Tulsa massacre

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Fires during the massacre on June 1, 1921

The Tulsa , Oklahoma Massacre of May 31 and June 1, 1921, also known as the Tulsa Race Massacre , Greenwood Massacre or Black Wall Street Massacre , is one of the most devastating of the so-called race riots in the United States . Up to 300 people were killed in the event, according to later estimates by the state . The Greenwood neighborhood of Tulsa , which is inhabited by African Americans , has been largely destroyed.

It was triggered by a controversial report in the Tulsa Tribune , which has not been preserved in the newspaper archives, of an alleged attempt by a black young man to rape a white girl. After some Black Tulsas armed themselves to prevent white lynching , a confrontation broke out in front of the courthouse . With the help of some of the Tulsa City Council, a white lynch mob formed and set Greenwood on fire. The National Guard, later called in, calmed the situation, but only arrested black citizens of Tulsa and held them in three makeshift detention centers.

The fate of the Tulsa blacks was soon forgotten. It was not until 1997 that the Oklahoma Legislature , the state parliament of Oklahoma, set up a committee of inquiry into the event. The latter could not determine the exact number of victims, but recognized the murders and destruction in a law as injustice and made funds available for symbolic reparation measures.

Starting position

The southern states and the southern Midwest , which includes Oklahoma, were segregated by Jim Crow laws in 1921 . Lynch justice against African Americans was still widespread there at that time and in Oklahoma, especially from 1900, an expression of racist violence. While the victims of the lynching had previously mostly been white cattle thieves, afterwards it was mostly black people.

In 1917 riots broke out in Dewey County . During riots in East St. Louis in the Midwest that same year , police disarmed African Americans and shot them immediately afterwards. On August 28, 1920, the white murder suspect Roy Belton was abducted by armed men from prison in the Tulsa Courthouse, the sheriff offered no resistance, and hanged on a telephone pole just outside of town. Just a day later, and in a kind of competition with Tulsa, several men in Oklahoma City kidnapped the African-American murder suspect Claude Chandler from prison, whereupon nearly a thousand black people armed and gathered. After negotiating with the mayor, they were given permission to find Chandler if they surrendered their weapons. Chandler was found hanged the next day.

These events led African Americans to increasingly distrust the police and the judiciary, who treated them unequally towards whites - not least because of the black press, such as the weekly Black Dispatch in Oklahoma City and the Tulsa Star (since the Oklahoma massacre Eagle ) in Tulsa, closely observed and commented on these cases. The editor of the Tulsa Star , AJ Smitherman, even attacked the black community of Oklahoma City in comments: They did too little to save Chandlers and were too passive. The Tulsa Star urged African Americans to arm themselves in the event of a threat in order to protect themselves and defend the sovereignty of the law and not to shy away from confrontation with the police. The debate between the Black Dispatch and the Tulsa Star reflected the opinion of the Oklahoma black community, who were divided over the question of whether resistance to the police was legitimate.

Greenwood was an African American residential and business district in Tulsa with a population of just under 10,000. The designation as Negro Wall Street or Black Wall Street in a positive sense only emerged recently and, according to historian John Hope Franklin, exaggerates the economic, but not the social importance of this place. The white Tulsans sometimes called Greenwood that, but meant it rather derogatory. The name is contemporary in a single book from the 1920s, but is not found in any of the numerous newspaper articles that appeared after the massacre. The residents of Greenwood themselves often named their neighborhood Dreamland after a local theater or Little Africa .

Greenwood was largely self-sufficient and had its own school system, a library, churches, a hospital, a savings bank, a post office, two cinemas, three hotels, clothing, jewelry and grocery stores, public transport, as well as pharmacies and two newspapers. The blacks there lived in relative freedom, and many of the residents who were war veterans or otherwise had foreign experience discussed racial equality in America. The vibrancy and pride of the Greenwoods community also built on the history of Oklahoma, which was originally an Indian territory and was settled by many freed slaves after the American Civil War . On the one hand, the promise of cheap land had lured them; on the other hand, the institutional racism of the plantation economies of the Old South had not dominated here.

