Macrinus

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Bust of Macrinus, Capitoline Museums , Rome

Marcus Opellius Macrinus (* 164 in Caesarea Mauretaniae ; † June / July 218 in Archelaïs, today Aksaray ) was Roman Emperor from April 11, 217 to June 8, 218. As emperor he called himself Marcus Opellius Severus Macrinus .

The North African Macrinus was the first emperor not to be a senator when he took office . He began his career in Rome under Emperor Septimius Severus (193-211). Under his son and successor Caracalla (211-217) he rose to the position of Praetorian prefect in 212 and accompanied the emperor on his campaign against the Parthians from 216-217 . He organized a plot to murder Caracalla on April 8, 217 in northern Mesopotamia . He managed to hide his involvement in the attack from the soldiers. After some hesitation, the army made him the successor of the murdered man.

In the Senate , Macrinus encountered considerable reservations, despite his senate-friendly policies, in particular because he did not belong to the senatorial imperial aristocracy ( nobility ). He never came to Rome as emperor, but spent his entire brief reign in the east of the empire. He had to continue his predecessor's war of aggression against the Parthians, but suffered a heavy defeat. In the end he bought peace in 218. With his thrift he made himself unpopular with the soldiers. Soon after the beginning of his second year in reign, discontent in the army led to his overthrow. Supporters of the disempowered Severer dynasty elevated Elagabal , who was passed off as the illegitimate son of Caracalla, to the rank of anti-emperor. On June 8, 218, Macrinus's troops were defeated by Elagabal's armed forces. Macrinus was caught on the run and killed soon after.

Life

Origin and career

Macrinus was born in 164. He came from Caesarea , the capital of the province of Mauretania Caesariensis , which was near the present-day Algerian city ​​of Cherchell . Macrinus was a Roman knight . Perhaps his unknown parents were already knighted; but it can also be that he was first awarded the rank of knight. Only in the late antique historiography are details of his alleged ascent from extremely poor circumstances handed down, but these are not credible. It is obviously a matter of slander with which one wanted to discredit him in aristocratic circles as an unworthy upstart. The contemporary historian Cassius Dio only states that Macrinus was Maure and that his parents' house was "very modest". Since Macrinus received the education required for his later career, his family was probably not poor and poorly educated.

Macrinus worked as a lawyer in Rome. In doing so, he came into contact with the powerful Praetorian prefect Plautianus , who also came from North Africa. Plautianus made him the administrator of his vast fortune. When Plautianus was overthrown by an intrigue and killed on the orders of the emperor's son Caracalla, Macrinus was also in great danger, but the city ​​prefect Lucius Fabius Cilo stood up for him and thus saved his life. Now he began the knightly official career. First he was advocatus fisci (advocate of the fiscus ), then Emperor Septimius Severus made him praefectus vehiculorum per Flaminiam , thus entrusting him with the supervision of car traffic on the Via Flaminia . Finally, in 212, Emperor Caracalla entrusted him with the high position of one of the two Praetorian prefects. With that he reached the top of the knightly career ladder. He now held one of the most powerful positions in the empire. 216-217 he accompanied Caracalla on his campaign against the Parthians.

Elevation to Emperor

Cassius Dio describes in detail the circumstances that led to Caracalla's death and Macrinus' elevation to emperor. The main features of his report are mostly considered correct in research; they are usually adopted in modern representations of the processes. According to this tradition, Macrinus was in dire straits in the spring of 217: prophecies had promised him the dignity of emperor, and Caracalla had heard of this; in addition, a written report of such a divination was on its way to the emperor. Ulpius Julianus, a confidante of Macrinus, whom Macrinus later appointed Praetorian prefect, warned Macrinus of the impending mortal danger. The spread of the prophecy was believed to have been part of an intrigue directed against the Praetorian prefect. In the situation that this created, Macrinus must see an existential threat, since Caracalla took everything that seemed to endanger his rule deadly seriously. In order to forestall his arrest and removal, Macrinus organized the assassination of Caracalla, using a group of three discontented men. On April 8, 217, the attack was carried out in northern Mesopotamia. Most historians believe that doubts about the role of Macrinus as the organizer of the conspiracy, which have occasionally been voiced in research, are unjustified.

