the "Association of Catholic Workers' Associations in North and East Germany". A few years later this organization was called the Association of Catholic Workers' Associations - Berlin headquarters . In doing so, the association rejected regional delimitation and made it clear that it also wanted to work in the areas of other associations. This was a consequence of the trade union dispute in the Catholic milieu. In this context, most of the associations in the Diocese of Trier joined the association . The association had clubs in fourteen dioceses, mainly in northeast Germany. The Berlin direction had a peak of 130,000 members.
As a result of the trade union dispute, in 1910 an East German association of Catholic workers' associations, based in Breslau and later in Neisse, split off from the Berlin direction. Before the First World War, however, it only had around 14,000 members and only gained importance during the Weimar Republic.
West German Association
In view of the high degree of industrialization in West Germany, a merger came about late. One reason was that for a long time it was feared that such an association could be dissolved by the state. On the other hand, there were internal contradictions. There was a direction in Cologne that was anti-capitalist and traditionalist. In addition, there was the more progressive current around the headquarters of the Volksverein in Mönchengladbach around heat and August Pieper (Mönchengladbacher direction). There were also remnants of the old Christian social associations. There were contacts between the presides of the workers' associations. But it was not until 1899 that the first diocesan association was founded in the Archdiocese of Cologne .
The Association of Catholic Workers 'and Miners' Associations in West Germany, founded in 1903/1904, had 220,000 members in 1913. In 1912 there were 1,041 clubs in this area alone. It included the diocesan associations of Cologne, Paderborn , Münster , Osnabrück , Hildesheim , Limburg , Mainz and Fulda . With the decline of the Berlin direction, the associations from the Diocese of Trier joined the West German Association at the end of the 1920s. August Pieper became chairman. Some time later, Rev. Otto Müller followed .
Since 1898, the association had published the West German workers' newspaper, a weekly newspaper that was widely used. The subtitle was For the interests of the working classes . The editor was Johannes Giesberts . A short time later Joseph Joos was added, who also replaced Giesberts when he was elected to the Reichstag . The newspaper initially had a circulation of 1200 copies. Within fifteen years it was able to increase the circulation to 120,000 copies.
The strongest professional groups in the West German Association were iron and metal workers and miners. Otto Müller stated that the workers' associations had reached around a third of the Catholic workers. But this is likely to be overstated, especially since there were big differences. In a Catholic region like the former Sauerland in Cologne, only a minority of the workers were organized in workers' associations. Again and again there were complaints about the organizational weakness. In smaller industrial locations, the associations were more strongly represented in terms of population than in the commercial centers. Older and qualified workers were more likely to be organized, while it was difficult for them to record low-skilled workers and occupational groups characterized by high fluctuation . The associations did not so much integrate immigrants , but rather contributed to the stabilization of the Catholic milieu .
Union dispute
When the general association of Christian trade unions was founded in 1899 , delegates from the Catholic and Protestant workers 'associations were involved in addition to the few existing Christian trade unions, such as the Christian miners' association that had existed since 1894 . In addition, representatives of the Workers Protection Association came from Berlin and southern Germany. This was a denominational and politically neutral professional association founded in close connection with the Catholic workers' associations. The formation of the union was preceded by changes within the workers' associations. The establishment of specialist departments was made possible. The first specialist departments were founded in southern Germany in 1892. Franz Heat had drafted guiding principles for specialist departments with a union agenda without this having any lasting organizational consequences. However, this makes it clear that interest in representing economic interests had grown.
At first it was disputed whether one wanted to found Catholic or interdenominational organizations. Matthias Erzberger , who was active in the Catholic workers' association movement in southern Germany, August Brust and Wärme pleaded for interdenominational organizations. This attitude prevailed.
There was considerable resistance within the Catholic camp, which has come to be known as the trade union dispute. Interdenominationalism was particularly opposed by the Catholic workers' associations based in Berlin. These organized mainly the Catholic workers in the diaspora areas in eastern Germany, where the opposition to the Evangelical Church was particularly pronounced. They were integrally oriented and rejected a turn to the secular state , the market economy system and a pluralistic society . They believed that worldly things should also be regulated on a church basis.