The economic prosperity of Greenwood, the resolute self-confidence of its residents and their newspapers, as well as the increasing number of African American calls for an end to racial segregation since America's entry into World War I and with the Harlem Renaissance, increasingly unsettled the white Tulsans. For example, Oklahoma blacks successfully sued the United States Supreme Court on two counts during the 1910s for equality, one of which concerned rail segregation. While Woodrow Wilson, with his rhetoric about America's worldwide moral role model function as a democracy, had led African Americans to expect a new reconstruction in the near future during the course of the First World War , many white southerners had the goal of promoting the oppression of blacks through racial segregation and Jim- Restore Crow's laws in full. The local situation was aggravated by the fact that Tulsa had a bad reputation for its crime and violence, which in Oklahoma as a young state as a whole found fertile ground during the times of Prohibition . In May 1921, the Tulsa Tribune , which advocated strict Law and Order , published several articles in which it held the black community responsible for the high crime rate .

procedure

Trigger and start of the riots

The massacre was triggered by a report by the Tulsa Tribune on May 31, 1921, according to which the African-American delivery boy Dick Rowland attacked the 17-year-old white elevator operator Sarah Page and tore her clothes. What exactly the Tulsa Tribune reported beyond this message can no longer be determined today. Whole special editions and editorials were deliberately destroyed in the archives . Contemporary witnesses reported that the newspaper announced a nightly lynching of Rowland.

What actually happened in the elevator could never be resolved and evidence of a crime was never produced. Rowland was not arrested until the following day, and no victim was named in the original police report. As in many previous cases of lynching, the trigger was the alleged sexual assault by a black woman on a white woman. According to the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 , it seems most likely that Rowland tripped while getting into the elevator and grabbed Page by the arm, which she screamed; The possibility of a friendly or intimate relationship, which was in contradiction to all local moral standards, was also discussed at that time.

Less than three hours after that afternoon edition appeared, whites began to gather in front of the courthouse where Rowland was imprisoned. By 9:00 p.m. the crowd had grown to 400 people. At the same time, African Americans began to gather on Greenwood Avenue, fearing lynching, as happened the previous year with Roy Belton. It is not clear whether Sheriff McCullough may have requested support from the African American side in defense of the courthouse on the evening of May 31. It is certain that almost 30 armed blacks arrived at the courthouse around 9:30 p.m. and offered their help to the sheriff. When the police were able to convince them that Rowland was safe, they left the courthouse square. Major James A. Bell, leader of the local National Guard , was also assured when asked by Sheriff and Police Chief John Gustafson that no help would be needed. Shortly thereafter, however, Bell discovered that a large number of whites had gathered in front of the arsenal of the National Guard and requested entry to arm themselves. With their pistols drawn, he and a few other guardsmen were able to prevent the storming of the weapons depot and disperse the crowd.

Around 10:30 p.m., when another group of armed African-Americans of 50 to 75 men appeared in front of the courthouse, around 2,000 whites were already gathered there. Again the police refused to support them. According to an eyewitness, when the squad tried to turn back, a white man asked a black war veteran to hand over his army revolver and was violent after he refused. A shot went off and there was a shootout between whites and African Americans. According to McCullough, this moment marked the beginning of the massacre. Due to its majority, the white lynch mob quickly succeeded in throwing the armed squad back into the Greenwood district. An ambulance service attempting to care for a wounded black man was stopped by the white mob.

Governor James BA Robertson (1920)

Before this outbreak of violence, Adjutant General Charles F. Barrett, the commander of the Oklahoma National Guard, had been informed of the worsening situation in Tulsa by Major Byron Kirkpatrick. After consulting with Governor James BA Robertson , he decided to mobilize the National Guard and ordered them to support the Tulsa city government. Since the authorities there were satisfied with the situation and made no request, Robertson took the initiative and shortly after midnight asked Kirkpatrick to send a telegram asking him to call the National Guard into Tulsa. Since Kirkpatrick needed the signature of McCullough, who had barricaded himself with Rowland in the courthouse, for this official request, it took until 3:00 a.m. to complete the telegram. The actual mobilization of the National Guard in Tulsa finally took place shortly before 11:00 a.m. McCullough, meanwhile, appointed up to 250 deputies that night and asked them to arm themselves. Those who did not have firearms at home were given ones previously confiscated from Tulsa stores. They were given the task of disarming the entire African American population of Tulsa and taking them into police custody. Many of them were involved in the later storming and destruction of Greenwood.