Since Caracalla had no children, the male descendants of the dynasty founder Septimius Severus had died out with him. This meant the temporary end of the rule of the Severians . The army assembled for the Parthian War, which was responsible for the election of the new emperor, was devoted to the dynasty, but now had to choose a non-dynasty successor to Caracalla. Apparently Macrinus was able to hide his involvement in the attack, but initially found little support. According to the report of the contemporary historian Herodian , the soldiers preferred him to his colleagues, the other Praetorian prefect Marcus Oclatinius Adventus , although he was already old. The decisive factor was that Adventus had proven himself militarily, while the lawyer Macrinus had no military achievements to show. Adventus could barely see and was illiterate, but that did not disqualify him from the point of view of the army. Only after he had refused the dignity of emperor with reference to his age did the soldiers, after days of hesitation, allow themselves to be persuaded to proclaim Macrinus emperor on April 11th. The latter apparently only reluctantly accepted his elevation, as befits the custom of the recusatio imperii . With his emperor's name Marcus Opellius Severus Macrinus, he demonstratively linked to the Severan tradition.

Relationship with the Senate

Coin portrait of Macrinus

Macrinus was the first emperor in Roman history who, at the time of his elevation, was not a senator, but was a knight. Although he had received the ornamenta consularia (badge of rank of a consular ) and the title vir clarissimus ("highly respected man") from Caracalla in early 217 , which was actually reserved for members of the senatorial class, this was most likely not associated with admission to the Senate. Such honors did represent an increase in rank, but they did not mean that the honoree had a seat in the Senate and was actually consular, that is, was on an equal footing with a senator who had served as consul . Macrinus himself confirmed this by considering the consulate, which he assumed as emperor in 218, to be his first. In terms of constitutional law, its elevation represented an important precedent; from then on, membership of the senatorial class was no longer an essential requirement for attaining the imperial dignity.

Since Caracalla had been hated by many senators, his death was noted with satisfaction in the Senate. Under these circumstances, his non-dynasty successor could count on a certain benevolence from the outset in senatorial circles, although from a senatorial point of view he was not qualified for the dignity of the emperor. The senators noted with satisfaction that the new ruler was trying hard to get their support. For example, he admitted to the principle that the death penalty could not be imposed on a senator without the approval of the Senate. Cassius Dio, who judged from a senatorial perspective, expressed this, with reservations, benevolent attitude in his history. But he also did not spare criticism for measures taken by Macrinus, which he considered to be wrong and violations of traditional prerogatives of the senators.

Basically, the opinion prevailed in senatorial circles that Macrinus should not have reached for the imperial dignity because of his origin and lack of membership in the senatorial class. In Cassius Dio's conviction, it would have been his duty to put his own ambition aside and use his authority as Praetorian prefect to ensure that a senator was raised to emperor. Nevertheless, there was a certain willingness to overlook this presumption, which was viewed as usurpation, provided that the new ruler behaved modestly in consideration of his origins and fulfilled the expectations of the senatorial ruling class. He was severely resented, however, that his government activities paid little attention to this.

From a senatorial point of view, Macrinus committed a serious misstep immediately after he came to power: in the letter in which he notified the Senate of his elevation, he had already given the imperial title without waiting for the Senate to confirm his new dignity. In fact, this confirmation was purely a formality, but Macrinus disregarded a prerogative of the Senate with his behavior. It was also seen as a mistake that he acted against people whom he suspected of considering his rule as illegitimate because of his origins, instead of seeking the goodwill of these oppositionists. His personnel policy gave rise to severe criticism. This included the appointment of upstarts as provincial governors, although the critics did not see them as having the appropriate qualifications. Particularly offensive was the appointment of Adventus, who had helped Macrinus to power by his refusal to rise to power, as city prefect. The fact that Macrinus entrusted this very important senatorial office in the capital to an uneducated man with a military past, who had not yet been admitted to the Senate, was a serious provocation for the senators. Adventus soon proved to be so incompetent that Macrinus was forced to recall him; his successor was the historian Marius Maximus . The Senate also resented the emperor for not solving the crimes of the informer Caracallas with the emphasis he had hoped for . The Emperor's declaration that he could not provide the Senate with any relevant files as none had been found in the Imperial Palace met with suspicion. He was suspected of covering up the informers out of conflict aversion. The selection of the two Praetorian prefects also aroused indignation: Macrinus filled these key posts with Ulpius Julianus and Julianus Nestor, two men who had headed the courier business under Caracalla and who had made themselves hated for their involvement in denouncing.