While the West and South German sub-associations were in favor of Christian interdenominational trade unions, the Berlin direction, including the workers 'associations of the Trier diocese, refused and insisted on economic interests being represented by the specialist departments within the workers' associations. In 1902 they decided to introduce these specialist departments. The Berlin direction rejected the union struggle and tried to implement the interests of the workers through negotiation. The specialist departments never achieved any significant importance. This position found support from the Trier bishop Michael Felix Korum and the archbishop of Breslau, Georg von Kopp , as well as from integralist Roman circles. The other German bishops supported Christian trade unions or were neutral.
The internal dispute strained and weakened the Catholic workers' union movement. It lasted for a long time and could only be resolved through decisions at the highest church level. The encyclical Singulari quadam from 1912 indicated a preference for the specialist departments, but in fact accepted the Christian trade unions. Benedict XV shortly after the beginning of World War I instructed those involved to settle the dispute. A real agreement between the Berlin branch and the other associations never came about. The Berlin direction lost more and more of its importance and had to dissolve in 1931. In the same year the problem was resolved by the encyclical Quadragesimo anno .
Beginnings of politicization
The "struggle for emancipation for economic, political and social equality of the workers", as heat meanwhile defined the tasks of the associations, required political influence. The associations of the West German Association set up "civic training courses". The aim was to train the members for political work outside the clubs. Otto Müller was one of the founders of the political committees in 1908. In these the workers' secretaries , functionaries of the Christian trade unions, elected officials from the environment of associations and trade unions were united. The committees supported the Center Party and represented the interests of the workers. Shortly before the beginning of the First World War, 2602 members of the workers' associations belonged to local boards of the Center Party and 973 were members of a city or community council.
The workers' associations supported the truce policy during the First World War. The political committees of the workers' associations gained in importance during this period. The committees, which formed regionally in West Germany and Bavaria before the war, became centers of the internal opposition in the Center Party and, for example, opposed the party's abandonment of the demand for democratic suffrage in Prussia. They have been demanding equal suffrage in Prussia since 1917 and organized a large protest meeting in June 1918. Rev. Otto Müller was then dismissed from his office as Cologne diocesan praeses by the Cologne archbishop Felix von Hartmann . As early as 1914, the management of the Cologne workers' association had been withdrawn from him because he had opposed the depoliticization of the association through a new statute. After Müller's dismissal as diocesan president, August Pieper resigned as chairman of the association in protest. The association elected Müller demonstratively as his successor. Because Hartmann did not want to let the conflict escalate, he confirmed this choice. Like other associations, the Catholic workers' associations suffered from the drafts and the high number of dead. The clubs lost up to a third of their members.
Weimar Republic
Programmatic realignment
Unlike in the pre-war period, the workers' associations took a stand on social and economic issues during the Weimar Republic. This was also reflected in the new Würzburg program of 1921. This had anti-capitalist elements. It was said that the liberal-capitalist economic order was untenable. There was criticism of the distribution of wealth and the program called for a property regime oriented towards the common good . The program also provided for the socialization of certain economic sectors. The demand for the expansion of the "working and profit community between employees and employers" was also anchored.
In 1928 Bernhard Letterhaus gave a programmatic speech on the economic order. In this he rejected both capitalism and socialism and called, among other things, a company and economic democracy as well as the "co-ownership of the workers in the economy." In addition, he demanded a "guaranteed right to co-determination and participation in business and economy" as well as measures " to make companies and businesses transparent, equal representation of public law representations in trade and commerce. ”He also called for a“ well-planned economic policy ”and“ better distribution of existing goods ”. Despite such statements, the workers' associations remained at a distance from the SPD. The contrasts mainly concerned differences in family and cultural policy. Because of the contradicting worldviews, this gap could not be overcome.