The destruction of Greenwood

Meanwhile, after the shooting at the courthouse, the white mob had begun to arm themselves until 1:00 a.m. while others continued to stand in front of the courthouse. It was around this time that the first fire broke out on the corner of Archer Street and Boston Avenue, on the edge of the African-American neighborhood of Greenwood. When the fire brigade arrived, a crowd of about 500 people stopped them from putting out the fire and forced them to retreat. Around the same time, gangs of armed whites invaded Greenwood and were fought with handguns by the residents. The most intense fighting took place on the St. Louis - San Francisco Railway , which separated the black from the white district. At the train station , some police officers and armed residents were able to hold up the white mob until 6:00 a.m., then had to give up their defensive positions. The white mob penetrated Greenwood and began to set fire to and loot the district from the south, where the business district was located, among other things . Fighting continued there, but because of their outnumbered defenders had little to counter the lynch mob, while the police were mostly busy disarming and detaining armed African Americans. Shortly before the breakthrough at the train station, a hotel and school on Greenwood Avenue had been set on fire. In the next few hours the mob worked its way through the whole of Greenwood, setting fire to it, and did not spare the Mount Zion Baptist Church, which had only been completed two months earlier . When storming the church , whose tower was used by the residents as a remote defensive position, a machine gun was used, killing several blacks. Then the church was burned down and destroyed with the exception of a few remains.

National guards evacuating the wounded on the morning of June 1st

The lynch mob's march through Greenwood was accompanied by numerous homicides, including white people mistaken for African American in the dark. Even after 9:00 am, when the conflagration had started, white rioters continued to move through Greenwood. Police, deputies appointed that night, and National Guardsmen arrested black people and took them to three makeshift detention centers , making Greenwood even more vulnerable. The mob meanwhile reached the residential areas of Greenwood and continued the arson in the affluent neighborhood on North Detroit Avenue shortly after 9:30 a.m. Although the white director of the Sequoyah School called the police for help, they never arrived. Rowland himself had been taken out of town by McCullough at 8:00 a.m. Nothing is known about the further fate of Rowland and Page, whose meeting was the triggering moment of the massacre.

Arrival of the National Guard and end of the riots

At around 9:15 am, the Oklahoma City National Guardsmen, led by Adjutant General Charles F. Barrett , arrived in Tulsa. By that time, the shootings had subsided and most of Greenwood was on fire as some whites combed the adjacent neighborhoods in search of African-American domestic workers. Upon their arrival, the National Guards moved into the courthouse as their headquarters and had breakfast there. Barrett contacted the governor by phone and received the declaration of the state of emergency from him at 11:29 am . The National Guards then helped the fire brigade fight the fire, set up makeshift hospitals in the arsenal and a dormitory to take care of the many wounded, arrested all Afro-Americans they met and took over those who had been interned by deputies and other whites. Barrett obtained the impeachment of all deputies appointed the night before from Mayor T. D. Evans, some of whom he believed to be leaders of the lynching mob. Whites were disarmed by the National Guards, but unlike the Afro-Americans, they were not interned. With the exception of 65 people who were arrested, they were sent home. According to Alfred L. Brophy, the National Guards also shot some of the white rioters.

Reports are contradicting each other about the use of airplanes during the massacre, but airplanes dropped incendiary devices soaked in turpentine or kerosene on Greenwood , according to The Chicago Defender and eyewitness testimony quoted on the Tulsa Race Riot Commission . What is certain is that after the unrest in northeastern Oklahoma, every major black community was monitored from the air for unusual activity, as the White Tulsas feared reprisals.

After the state of emergency began, the riots largely ended. The Tulsa massacre, which lasted a little less than 24 hours, was one of the most devastating outbreaks of violence of its kind in the United States in the 20th century and in American history as a whole. While whites were able to return to their homes on June 1, most of Tulsa's African-American residents, over 6,000, were detained on the night of June 2. Many others had fled Tulsa, and over a thousand residential and commercial buildings in Greenwood had burned down. The destruction extended over 35 street blocks .