Weak leadership

In the metropolitan circles that had suffered under Caracalla's reign of terror, the change of power was welcomed with relief. The improved situation compared to the conditions under Caracalla was noted gratefully. Still, Macrinus failed to gain authority. Both in the Senate and in the city population, he was perceived as weak in leadership. For example, his relationship to the memory of his predecessor, which was at least initially unclear, appeared to be a sign of weakness. The fronts were deadlocked between bitter opponents and enthusiastic supporters of Caracalla. A posthumous conviction, the damnatio memoriae , was out of the question in view of the mood among the soldiers. A deification as part of the imperial cult was also problematic because of the widespread hatred among the members of the many victims of terrorism and other opponents of the murdered emperor. So Macrinus hesitated. On the one hand, he had some of Caracalla's statues inconspicuously removed; on the other hand, he had his under-age son, who was designated as his successor, adopt the name Antoninus - Caracalla's emperor's name - in order to gain the favor of the soldiers. It is unclear whether Macrinus finally gave in to the soldiers and agreed to the deification of Caracalla or whether this step only took place after his death.

One factor that seriously damaged Macrinus' reputation in Rome was his constant absence. As emperor, he never set foot in Italy, but remained in the east of the empire throughout his reign. This could be justified with the Parthian War, but was perceived by the city population as a weak leadership and lack of imperial care for the capital. The displeasure erupted at a horse race in a rally of the crowd, which vehemently lamented the factual lack of rulership.

Financial and economic policy

Macrinus on an aureus . On the reverse Macrinus and his son Diadumenianus with the figure of Liberalitas (generosity).

An urgent problem was the threatened breakdown of the state finances, which resulted from the enormous inflation of the military personnel costs under the early Severers. Septimius Severus had already doubled the legionnaires' pay from 1200 to 2400 sesterces annually, Caracalla had made a further increase to 3600 sesterces. The pay, which had been stable for more than a century, had tripled in a decade and a half. According to the Macrinus estimate communicated by Cassius Dio, the increase in pay for Caracalla alone caused an annual additional expense of 280 million sesterces, that is to say 70 million denarii . In addition, Caracalla had pampered the troops with generous donations , the payment of which the legionnaires now regarded as their customary right. Another heavy burden on the national budget was the cost of Macrinus' peace agreement with the Parthians, which amounted to around 200 million sesterces.

The increase in military personnel costs was financially disastrous. The preference for the military was only possible at the expense of the economically productive part of the population and the stability of the value of money, and generated immoderate expectations among the spoiled soldiers. The gap between these expectations and the need to save created a dangerous situation for the emperor, which he recognized as explosive. In a letter to the city prefect, he complained about his dilemma: He stated that the financial situation did not allow the payment of wages to continue at the previous level and in addition to the donations, but that a reduction was not enforceable. Faced with this dilemma, he was forced to proceed cautiously. Instead of resorting to tax increases or arbitrary confiscations , he sold imperial property and tried to cut costs. He left the pay of the soldiers already serving in the army at 3,600 sesterces so as not to provoke a rebellion, but for new recruits he reduced it to 2,400 sesterces. He hoped that the veteran soldiers would behave calmly, since they suffered no loss, and that the more manageable recruits would not dare to riot. The Praetorians , like the recruits, had to accept a reduction in their wages by a third, i.e. to the level of the time of Septimius Severus.

However, Macrinus did not consider a development: Since the troops gathered for the Caracallas Parthian campaign remained assembled as a large army in Syria , the veteran soldiers showed their solidarity with the new recruits, who did not want to accept their lower classification. They feared that they would only have been spared the austerity measure for the time being and that sooner or later they too would face a pay cut. Macrinus' partial pay cut therefore met with unexpected massive resistance; in his letter to the city prefect he had to admit the failure of his salary policy. In the final phase of his reign, the emperor found himself in a hopeless financial position.

Apparently Macrinus was trying to pursue a deflationary policy by increasing the precious metal content of the gold coin Aureus , which Caracalla had reduced to 1/50 pound with his coin deterioration , to 1/45 pound. He reduced Caracalla's increased tax burden by repealing his predecessor's provisions on inheritance and release taxes. Caracalla had doubled these taxes from 5 to 10 percent.