organization
During the Weimar Republic, the workers' associations were organizationally consolidated. A Reich Association of Catholic Workers' Associations was founded in 1927. It was divided into a West German, a South German and an East German main association. This was followed in 1928 by the establishment of a general secretariat under the direction of Hermann Joseph Schmitt . This made it possible for the associations to jointly represent their interests at the Reich authorities, without which the independence of the associations would have been eliminated. The chairmen were Otto Müller and Carl Walterbach with equal rights . The latter had to resign in 1933 because of the collapse of the Leo-Haus adult education center in Munich. Bernhard Letterhaus became the association secretary in the West German association. Under the direction of Joseph Joos and, from 1927, Nikolaus Groß , the workers 'associations had a high-quality association journal in the form of the West German workers' newspaper. The West German Association moved its headquarters from Mönchengladbach to the Kettelerhaus in Cologne. From 1925 on, young people were organized in factory youth groups, especially in West Germany. At the end of the republic there were around 439 factory youth groups with 27,000 members.
Since 1918 there had been a debate initiated by Adam Stegerwald about strengthening laypeople on the executive boards. This was supported by Otto Müller, who considered the “absolute monarchy” of the President to be incompatible with democracy. He also aimed to raise the number of workers' secretaries by increasing contributions. It was argued that republic meant self-government and needed officials with the necessary skills. In meetings on economic or political issues in the West German Association, a layman now presided, no longer the President. In 1927 the Reich Association unified the organization. There was a certain appreciation of the laity with the election of the lay chairman, but the praeside retained a strong position. The members or their elected representatives only had a majority in the decision-making bodies at the lower two levels. At the higher levels, the eligibility to apply was also often restricted. The association system was still based on models of a pre-democratic co-determination organization.
Membership structure
| year | West German Association | Imperial level |
|---|---|---|
| 1910 | 171,000 | - |
| 1911 | 190,000 | - |
| 1912 | 203,000 | - |
| 1913 | 220,000 | 322,000 |
| 1916 | 187,000 | - |
| 1917 | 174,000 | - |
| 1920 | 190,000 | - |
| 1921 | 186,000 | - |
| 1927 | 196,000 | - |
| 1928 | 197,000 | 297,400 |
| 1929 | 193,000 | - |
| 1930 | 192,000 | 324,000 |
| 1931 | 190,000 | - |
| 1932 | 192,000 | 327,300 |
The membership had peaked in 1913 at over 462,000. The war brought great losses. After a period of recovery, the effects of inflation led to a further decline in membership and put a strain on the financial strength of the organizations. Numerous workers' secretariats, especially in the smaller associations, had to be closed. The decline in membership was higher than during the war. The number of members was able to recover in the second half of the 1920s. The exception was the Berlin Association, whose importance declined over the long term. This had over 130,000 members before the war, while that number had shrunk to around 7,000 by 1931. Overall, the pre-inflationary level was reached again in many places. However, it was seldom possible to reach the highs before the war.
In 1929 the Reichsverband had 380,000 members. Overall, of the more than 4.3 million Catholic workers, only about 7.5% were organized in the Reich Association. In the West German Association, the degree of organization was over 9% above the national average. These values could be significantly higher in strongholds. For the Ruhr area it is estimated that around 17% of the Catholic workers belonged to a workers' association in 1925. In strongly Catholic places, the membership could be up to 30%.
Almost 60% of the total membership belonged to the West German association. It was followed by the South German Association with 17% and the East German Association with 16%. The Baden (4.8%) and Württemberg regional associations (3.5%) were significantly smaller.
The proportion of female members at the national level was slightly more than 6%. But there were serious differences. In the southern German association the proportion of women was 22%, in western Germany, however, only 0.7%. In terms of occupation, metal workers came out on top with 25.4%, followed by miners (23.4%).
A major problem in addition to the overall stagnating development was the low influx of younger members, which led to an increasing average age. In 1932, more than half of the members in West Germany were over 45 years old.