Estimates of the number of victims and property damage

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Greenwood after the end of the massacre (photographed June 1 or June 2, 1921)

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Estimates of the number of victims vary widely. The Tulsa Tribune and the New York Times reported immediately after the riots only 175 or 77 dead, the vast majority of them African-American. In the following days, they corrected the number of victims to 31 and 33 respectively. Ellsworth assumes that the number of victims is actually in the upper range due to the large number of wounded. The American Red Cross reported 531 first aid  treatments and 163  operations in the first week after the riot, and estimated the death toll at around 300. Immediately after the riot ended, four large hospital wards were opened in a school in Greenwood that survived the riot set up. Another problem with estimating the number of victims is the fact that Adjutant General Barrett banned all funerals in the city after the massacre in order to calm the situation and to be able to continue using the churches for the homeless population. To date, it has not been clarified where the victims were buried. An Oklahoma State report on the Tulsa massacre in the early 2000s estimates the death toll at up to 300 and the number of people left homeless at 8,000.

The amount of property damage is elusive. Was the most common estimate, the urban real estate market, the property damage to 1.5 million US dollars amounted, of which US $ 500,000 on the black business district and accounted for 750,000 US dollars to private property. However, before the unrest, the real estate exchange had temporarily approved plans by the city to demolish parts of Greenwood in order to build a new train station there. The Red Cross reported 1115 destroyed and 314 looted houses. Furthermore, according to their documentation, 5,366 people stated that they were more or less affected by the rioting within the first week after the massacre. By June 6, 1922, lawsuits for damages were filed with the relevant city commission that totaled $ 1.8 million (equivalent to about $ 24 million in 2018, adjusted for inflation) and all of them were dismissed.

Aftermath

Internment camp

In the days following the riot, almost half of the African-American Tulsans were interned, while the Red Cross estimates that 715 black families left Tulsa and returned later. On June 2, all internees, over 4,000 in total, were concentrated at the Tulsa Exhibition Center , where they remained under armed guard and given cattle pens as accommodation. Initially, only those who had a white employer who vouched for them were released. On June 7, 450 people were still interned and on June 15 they were all free. For several weeks after the massacre, African Americans were banned from owning or buying firearms.

Immediate media and legal processing

In July 1921, Police Chief Gustafson was brought to trial for breach of official duty, with one of the witnesses associating police officers and sheriffs' deputies with arson and manslaughter. Gustafson, who had already been on leave after the riots, was found guilty and never returned to office. Tulsa-based African-American property developer JB Stradford filed a lawsuit against the American Central Insurance Company in Chicago in September 1921 , in which McCullough testified. He reported on the lust for murder of many white Tulsans he observed on the morning of June 1st. Greenwood residents and African American newspapers accused the chief of police, the mayor and other officials that the attack on Greenwood was due to their plans. In October 1921, the Chicago Defender let a former Tulsa police officer speak about a meeting between local pilots and the city council on the night of the massacre. On this occasion it was decided to set the Greenwood buildings on fire with dynamite from the air.

The city set up a grand jury to investigate the process and causes of the massacre. The judgment of the jury, which was already established in advance, stated that exaggerated notions of equality on the part of the Afro-American Tulsans were responsible for the event , while the white population was acquitted. The mayor advocated greater spatial segregation, relocating the black residential and business districts outside of Tulsa. He wanted to convert Greenwood into an industrial site, benefiting from the fact that after the unrest many Afro-Americans turned their backs on Tulsa for good. The city therefore quickly passed new fire protection regulations, which made the reconstruction considerably more expensive or in some places prohibited it, but were repealed by the courts at the end of August 1921 because they violated the rights of the owners. While over a thousand residents had to sleep in tents in the winter of 1921/22, everyone was housed in simple wooden huts by the summer of 1922 and the first brick buildings again lined Greenwood Avenue. The last of the unsuccessful claims for damages were dropped in the early 1930s. After that, the massacre was gradually forgotten, apart from the personal memories of those affected, until in 1997 the Oklahoma Congress established the Tulsa Race Riot Commission .

In October 2019, anthropologists began investigating a municipal cemetery, Oaklawn Cemetery, just a few blocks away from Greenwood. Twenty years earlier, researchers had come across structural anomalies here, suggesting a mass grave in which victims of the massacre are buried.