Foreign policy

Macrinus was militarily inexperienced, because up to his appointment as Praetorian prefect he had made a purely civilian career. His lack of military qualifications contributed to his unpopularity in the army. He had no interest in continuing Caracalla's aggressive war against the Parthians. He therefore offered a peace, blaming his predecessor for the war and releasing the Parthian prisoners as a token of his goodwill. The Arsenic Parthian King Artabanos IV , however, interpreted this as a sign of weakness and made correspondingly high demands: reparations and a complete evacuation of northern Mesopotamia, the annexation of which by Septimius Severus the Parthians had never accepted. Without waiting long for an answer, he let his army advance. When the Parthians approached the strategically important city of Nisibis , the Romans had to fight.

The armies clashed at a waterhole near Nisibis. There was a first struggle for the water supply, in which the Romans were defeated. Then began a great battle that is said to have lasted three days. Finally the Parthians prevailed. However, the Roman troops had previously systematically devastated the surrounding area and stole or destroyed all food, which is why hunger broke out in the Parthian army. As both sides were exhausted, negotiations began which ended in a foedus . The Romans had to buy the peace with extraordinarily high payments - around 200 million sesterces in total. But they do not seem to have suffered any significant loss of territory because Artabanos was also under pressure. This last Roman-Parthian war ended with a Roman defeat. Nevertheless, Macrinus presented himself as the victor in his report to the Senate. The Senate then offered him the victorious name Parthicus . Macrinus officially refused this honor. However, on at least one African inscription he was called Parthicus maximus , and on coins he had his alleged “Parthian victory” ( victoria Parthica ) glorified.

Macrinus also found a balance with the Armenians whom Caracalla had fought. At that time King Tiridates II ruled with them, who came from the Parthian royal family of the Arsacids . The emperor released the mother of Tiridates, who had been held captive by Caracalla, recognized his claim to the throne by sending a crown and returned Caracalla's Armenian spoils of war. Macrinus was also peace-loving towards the Dacians . He returned them the hostages that Caracalla had received from them, whereupon they renounced hostilities.

Uprising against Macrinus

Medallion of Macrinus and Diadumenianus

When the male descendants of Emperor Septimius Severus died out with Caracalla's death, the rule of the Severer dynasty seemed to have come to an end. Soon after taking office, Macrinus had his only eight-year-old son Diadumenianus proclaimed Caesar and thus his future successor, thus making his intention to found a dynasty clear. But when his lack of authority became clear, an opposition formed which viewed him as a usurper and appealed to the Severans' claim to power.

Julia Domna , the Syrian wife of the dynasty founder Septimius Severus, initially agitated against the new emperor Macrinus after the murder of her son Caracalla, but then realized the hopelessness of her efforts and chose suicide. But this did not end the Severan resistance against Macrinus. Julia Domna had a sister, Julia Maesa , who had lived with her at court and did not want to come to terms with the end of the Severan rule. Although Maesa was not related to the dynasty founder Severus, but only by marriage, she took up the idea of ​​the dynastic claim to rule of the Severus and made use of it. Macrinus, who distrusted her, ordered her to withdraw from Rome to her Syrian homeland. Then she went to her hometown Emesa, today's Homs . Her family had considerable influence there. Most of all, it helped her that she had a great fortune. Since the soldiers in Syria mourned the old dynasty and Macrinus was weakened after the inglorious end of the Parthian War, Maesa saw an opportunity to secure her own descendants the imperial dignity. Those around them began to agitate against Macrinus. Her fourteen-year-old grandson Varius Avitus ( Elagabal ) was passed off as the illegitimate son of Caracallas. Thus he appeared to the dissatisfied as the rightful heir of the murdered emperor.

With the appeal to loyalty to the Severan dynasty and the prospect of generous monetary gifts from Maesa's fortune, the soldiers of Legio III Gallica , which was stationed near Emesa, were persuaded to revolt against Macrinus. In the Legion camp , Elagabal was made emperor on May 16, 218.

Troops of Macrinus, under the command of the Praetorian prefect Ulpius Julianus, advanced against the camp of the rebel legion. Among them were Moors who were motivated to fight for Macrinus because he came from their homeland. A storm attack by the Moors on the camp failed, however. The rebels then succeeded in winning the besiegers to their side by pointing out Elagabal's alleged descent from Caracalla and offering rewards. Julian's soldiers decided to change front. They killed their officers and went over to Elagabal. So the rebellion spread rapidly.