Political positions
The clubs were republican. The workers 'associations formed, as Helga Grebing put it, the "left cornerstone of the Christian workers' movement in the Weimar Republic". They stood in contrast to the Christian trade unions, which tended to be more nationally oriented and never came to a really positive assessment of democracy. The attempt by parts of the Christian trade unions at the beginning of the republic to set up their own party political representation was rejected by the workers' associations. They held on to their attachment to the center. How great the contrast was between Christian trade unions and Catholic workers 'associations was shown in 1928, when Adam Stegerwald from the trade unions and Joseph Joos from the workers' associations ran for the post of chairman of the Center Party. This election was ultimately won by Prelate Ludwig Kaas .
Although the workers' associations basically retained their ties to the Center Party, this was no longer a matter of course in parts of the membership. As early as 1922, opposition groups in the workers' associations in the Ruhr area had distanced themselves from the center. These organized themselves as a Christian national community, later a party of the Christian-social national community , which received more than 124,000 votes in the May elections of 1924 .
The opposition of the workers' associations to the NSDAP goes back to the time before the Hitler putsch in 1923. At a time when hardly anyone outside Bavaria had heard of the party, the West German Association warned against it. Joos wrote in the Westdeutsche Arbeiterzeitung that National Socialism was not a socialist party, but a "mental sickness of the times". On the day of the putsch, the southern German associations declared membership in their ranks to be incompatible with party membership in the NSDAP. The reasons given were: "hostility to church and Christianity, anti-parliamentarianism and dictatorship, the leaders' lack of character and confused programs remote from the workers".
When the Center Party increasingly turned to the right, the workers' associations and the Westdeutsche Arbeiterzeitung objected. Towards the end of the republic, some of the workers' associations formed protective organizations against radical forces from the right and left. The management of the West German workers' associations, in particular, has systematically trained the 300,000 members to deal with political extremes. In numerous meetings, discussions and in their association organs, the associations repeatedly spoke out against Hitler's seizure of power.
Both Christian trade unions and the Catholic workers' associations supported Reich Chancellor Heinrich Brüning after the Reichstag election in 1930, which was successful for the NSDAP . For the workers' associations, Brüning was the last hope to save the republic. The trade unions, on the other hand, hoped that this would overcome the supposedly formal democracy.
Claus Haffert painted a rather contradictory picture with regard to the West German Association. After that, the workers' associations were unable to evade the control and guardianship of the church. The associations played a double role, on the one hand as a church organization and on the other hand as representatives of the workers' interests in the Center Party. Since the organization had to be considerate on both levels, it never found a really positive commitment to the republic. At the end of the republic, leading representatives of the workers' associations had even approached authoritarian ideas. Within political Catholicism, the representatives of the workers' parties shied away from conflict. After the Center's severe defeat in the Reichstag elections of 1928 , there would have been a process of depoliticization and a return to spiritual tasks.
Catholic Workers International
There were workers' associations not only in Germany, although they were strongest there, but also in other European countries. In Austria, a Reich Association of Catholic Workers' Associations was founded in the 1890s. But it fell into disrepair around the turn of the century. The movement was revitalized in the interwar period . One example of an Austrian association is the Catholic workers' association in Fulpmes . Workers' associations were formed in Switzerland from 1899 onwards, and in 1903 they merged into a central association. The first association was founded in St. Gallen . In 1929 they had 201 sections with just over 10,000 members.
At the instigation of Joseph Joos in particular, a Catholic workers' international was founded in 1928. This comprised 910,000 members from Germany, Austria, Poland , Czechoslovakia , Switzerland, France , Spain , Luxembourg , Belgium and the Netherlands . It was about international cooperation in solving the workers' question, but also about reconciling the former opponents of the war. Against the background of the global economic crisis , the International could not achieve any significant significance .
time of the nationalsocialism
Endangered existence during the dictatorship
In the March elections in 1933 , the workers' associations campaigned for the preservation of democracy and the Center Party. They tried to dissuade the Center Party from approving the Enabling Act . Joseph Joos and Hermann-Josef Schmitt voted against the law in a trial vote. When a comparable law was being voted on in the Prussian state parliament some time later , Bernhard Letterhaus stayed away from the meeting. He also spoke out against the Reich Concordat .