Tulsa Race Riot Commission

This commission stems from the commitment of Don Ross, who had relatives among the surviving victims and was a member of the Oklahoma House of Representatives . After the 1995 bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City , he wanted to remind people of the 1921 riots as an earlier terror and brought a bill to establish the Tulsa Race Riot Commission in Congress. The 11-member commission, made up of surviving victims, Tulsa citizens, community leaders and congressmen, began its work in 1997. The commission was headed by historian Scott Ellsworth, who has been an expert on the Tulsa massacre since the book Death in a Promised Land (1982). The order of the Tulsa Race Riot Commission was to investigate the event at that time, to find hidden mass graves and to come up with proposals for compensation. Specifically, they searched for missing court documents and newspaper reports, investigated the question of what had actually happened between Rowland and Page and how their fate had progressed, and examined the role of the National Guard and police in the unrest. Furthermore, it should be clarified whether there had been attacks by airplanes on Greenwood and how high the number of victims had actually been. The commission recruited volunteers in Tulsa and the national scientific community to support its work . The historians of the commission placed the massacre in the larger historical context of racist violence in the southwestern United States , emphasized the role of the Red Cross in supply and reconstruction and discussed the responsibility of the city administration for the unrest. In 1999 the work of the commission received national attention and was featured in the New York Times and Associated Press .

From 1999 onwards, three groups were formed in the commission with regard to the reparations issue: one group strongly advocated compensation payments to the survivors, a second "reconciliation group" for symbolic compensation in the form of a museum or scholarships for black Tulsans and a third group that probably comprised only of one Oklahoma senator , declined to make amends. At the end of its work, the commission had on the one hand been able to answer many questions about the massacre, including the responsibility of the city government; on the other hand, important aspects such as the number of victims remained unresolved. As of February 2001, the results and proposals of the commission, which recommended some compensation payments, were discussed by the Oklahoma Congress. This feared the legal consequences of reparations, followed the line of the "reconciliation faction" and passed a law that addressed the riots in Tulsa and created medals for the surviving victims. He also introduced scholarships for black students in Tulsa to enable them to attend college and donated land to build a museum about the massacre. Charles Ogletree , a professor at Harvard Law School , and others filed a civil lawsuit in favor of the victims in February 2003 , which was ultimately unsuccessful because the United States Supreme Court refused a hearing.

In late summer 2020, a group of black survivors and descendants of the victims brought charges against the city of Tulsa. They demanded compensation for the massacre and the long-term consequences associated with it. The seven suspects cited in the lawsuit include the county sheriff, the Oklahoma City Chamber of Commerce and the Oklahoma National Guard. The plaintiff's leader is Lessie Benningfield Randle, 105, who was an eyewitness to the massacre.

Commemoration

Greenwood Cultural Center (2012)

A cultural center was established in Greenwood in the 1980s. One of its main focuses is to provide information about the 1921 massacre. On November 17, 2008, the groundbreaking ceremony for the John Hope Franklin Reconciliation Park took place, a memorial to the unrest in Tulsa. The namesake, African American historian John Hope Franklin, was present during the ceremony.

During the 2020 presidential election , incumbent Donald Trump was criticized for planning his first public campaign event for late June in Tulsa and choosing Juneteenth Memorial Day as the date . As a result, the event was postponed to the following day (June 20).

To prepare for the commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the massacre, the Oklahoma Legislature set up a commission of experts ( 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre Centennial Commission ). On May 14, 2021, Oklahoma Governor Kevin Stitt was excluded from their ranks because he had signed a new school law a few days earlier, according to which certain learning content about the relationships between the races and ethnic groups was to be excluded from classes. The commission saw in this blockade of the Critical Race Theory (" Critical Race Theory ") an attempt by the Republican Stitt to suppress education in history classes about the Tulsa massacre and other racist events in Oklahoma. Some members condemned Stitt's behavior as ingratiation to historical revisionist conservatives, whose goals are contrary to those of the commission.