Macrinus, who had been in Syria since the Parthian War, hurried to Apamea to give the Legio II Parthica , which was stationed there at the time, an immediately paid special allowance of 4,000 sesterces for each soldier and the promise of a further 20,000 sesterces per man tie. In Apamea, he had his only nine-year-old son, Caesar Diadumenianus, proclaimed Augustus and thus raised to the nominal co-ruler in order to confirm his claim to founding a dynasty and to have an external reason for the gift of money to the soldiers. This step was frowned upon in Senate circles, and Macrinus did not succeed in convincing the soldiers. After the severed head of Ulpius Julianus had been brought to him, he withdrew to Antiocheia . The Legio II joined the revolt. When Elagabal's troops advanced in the direction of Antiocheia, Macrinus had to fight. The Praetorians formed the core of his armed forces.

Defeat, escape and death

On June 8, 218, a decisive battle broke out near Antioch, which was chaotic, as both armies lacked competent leadership. Macrinus's troops initially had the upper hand, but when the opposition's resistance stiffened, Macrinus gave up the battle prematurely and fled. That sealed his defeat. At last his Praetorians gave up, who had continued the fight after his escape.

Thereupon Macrinus sent his son to the Parthian king to bring him to safety, but Diadumenianus did not get across the border, but was caught in the city of Zeugma on the Euphrates and killed soon afterwards. Macrinus himself first went to Antioch. When his defeat became known there, he fled in disguise on horseback with a few companions. He tried to get to Rome, assuming that the Senate, which had declared Elagabal an enemy of the state, was still on his side.

In Aigeai , a city in Cilicia , Macrinus, posing as a courier, took a car to continue his flight west. In Chalcedon he asked a procurator for money; he was recognized and arrested. He should be returned to Syria. When he learned of his son's arrest while on the move in Cappadocia , he threw himself off the car. He was later killed by a centurion . The body was left unburied; Elagabal visited him when he was on his way to Rome.

iconography

Since Macrinus was never in the west as emperor, every image created in the west must ultimately be traced back to a model of eastern origin. The basis for determining Macrinus' appearance is formed by his coin portraits. They differ considerably, but this is not due to differences between two mints, as was previously believed, but to a chronological sequence. The early portraits with a short beard are reminiscent of Caracalla, the later ones with a long beard bear a resemblance to Septimius Severus and Marcus Aurelius . The latter fits in with the report of the historian Herodian that Macrinus wanted to imitate Mark Aurel, who was considered an exemplary ruler, with his beard as well as with his slow, quiet way of speaking.

With regard to the round sculptures, the view has prevailed that two larger than life heads in Rome, both of which are probably of urban Roman origin - one in the Museo Capitolino, the other in the Centrale Montemartini - represent Macrinus. Both show him with a full beard. The identification of a bronze head in the Belgrade City Museum is certain, while that of a marble head in the Arthur M. Sackler Museum in Cambridge (Massachusetts) is considered plausible . The Belgrade portrait shows the emperor with the slit-like perforation of the left ear, which is attested in Cassius Dio; According to his presentation, it was a Moorish custom. The reproduction of this detail shows that Macrinus deliberately wanted to make an ethnic characterization.

Macrinus and his son are also depicted in the Egyptian temple of Kom Ombo in a pharaonic style. They are the last Roman rulers who donated a wall relief in this temple.

reception

After Macrinus' death, Elagabal had the damnatio memoriae imposed on him , which resulted in the destruction of portraits of the ostracized and the erasure of his name on inscriptions and papyri . The extermination work was carried out thoroughly; even gems were destroyed, which was otherwise unusual in such cases. In Egypt one proceeded particularly consistently. There not only was the memory of Macrinus erased by erasing his name, but Elagabal was portrayed as Caracalla's immediate successor.