After the smashing of the trade unions , which also affected the Christian trade unions, the workers 'associations remained as the last legal, non-National Socialist workers' organization. The associations could continue to exist without open political activity and under the protection of the Reich Concordat. In the beginning the membership losses were quite small. The connection of associations not previously organized as associations brought a certain balance. In 1934 the numbers then fell significantly with a minus of 8.5%. Only a small proportion (0.9%) was due to the (self-) dissolution of clubs.
Robert Ley declared the workers' associations to be hostile to the state despite the political reluctance. A campaign followed with the aim of eliminating the workers' union movement. In the spring of 1934 membership in the workers' associations was declared incompatible with that of the German Labor Front . Since membership in the DAF was a prerequisite for recruitment and employment in many areas of the economy, the association's members came under pressure. The effects of the campaign are assessed differently in research. If you follow Jürgen Aretz, the majority of the members remained loyal to the clubs. In contrast, Dirk H. Müller reports that the number of members has in some cases decreased by half.
Disguised as spiritual instruction, the educational work against National Socialism continued. Large pilgrimages by workers' associations with up to 35,000 participants had, in addition to the spiritual aspect, a political demonstration function. The regime began to crack down on the clubs. Workers' associations were banned in the Münster administrative region in autumn 1935. The full-time employees of the associations were banned from speaking, the meetings were monitored and there were temporary arrests. In 1937, the Reichsführer SS's security service had to state that these measures were in vain. As early as 1933 the Westdeutsche Arbeiterzeitung had to temporarily stop its publication. Then the editors tried to express criticism at least between the lines. In autumn 1938 the newspaper, now renamed Kettelerwacht, was banned. At that time, the sheet still had a print run of 80,000 copies. Shortly before the beginning of the Second World War, the Reich Association of Catholic Workers' Associations and most of the regional associations were dissolved.
resistance
However, the West German association managed to delay the dissolution. The support of the associations by the bishops had diminished over time. They received encouragement from Bishop Clemens August Graf von Galen . After the war began, Letterhaus was drafted into military service. Joos was arrested and sent to the Dachau concentration camp . Otto Müller and Nikolaus Groß initially continued to run the association, which still had a quarter of its former members. Letterhaus, who meanwhile served in the Wehrmacht High Command , passed on information to the resistance. There were close ties to Wilhelm Leuschner , for example . In the Cologne headquarters, with the participation of former trade unionists and other personalities, considerations were made about the future shape of Germany after the end of the dictatorship. Participants in these discussion rounds ( Kölner Kreis ) included Karl Arnold , Johannes Albers and Andreas Hermes . There were also contacts to Carl Friedrich Goerdeler or P. Alfred Delp SJ .
After the assassination attempt on July 20, 1944 , Hermann-Josef Schmitt was also arrested because of his contacts with the resistance. For lack of evidence he was acquitted by the People's Court, but sent to the Dachau concentration camp. Letterhaus, who was designated as minister by the conspirators, was sentenced to death and executed. Nikolaus Groß suffered the same fate. Otto Müller died in custody.
After the Second World War, the re-establishment of the clubs began as early as 1945, at least in the western occupation zones. This resulted in the Catholic Workers' Movement (KAB) .
literature
-
Jürgen Aretz :
- Catholic labor movement and National Socialism. The Association of Catholic Workers 'and Miners' Associations in West Germany 1923–1945. Dissertation (University of Bonn), 1977, Matthias Grünewald Verlag. 2nd edition 1982, ISBN 978-3-7867-0715-8 .
- Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Volume 2, Günter Olzog Verlag, Landsberg am Lech 1982, ISBN 978-3-7892-7160-1 , pp. 159-214.
- Michaela Bachem-Rehm: The Catholic workers' associations in the Ruhr area, 1870-1914. Catholic working class milieu between tradition and emancipation. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2004, ISBN 978-3170183650 .
- Hans Dieter Denk: The Christian labor movement in Bavaria until the First World War . Grünewald, Mainz 1980, ISBN 978-3-7867-0814-8 .
- Helga Grebing : History of the German labor movement. Nymphenburger, Munich 1966.
- Claus Haffert: The Catholic workers' associations of West Germany in the Weimar Republic. Klartext, Essen 1994, ISBN 978-3-88474-187-0 .