Reception in pop culture

  • Graham Nash released the piece Dirty Little Secret on his album Songs For Survivors in 2002 , which is not only the first, but to this day also the only popular musical confrontation with the massacre.
  • In Bob Dylan's song Murder Most Foul from the album Rough And Rowdy Ways (2020) it says: "... Play tragedy, play 'Twilight Time' / Take me back to Tulsa to the scene of the crime ..."
  • In the Watchmen series , the story begins with the Tulsa massacre, which also plays a major role in later events.
  • In the series Lovecraft Country , set in the 1950s, one of the main characters witnessed the massacre as a child. In one episode, the protagonists travel back in time and experience the massacre again.

literature

  • Scott Ellsworth: The Ground Breaking: An American City and Its Search for Justice. Dutton, London 2021, ISBN 978-0-593-18298-7 .
  • Randy Krehbiel: Tulsa, 1921: Reporting a Massacre. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman 2019, ISBN 978-0-8061-6331-4 .
  • Hannibal B. Johnson: Tulsa's Historic Greenwood District . Annotated illustrated book with historical photos. Arcadia, Charleston 2014, ISBN 978-1-4671-1128-7 .
  • Alfred L. Brophy: Tulsa (Oklahoma) Riot of 1921 . In Walter Rucker, James Nathaniel Upton (Eds.): Encyclopedia of American Race Riots . Volume 2, N-Z and Primary Documents. Greenwood, Westport 2007, ISBN 978-0-313-33302-6 , pp. 645-654.
  • Alfred L. Brophy: Reconstructing the Dreamland: The Tulsa Riot of 1921: Race, Reparations, and Reconciliation . Oxford University Press, Oxford 2002, ISBN 0-19-514685-9 .
  • James S. Hirsch: Riot and Remembrance: The Tulsa Race War and Its Legacy . Houghton Mifflin, Boston 2002, ISBN 978-0-618-34076-7 .
  • Tim Madigan: The Burning: Massacre, Destruction, and the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . St. Martin's Press, New York 2001, ISBN 0-312-27283-9 .
  • Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Louisiana State University Press, Baton Rouge 1982, ISBN 0-8071-1767-6 .
  • Lee E. Williams, Lee E. Williams II: Anatomy of Four Race Riots: Racial Conflict in Knoxville, Elaine (Arkansas), Tulsa, and Chicago, 1919-1921. University Press of Mississippi, Jackson 1972, ISBN 978-1-60473-190-3 , pp. 56-73 (= IV: The Tulsa Riot).

Movies

  • Hate Crimes in the Heartland. United States 2014, 52-minute documentary by Rachel Lyon.
  • Uncovering the Greenwood Massacre - Greenwood, 1921: One of the worst race massacres in American history. 12-minute film on Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS) on June 14, 2020.