The judgments of contemporary historians were consistently negative. Cassius Dio resented Macrinus for daring to reach for the imperial dignity even though he was not a member of the Senate. As a class-conscious senator, Cassius Dio saw in the upstart from the knightly class a usurper whose shameful end was the just punishment for this outrageous presumption. He considered him to be a decent person with very limited abilities, who had been overwhelmed by the challenges associated with his ascent and had developed a fateful arrogance as a ruler. Besides, he was a coward. He had an inappropriate penchant for luxury and was unable to gain respect. The younger contemporary Herodian also mentions and disapproves of Macrinus' luxurious life. He judged the emperor a little more favorably than Cassius Dio and praised his tough crackdown on Caracalla's informers and the legal certainty that he had brought about, but criticized Macrinus' negligence and indecision, which had turned out to be fatal.

The unknown author of the biography of Macrinus in the Late Antique Historia Augusta took over the negative judgments of the emperor's contemporaries in a coarser form and embellished them with various fictitious information. His biography of Macrinus is considered to be one of the worst emperor biographies in the Historia Augusta in terms of source value . He claims that Macrinus was disgusting in disposition and appearance, a nefarious, haughty, devoted to luxury and notorious for his cruelty. Citing a message allegedly handed down by Aurelius Victor , he says that Macrinus was originally an imperial slave and worked as a prostitute. After all, Emperor Septimius Severus sent the good-for-nothing to North Africa; however, the credibility of this information is uncertain. According to another tradition, Macrinus fought as a gladiator and hunter. However, no such claims can be found in the work of Aurelius Victor. The Historia Augusta also contains information about Macrinus' wife, who was called Nonia Celsa and was mocked for her immorality. Everything communicated about her - including the name - is probably fictitious.

At the time of Renaissance humanism , however, they trusted the presentation of the Historia Augusta . In the 14th century, Benvenuto da Imola described Macrinus as a cruel, bloodthirsty former slave afflicted with all vices.

Modern research has criticized the traditional Macrinus picture and has come to a more balanced view. Alfred von Domaszewski found in 1909 that Macrinus had been an "honest man" with laudable intentions, but as a military leader incapable and "not equal to his task". Hans-Georg Pflaum judged similarly in 1960. Alfred Heuss (1960) was of the opinion that Macrinus was "in himself a very capable man". Hermann Bengtson (1973) stated that Macrinus was "undoubtedly inspired by the best will". For Karl Christ (1988), Macrinus was "just what one calls a righteous man".