- Herbert Hömig : Catholics and the trade union movement 1890–1945. Schöningh, Paderborn 2003, ISBN 978-3-506-70881-6 .
- Dorit Maria Krenn: The Christian labor movement in Bavaria from World War I to 1933 . Grünewald, Mainz 1991, ISBN 978-3-7867-1551-1 (also dissertation at the University of Regensburg 1990).
- Josef Mooser : Workers, citizens, priests in the denominational workers' associations in the German Empire 1880–1914. In: Jürgen Kocka (ed.): Workers and citizens in the 19th century. Oldenbourg, Munich 1986, ISBN 978-3-486-52871-8 , pp. 79-105.
- Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic . Dietz, Bonn 1996, ISBN 3-8012-4069-X .
- Anton Pelinka : Stand or Class ?. The Christian labor movement in Austria 1933–1938 . Europa-Verlag, Vienna a. a. 1972, ISBN 3-203-50400-6 .
- August Pieper : Denominational workers 'associations: Catholic workers' association movement. In: Ludwig Heyde (Hrsg.): International dictionary of trade unions. Volume 2. Werk und Wirtschaft, Berlin 1932, pp. 992–995.
Web links
- History on the side of the KAB
- Jürgen Aretz: Catholic workers' associations on the history of the CDU of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation
- History of the Catholic labor movement in Austria
- Wolfgang Göldi: Christian National Trade Union Confederation of Switzerland (CNG). In: Historical Lexicon of Switzerland .
Individual evidence
- ↑ cf. as a short summary of the eventful history of the associations: Ute Schmidt: Catholic workers' movement between integralism and interdenominationalism. Changes in a milieu. In: Rolf Ebbinghausen / Friedrich Tiemann (ed.): The end of the workers' movement in Germany? A discussion volume for Theo Pirker's sixtieth birthday. Obladen 1984, p. 216.
- ^ Herbert Hömig: Catholics and the trade union movement 1890-1945 . Paderborn u. a. 2003, pp. 9-12.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich, 1966, p. 46. Ute Schmidt: Catholic workers' movement between integralism and interdenominationalism. Changes in a milieu. In: Rolf Ebbinghausen / Friedrich Tiemann (ed.): The end of the workers' movement in Germany? A discussion volume for Theo Pirker's sixtieth birthday. Obladen 1984, p. 220.
- ^ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic workers' movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Hrsg.): The social and political Catholicism: Development lines in Germany 1803–963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 162. Gerhard A. Ritter / Klaus Tenfelde: Arbeiter im Deutschen Kaiserreich 1871 to 1914. Bonn 1992, p. 821.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 163. Herbert Hömig: Catholics and trade union movement 1890-1945. Paderborn u. a. 2003, p. 11 f. Klaus Tenfelde: The emergence of the German trade union movement. From the pre-march to the end of the socialist law. In: History of the German trade unions from the beginning until 1945. Cologne 1987, p. 119.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich 1966, p. 84. Gerhard A. Ritter / Klaus Tenfelde: Workers in the German Empire 1871 to 1914 . Bonn 1992, p. 821.
- ↑ Anthony Liedhegener: The German Catholicism around the turn of the century (1890-1914) - A literature review. In: Yearbook for Christian Social Sciences 32/1991, p. 374.
- ^ Gerhard A. Ritter / Klaus Tenfelde: Arbeiter im Deutschen Kaiserreich 1871 to 1914. Bonn 1992, p. 822.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich 1966, p. 84 f. Herbert Hömig: Catholics and the trade union movement 1890–1945. Paderborn u. a. 2003, p. 12.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich 1966, p. 84. Jürgen Aretz: Catholic workers' movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 164.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich 1966, p. 128. Herbert Hömig: Catholics and trade union movement 1890–1945. Paderborn u. a. 2003, p. 12. Jürgen Aretz: Catholic workers' movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 165 f.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 163, Liedhegenr 374.