Web links

Commons : Tulsa Massacre  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Christienne M. McPherson: "Spirited Away": Race, Gender, and Murder in Oklahoma in the 1920s . In: Linda W. Reese, Patricia Loughlin (Eds.): Main Street Oklahoma: Stories of Twentieth-Century America . University of Oklahoma Press, Norman 2013, ISBN 978-0-8061-4401-6 , pp. 134-153; here: p. 135 f .
  2. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Tulsa (Oklahoma) Riot of 1921 . Pp. 646-649 .
  3. ↑ Pete Churchwell (Chairman of the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 ): Tulsa Race Riot: A Report by the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921. (pdf; 9.4 MB) February 28, 2001, P. 39 (English).;
  4. ↑ James S. Hirsch: Riot and Remembrance: The Tulsa Race War and Its Legacy . P. 222 .
    Christienne M. McPherson: "Spirited Away": Race, Gender, and Murder in Oklahoma in the 1920s . In Linda W. Reese, Patricia Loughlin (Eds.): Main Street Oklahoma: Stories of Twentieth-Century America . University of Oklahoma Press, Norman 2013, ISBN 978-0-8061-4401-6 , pp. 134-153; here: p. 138 .
  5. ↑ a b Deneen L. Brown: The devastation of the Tulsa Race Massacre. In: The Washington Post . May 28, 2021, accessed June 1, 2021 .
  6. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Reconstructing the Dreamland. P. 1 f.
  7. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Tulsa (Oklahoma) Riot of 1921. p. 645 .
    Alfred L. Brophy: Reconstructing the Dreamland. P. 2.
  8. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Reconstructing the Dreamland. Pp. 3-6.
  9. ↑ Christienne M. McPherson: "Spirited Away": Race, Gender, and Murder in Oklahoma in the 1920s . In Linda W. Reese, Patricia Loughlin (Eds.): Main Street Oklahoma: Stories of Twentieth-Century America . University of Oklahoma Press, Norman 2013, ISBN 978-0-8061-4401-6 , pp. 134-153; here: p. 138 .
  10. ↑ Pete Churchwell (Chairman of the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 ): Tulsa Race Riot: A Report by the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921. (pdf; 9.4 MB) February 28, 2001, P. 58f. (English). ;Amy Tikkanen and others: Tulsa Race Riot of 1921. In: Encyclopaedia Britannica . June 16, 2020, accessed on August 22, 2020 .
  11. ↑ Pete Churchwell (Chairman of the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 ): Tulsa Race Riot: A Report by the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921. (pdf; 9.4 MB) February 28, 2001, P. 57 (English).;
  12. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 46, 47 .
  13. ↑ James S. Hirsch: Riot and Remembrance: The Tulsa Race War and Its Legacy . P. 51 .
  14. ↑ Pete Churchwell (Chairman of the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 ): Tulsa Race Riot: A Report by the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921. (pdf; 9.4 MB) February 28, 2001, P. 56f. (English).;
  15. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 48-51 .
  16. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 51-53 .
  17. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 53, 54 .
  18. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Tulsa (Oklahoma) Riot of 1921 . P. 650 f.
  19. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 54-57 .
  20. ↑ Cathy Ambler: Mount Zion Baptist Church: Registration Form . In: National Register of Historic Places database . National Park Service , April 2008, accessed February 10, 2018 (1.2 MB), p. 11.
  21. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 59-61 .
  22. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Tulsa (Oklahoma) Riot of 1921 . P. 654 .
  23. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . P. 66 .
  24. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Tulsa (Oklahoma) Riot of 1921 . P. 653 .
  25. ↑ Christiane Heil: White mob in the black residential area. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung . May 31, 2021, accessed June 1, 2021 .
  26. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 61-63 .
  27. ^ Teri French: Tulsa's Haunted Memories . Arcadia Publishing, Charleston 2010, ISBN 978-0-7385-8387-7 , p. 10 .
  28. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 63-66 .
  29. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Tulsa (Oklahoma) Riot of 1921 . P. 653 .
  30. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 66-69 .
  31. ^ Arthur Gregg Sulzberger : As Survivors Dwindle, Tulsa Confronts Past. In: nytimes.com . June 19, 2011, accessed August 22, 2020 .
  32. ↑ Calculated according to www.dollartimes.com
  33. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 69, 70 .
  34. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 71-74 .
  35. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Tulsa (Oklahoma) Riot of 1921 . P. 652 f.
  36. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . Pp. 85-88 .
  37. ↑ Scott Ellsworth: Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 . P. 90 .
  38. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Tulsa (Oklahoma) Riot of 1921 . P. 653 f.
  39. ↑ Zak Cheney-Rice: Nearly a Century After the Black Wall Street Massacre, Tulsa Looks for the Bodies. In: nymag.com . October 10, 2019, accessed on August 22, 2020 .
  40. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Tulsa Race Riot Commission . P. 654 f.
  41. ^ Alfred L. Brophy: Tulsa Race Riot Commission . P. 655 f.
  42. ↑ Nora McGreevy: Lawsuit Seeks Reparations for Victims of 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre. Smithsonian Magazine , September 3, 2020.
  43. ^ Hannibal B. Johnson: Tulsa's Historic Greenwood District . P. 99 .
  44. ↑ About Us. Greenwood Cultural Center, accessed August 22, 2020 .
  45. ^ Hannibal B. Johnson: Tulsa's Historic Greenwood District . P. 120 .
  46. ↑ USA - President Trump threatens protesters before the first election campaign appearance in Tulsa. In: deutschlandfunk.de . June 20, 2020, archived from the original on June 22, 2020 ; accessed on August 22, 2020 . After racism allegations: Trump postpones election campaign appearance. In: merkur.de . June 13, 2020, accessed June 20, 2020 .
  47. ↑ Michael Levenson: Tulsa Race Massacre Commission Ousts Oklahoma Governor. In: nytimes.com, May 14, 2021, accessed May 15, 2021.
  48. ^ Scott Pelley: Greenwood, 1921: One of the worst race massacres in American history. In: 60 minutes . June 14, 2020, accessed June 15, 2020 .
This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on May 21, 2018 .