literature

Web links

Commons : Macrinus  - album with pictures, videos and audio files

Remarks

  1. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 40.3. When specifying some of the books of Cassius Dio's historical work, different counts are used; a different book count is given here and below in brackets.
  2. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 11.1.
  3. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 11.2-3.
  4. ↑ Historia Augusta , Macrinus 4, 4; 4, 6.
  5. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 11.3.
  6. ↑ See for example Karl Christ: Geschichte der Roman Kaiserzeit , 6th edition, Munich 2009, pp. 625–626; Julia Sünskes Thompson: Uprisings and protest actions in the Imperium Romanum , Bonn 1990, pp. 66–67; Anthony R. Birley : Caracalla . In: Manfred Clauss (Ed.): The Roman Emperors. 55 historical portraits from Caesar to Justinian , 4th edition, Munich 2010, pp. 185–191, here: 191.
  7. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 4.1-5.2.
  8. ↑ For the argumentation, see Frank Kolb : Literary Relationships between Cassius Dio, Herodian and the Historia Augusta , Bonn 1972, p. 133, note 647.
  9. ↑ Herodian 4.12.1; 4.14.2 f.
  10. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 11.4-6; 79 (78), 14.1-2.
  11. ^ Gabriele Marasco: L'idéologie impériale de Macrin . In: Revue des Études Anciennes 98, 1996, pp. 187–195, here: 189–191.
  12. ^ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 14.4.
  13. ↑ Paolo Cavuoto: Macrino , Napoli 1983, p. 12. Anders Egon Flaig : Challenging the Kaiser , Frankfurt 1992, p. 190 f.
  14. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 13: 1-2.
  15. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 12.2.
  16. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 15.3; 79 (78), 41.2-4.
  17. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 15.4.
  18. ↑ Maria Grazia Granino Cecere: Macrinus provides an overview . In: Dizionario epigrafico di antichità romane , Volume 5, Faszikel 6–7, Rome 1991, pp. 169–198, here: 182–183.
  19. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 16: 2-4.
  20. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 15: 3-4.
  21. ^ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 13-15.
  22. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 21; see. 79 (78), 18: 1-2.
  23. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 15.2; 79 (78), 18.3-5.
  24. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 17.2-19.4.
  25. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 19: 1-2.
  26. ↑ On the cultic veneration of Caracalla and the dating of its introduction see James Frank Gilliam : On Divi under the Severi. In: Jacqueline Bibauw (Ed.): Hommages à Marcel Renard , Vol. 2, Brussels 1969, pp. 284–289, here: 285–286; Helga Gesche: The divinization of the Roman emperors in their function as legitimation for rule . In: Chiron 8, 1978, pp. 377-390, here: 387-388.
  27. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 20: 1-3.
  28. ↑ Thomas Pekáry : Studies on Roman monetary and financial history from 161 to 235 AD. In: Historia 8, 1959, pp. 443–489, here: 479–485.
  29. ↑ See on the increase in pay Robert Develin: The Army Pay Rises under Severus and Caracalla and the Question of Annona militaris . In: Latomus 30, 1971, pp. 687-695, here: 687-692; Michael Alexander Speidel: Army and Rule in the Roman Empire of the High Imperial Era , Stuttgart 2009, p. 350, 415.
  30. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 36.3.
  31. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 27.1.
  32. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 36.2-3.
  33. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 12: 5-7.
  34. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 28: 2-4.
  35. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 12.7.
  36. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 29; 79 (78), 36.1.
  37. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 36.1.
  38. ↑ Robert Turcan (Ed.): Histoire Auguste , Vol. 3 Part 1: Vies de Macrin, Diaduménien, Héliogabale , Paris 1993, pp. 13-14 and note 25 (with a compilation of the older literature).
  39. ↑ Cassius Dio 78 (77), 9.4 and 79 (78), 12.2.
  40. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 26.2.
  41. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 27.1 f.
  42. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 27.3.
  43. ^ Pierre Salama: L'empereur Macrin Parthicus Maximus . In: Revue des Études Anciennes 66, 1964, pp. 334–352. See Daniel Keller: Roman coins . In: Ursula Hackl et al. (Ed.): Sources for the history of the Parthian Empire , Vol. 2, Göttingen 2010, pp. 589–612, here: 611.
  44. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 27.4.
  45. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 27.5.
  46. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 30.2-31.4; Herodian 5.3.
  47. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 31.4-33.2; Herodian 5: 4: 1-4.
  48. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 34.2-3.