- ^ Herbert Hömig: Catholics and the trade union movement 1890-1945. Paderborn u. a. 2003, p. 13. Gerhard A. Ritter / Klaus Tenfelde: Workers in the German Empire 1871 to 1914. Bonn 1992, p. 823. Benjamin Ziemann: German Catholicism in the late 19th and 20th centuries - research tendencies on the way to social history Foundation and expansion. In: Archives for Social History. Year 2000, p. 407. Jens Hahnwald: Day laborers, workers and labor movement in the Cologne Sauerland of the 19th and 20th centuries. In: Harm Klueting (Ed.): The Duchy of Westphalia. The former Electoral Cologne Duchy of Westphalia in the area of today's districts of Hochsauerland, Olpe, Soest and Märkischer Kreis (19th and 20th centuries). Volume 2, Teilband 1, Aschendorff, Münster 2012, p. 556. Josef Mooser: The Catholic association system in the Diocese of Paderborn around 1900. Association types, scope of integration and internal constitution. In: Westphalian magazine. 141/1991, p. 456. Michaela Bachem-Rehm: The Catholic workers' associations in the Ruhr area 1870-1914. Catholic working class milieu between tradition and emancipation. Stuttgart 2004, p. 112.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich 1966, p. 128. Herbert Hömig: Catholics and trade union movement 1890–1945. Paderborn u. a. 2003, p. 13. Jürgen Aretz: Catholic workers' movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 166. Gerhard A. Ritter / Klaus Tenfelde: Arbeiter im Deutschen Kaiserreich 1871 to 1914. Bonn 1992, p. 823.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich 1966, p. 128 f.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 165.
- ↑ Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn 1996, p. 172.
- ^ Herbert Hömig: Catholics and the trade union movement 1890-1945. Paderborn u. a. 2003, p. 12. Josef Mooser: The catholic association system in the diocese of Paderborn around 1900. Association types, scope of integration and internal constitution. In: Westfälische Zeitschrift 141/1991, p. 457.
- ↑ Anthony Liedhegener: The German Catholicism around the turn of the century (1890-1914) - A literature review. In: Yearbook for Christian Social Sciences 32/1991, p. 374. Joseph Mooser: Workers, citizens, priests in the denominational workers' associations in the German Empire 1880-1914. In: Jürgen Kocka (ed.): Workers and citizens in the 19th century. Munich 1986, p. 103. Gerhard A. Ritter / Klaus Tenfelde: Arbeiter im Deutschen Kaiserreich 1871 to 1914. Bonn 1992, p. 822.
- ↑ On Württemberg see also Catholic workers' associations in Württemberg
- ↑ Gerhard A. Ritter / Klaus Tenfelde: Workers in the German Empire 1871 to 1914. Bonn 1992, p. 822. August Pieper: Denominational workers 'associations - Catholic workers' association movement. In: Ludwig Heyde (Hrsg.): International dictionary of trade unions. Vol. 2. Berlin 1932, p. 993. Jürgen Aretz: Catholic workers' movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, pp. 168 f., 181. Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich 1966, p. 128. Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn 1996, p. 29 f., 173.
- ↑ Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn 1996, p. 173.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 166. Dirk H. Müller: Arbeiter, Katholizismus, Staat. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn 1996, p. 172.
- ↑ Anthony Liedhegener: The German Catholicism around the turn of the century (1890-1914) - A literature review. In: Yearbook for Christian Social Sciences 32/1991, p. 375.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 167. Dirk H. Müller: Arbeiter, Katholizismus, Staat. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn 1996, p. 172.
- ^ Michael Sander: Catholic workers' associations in Berlin direction. In: Archive for Middle Rhine Church History, vol. 37, 1985, pp. 115–135.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 167. Dirk H. Müller: Arbeiter, Katholizismus, Staat. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn, 1996, p. 30.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 168.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 168 f. Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich, 1966, p. 128.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 167.
- ^ Jens Hahnwald: Day laborers, workers and labor movement in the Cologne Sauerland of the 19th and 20th centuries. In: Harm Klueting (Ed.): The Duchy of Westphalia. The former Electoral Cologne Duchy of Westphalia in the area of today's districts of Hochsauerland, Olpe, Soest and Märkischer Kreis (19th and 20th centuries). Volume 2, Part 1, Aschendorff, Münster 2012, p. 563.
- ^ Gerhard A. Ritter / Klaus Tenfelde: Arbeiter im Deutschen Kaiserreich 1871 to 1914. Bonn, 1992, p. 823.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich, 1966, p. 130.
- ↑ Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn, 1996, p. 47.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich, 1966, p. 131.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich, 1966, p. 134. Jürgen Aretz: Catholic workers' movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 173, Dirk H. Müller: Arbeiter, Katholizismus, Staat. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn, 1996, p. 47.
- ^ Herbert Hömig: Catholics and the trade union movement 1890-1945. Paderborn u. a., 2003 19f. Josef Stegmann. Peter Langhorst: History of the social ideas in German Catholicism. In: History of social ideas in Germany: Socialism - Catholic social teaching - Protestant social ethics. Wiesbaden, 2005, pp. 694-697. Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich, 1966, p. 134 f. Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 172.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 174.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 174 f. Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn, 1996, p. 65 f.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement . In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 182. Helga Grebing: History of the German workers' movement. Munich, 1966, p. 204.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 183. Helga Grebing: History of the German workers' movement. Munich, 1966, p. 204.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich, 1966, p. 199, August Pieper: Confessional workers 'associations: Catholic workers' association movement. In: Ludwig Heyde (Hrsg.): International dictionary of trade unions. Vol. 2. Berlin, 1932, p. 993.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 180 f. Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn, 1996, p. 187.
- ↑ Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn, 1996, pp. 177-173.
- ↑ Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn, 1996, p. 181.
- ↑ It should be noted that the Berlin association is not included in the Germany-wide figures and that in 1913 the clubs from Baden are also missing. Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn 1996, p. 201.
- ↑ Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn 1996, pp. 175, 200-204. Klaus Tenfelde: Religion and religiosity of the workers in the Ruhr area. In: Ders .: Workers, Citizens, Cities: On the social history of the 19th and 20th centuries. Göttingen 2012, p. 133.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich 1966, pp. 199-202. Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 179 f.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich 1966, p. 204.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 186. Josef Stegmann / Peter Langhorst: History of social ideas in German Catholicism. In: History of social ideas in Germany: Socialism - Catholic social teaching - Protestant social ethics. Wiesbaden 2005, p. 764.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich 1966, p. 203 f.
- ^ Helga Grebing: History of the German labor movement. Munich 1966, p. 221. Jürgen Aretz: Catholic workers' movement and Christian trade unions - for the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 187.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (Ed.): The social and political Catholicism - Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech 1982, p. 185.
- ^ Michael Schäfer: Review: Claus Haffert: The Catholic Workers' Association of West Germany in the Weimar Republic. In: Archives for Social History. 1996, pp. 582-584.
- ↑ cf. for example: Paul Bernhard Wodrazka: And they did exist! The history of the Christian labor movement in Austria in the First Republic. Frankfurt am Main u. a. 2003
- ↑ History of the KAB Switzerland ( Memento of the original from October 21, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.
- ^ August Pieper: Denominational workers 'associations: Catholic workers' association movement. In: Ludwig Heyde (Hrsg.): International dictionary of trade unions. Vol. 2. Berlin, 1932, p. 994.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 181 f.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 188.
- ↑ Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn, 1996, p. 205. Jürgen Aretz: Catholic workers' movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 192.
- ↑ Dirk H. Müller: Workers, Catholicism, State. The Volksverein for Catholic Germany and the Catholic workers' organizations in the Weimar Republic. Bonn, 1996, p. 205. Jürgen Aretz: Catholic workers' movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 193.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, pp. 192-194.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 195 f.
- ↑ Jürgen Aretz: Catholic labor movement and Christian trade unions - on the history of the Christian social movement. In: Anton Rauscher (ed.): The social and political Catholicism: Lines of development in Germany 1803–1963. Vol. 2, Landsberg am Lech, 1982, p. 197 f.