  49. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 38.2.
  50. ↑ Herodian 5: 4, 8-10.
  51. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 39.1-3.
  52. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 39.3-40.5.
  53. ^ Curtis L. Clay: The Roman Coinage of Macrinus and Diadumenian . In: Numismatical Journal 93, 1979, pp. 21–40, here: 29–32; Dieter Salzmann : The portraits of Macrinus . In: Yearbook of the German Archaeological Institute 98, 1983, pp. 351–381, here: 353–360.
  54. ↑ Herodian 5: 2, 3–4. See Drora Baharal: The Emperor Macrinus. Imperial Propaganda and the Gens Aurelia . In: Enrico dal Covolo, Giancarlo Rinaldi (ed.): Gli imperatori Severi , Rom 1999, pp. 47–65, here: 53–58; Eric R. Varner: Mutilation and Transformation. Damnatio Memoriae and Roman Imperial Portraiture , Leiden 2004, p. 185.
  55. ↑ Centrale Montemartini, Museo Nuovo, Sala VII 21, Inv. 1757 and Museo Capitolino, Stanza degli Imperatori 36, Inv. 460. See also Klaus Fittschen , Paul Zanker : Catalog of Roman portraits in the Capitoline Museums and the other municipal collections of the city of Rome . Volume 1, 2nd, revised edition, Mainz 1994, pp. 112–114, No. 95–96, plates 116–119; Max Wegner : Macrinus . In: Heinz Bernhard Wiggers, Max Wegner: Caracalla, Geta, Plautilla. Macrinus to Balbinus (= The Roman image of rulers , section 3, volume 1), Berlin 1971, pp. 131–140, here: 134–136.
  56. ↑ Belgrade City Museum Inv. AA 2636 ( picture online ); Arthur M. Sackler Museum Inv. 1949.47.138 ( picture online ). See Florian Leitmeir: Breaks in the Emperor's Portrait from Caracalla to Severus Alexander . In: Stephan Faust, Florian Leitmeir (eds.): Forms of Representation in Severan Time , Berlin 2011, pp. 11–33, here: 18–19; Eric R. Varner: Mutilation and Transformation. Damnatio Memoriae and Roman Imperial Portraiture , Leiden 2004, pp. 186–187; Dieter Salzmann: The portraits of Macrinus . In: Yearbook of the German Archaeological Institute 98, 1983, pp. 351–381, here: 362–376.
  57. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 11.1. See Achim Lichtenberger : Severus Pius Augustus , Leiden 2011, p. 147 and figures 108 and 109.
  58. ^ Günther Hölbl : Ancient Egypt in the Roman Empire. The Roman Pharaoh and his temples. Vol. 1: Roman politics and ancient Egyptian ideology from Augustus to Diocletian, Temple building in Upper Egypt , Mainz 2000, p. 97.
  59. ↑ See also Eric R. Varner: Mutilation and Transformation. Damnatio Memoriae and Roman Imperial Portraiture , Leiden 2004, pp. 185–187.
  60. ↑ See Edmond Van 't Dack: Encore la damnatio memoriae de Macrin . In: Gerhard Wirth (ed.): Romanitas - Christianitas , Berlin 1982, pp. 324–334; Pieter J. Sijpesteijn: Macrinus' damnatio memoriae and the papyri . In: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 13, 1974, pp. 219–227.
  61. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 41: 2-4.
  62. ↑ Cassius Dio 79 (78), 11.1-3; 79 (78), 15.3-4; 79 (78), 20.3-4; 79 (78), 27.1; 79 (78), 37.4; 79 (78), 38.2. See Asko Timonen: Cruelty and Death. Roman Historians' Scenes of Imperial Violence from Commodus to Philippus Arabs , Turku 2000, pp. 124-126, 206-208.
  63. ↑ Herodian 4.12.2; 5,2,4-6; 5.3.1.
  64. ↑ Herodian 5: 2, 2.
  65. ↑ Herodian 5: 2, 3–4; 5.4.2; 5.4.12. See Asko Timonen: Cruelty and Death. Roman Historians' Scenes of Imperial Violence from Commodus to Philippus Arabs , Turku 2000, pp. 126-127.
  66. ^ Robert Turcan (ed.): Histoire Auguste , Vol. 3 Part 1: Vies de Macrin, Diaduménien, Héliogabale , Paris 1993, pp. 3-13.
  67. ↑ Historia Augusta , Macrinus 2.1; 4.1; 5.5; 5.8-9; 8.4; 12.1-10; 13.3-4; 14.1. See Asko Timonen: Cruelty and Death. Roman Historians' Scenes of Imperial Violence from Commodus to Philippus Arabs , Turku 2000, pp. 127-131.
  68. ↑ Historia Augusta , Macrinus 4.1–6.
  69. ^ Robert Turcan (Ed.): Histoire Auguste , Vol. 3 Part 1: Vies de Macrin, Diaduménien, Héliogabale , Paris 1993, pp. 122-124.
  70. ^ Elisabeth Wallinger: The women in the Historia Augusta , Vienna 1990, pp. 117–119.
  71. ↑ Benvenuto da Imola: Liber Augustalis . In: Francisci Petrarchae (...) opera quae extant omnia , Volume 1, Basel 1554, pp. 575-590, here: 578.
  72. ^ Alfred von Domaszewski: History of the Roman Emperors , Vol. 2, Leipzig 1909, pp. 270-271.
  73. ↑ Hans-Georg Pflaum: Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain , Vol. 2, Paris 1960, p. 672.
  74. ^ Alfred Heuss: Römische Geschichte , Braunschweig 1960, p. 351.
  75. ↑ Hermann Bengtson: Roman History , Munich 1973, p. 327.
  76. ^ Karl Christ: History of the Roman Empire , Munich 1988 (6th edition Munich 2009), p. 625.
predecessor Office successor
Caracalla Roman emperor
217–218 		Elagabal
This article was added to the list of excellent articles on December 8, 2012 in this version .
personal data
SURNAME Macrinus
ALTERNATIVE NAMES Macrinus, Marcus Opellius
BRIEF DESCRIPTION roman emperor
DATE OF BIRTH 164
PLACE OF BIRTH Caesarea (Mauritania)
DATE OF DEATH June 218 or July 218
Place of death Archelaïs, today Aksaray