Mittani (also Mitanni , Mittanni or Ḫanilgabat ) was a state in northern Syria. In the 15th and early 14th centuries BC It reached from the border of northern Mesopotamia to northern Syria . From the middle of the 14th century BC. Until its end in the middle of the 13th century BC. It included the area of the headwaters of the Habūr .
The proper name was Ma-i-ta-ni (Maitani) (Šuttarna I. and Sauštatar ), which Gernot Wilhelm derives from Maitta , the proper name of a hypothetical king. Later the form Mittani , Mittan (i) -ni is used, alternatively the term mat Ḫanilgabat is used, consistently in Nuzi . After Speiser, the empire was called Mitanni, but the country was called Ḫanilgabat. Ḫanilgabat has been predominant over Mittan (ni) since the 13th century. The Amarna letters of King Tušratta know the spellings KUR Mi-ta-an-ni (EA 21), KUR Mi-i-ta-an-ni (EA 23), KUR Mi-i-ta-a-an-ni (EA 22), KUR Mi-i-it-ta-an-ni (EA 19) and KUR Mi-it-ta-a-an-n [i] (EA 28).
The Assyrians called the land Ḫabingalbat , Hanilgabat , Ḫanigalbat or Ḫabilgalbat , a name that has been in use since the 15th century. Only in a historicizing inscription by Tiglat-Pileser I , in which the Assyrian king reports on hunting wild animals, does the name KUR Mi-ta-a-ni appear once.
The Middle Hittite treaty between Tudḫaliya (II.?) And Šunaššura of Kizzuwatna calls KUR uru Mi-it-ta-an-ni, which is still in use in Ḫattuša . In Akkadian texts, the Hittites used Hanikalbat , in Hittite Mitanna and in the hieroglyphic inscriptions (L) Mi-ta-ni . Sometimes (KUR (uru) ) Ḫurri * is used here, as in the contract between Šuppiluliuma and Šattiwaza . KUR.KUR meš / ḫi.a (uru) Ḫurri has also been used since Muršili II .
In the inscriptions of the Egyptians between the time of Thutmose III. and Scheschonq I. is found with mìt_n and mìtn . In addition, since Thutmose I, the Egyptians used the landscape designation Nah (a) rina / Na Nordrina ( nhr ) for northern Syria, which is later transferred to the Mittan (n) i empire. Šuttarna II is referred to as the Prince of Naharina.
Geography and sources
At the time of its greatest expansion, Mittani extended from Nuzi (today near Kirkuk in Iraq ) in the east over the northern Tigris region and northern Syria to Kizzuwatna (in Asia Minor ) in the west. Its center was in the area of the Chabur and its headwaters. The capitals Waššukanni (presumably to be identified with Tell Fecheriye at Raʾs al-ʿAin ), where Sauštatar had his palace, and Taite (the capital of the late period, presumably located in Tall Hamidiya ) were also located here. Both cities could not yet be properly located. In the north Mittani bordered on Išuwa and Alše .
Since the capitals have not yet been excavated, knowledge of Mittani is mainly based on Egyptian, Assyrian and Hittite sources. The palace and private archives from Nuzi in the kingdom of Arrapḫa , Nagar ( Tell Brak , which was previously incorrectly identified with Taite) and Alalach provide the most important text finds from the Mittanian area itself ; further texts were found in Qatna . At a site known since 2010, which is probably in the area of the city of Zachiku, known from a written source , a palace from the Mittani period on the east bank was able to be found in rescue excavations in Kemune, southwest of the provincial capital Dohuk, due to the low water level of the Mosul reservoir of the Tigris in the autonomous region of Kurdistan , which is of great importance for research, especially through the discovery of wall paintings or colored plaster.
The Mittan kingdom left little to posterity. In 1925, the first Mittani palace was discovered in the ancient city of Nuzi in northern Iraq. A second palace was found in southern Turkey in the rudiments of the Bronze Age city of Alalach. Between 1985 and 1987, British researchers uncovered another palace on the highest point of Tell Brak in northeast Syria. The palace in Kemune is the fourth so far and has an area of more than 2000 square meters.
The fertile soil and sufficient rainfall enabled both arable farming and the keeping of cattle, sheep and goats. Two harvests a year were possible on artificially irrigated fields. In Arrapḫa the yield of wheat fields was significantly lower than that of barley fields. In addition, there were nomadic ranchers who were given rations of grain.
Trade was organized in Arrapḫa through the palace by palace slaves. It is not clear to what extent this trade can be carried over to other provinces of Hanigalbat.
Population and language
There are also individual Indo-Aryan words. The latter include personal names , hippological terms, numbers and names of gods, some of which are also known from the Vedic and Persian pantheon. Mayrhofer (1961, 30) describes them as "sparse relics of Aryan stamping, from which, after deeper consideration, some missed assignments still had to be deducted."
- hippological terms from the Hittite Kikkuli text,
- Horse names from Nuzi , in detail:
- b / paprunnu ( old Indian babhrú- , red-brown)
- b / ppinkarannu (* piṅgará- , old Indian piṅgalá- , reddish)
- paritannu (* paritá- , old Indian palitá- , gray)
- the expression maryanni for chariot fighter , which comes from ved.-altind. márya- = young man, hero was derived. In the meantime, however, this derivation has been questioned (Kammenhuber 1961, Mayrhofer 1969, 37).
- From a contract between Šuppiluliuma I. vom Ḫatti and Šattiwazza , son of Tušratta , the king of Mittani from the 14th century BC. There are known names of gods, which Hugo Winckler equated in 1907 with the Rigvedic Mitra , Indra , Varuna and Nāsatyā . Georges Dumézil adopted this equation.
- dingir meš (the gods) mi-it-ra-aš
- dingir meš a-ru-na / ú-ru-ua-na
- dingir meš in-da-ra / in-tar
- dingir meš na-ša-at-ti-ia-an-na
In addition to a multitude of other gods, “the male gods, the female gods, individually and together, from the land of Ḫatti, the male gods, the female gods, individually and together, from the land of Kizzuati , the gods of the underworld”, furthermore “ Heaven and earth, the wind and the clouds "," all thousand gods "invoked.
- the undisputed royal name Artatama
- after Mayrhofer ten other throne names of the Barsatar dynasty. The private names of the kings and the women's names are, as far as is known, Hurrian. So King Šattiwaza / Kurtiwaza carried the birth name Kili-Tešup.
- A necklace Mani nnu that in a Amarna letters is mentioned
- after Mayrhofer some personal names , such as Bi-ri-da-aš-wa from Syria and Bi-ri-ia-aš-šu-wa from Alalach IA (his father had the Hurrian name Irip-šeni).
Prehistory and early days
As early as the late 3rd millennium BC Chr. Are Hurrian polity known. Above all, the Principality of Urkeš should be mentioned here , which was ruled by its princes Atal-Šen in the 22nd century and Tiš-Atal in the 21st century BC. BC (according to the middle chronology ) covered a fairly large area. If a Hurrian population from the area of the Zagros to the Habūr source rivers is documented for this period , then the 18th and 17th centuries BC Numerous Hurrian personal names as far as the Orontes area have been proven. Hurrian principalities such as Burundum and Elahut were found in northern Mesopotamia ; While the Hurrites in Mari and Babylonia were primarily active as workers or slaves at that time, they had already risen to the upper classes in Jamchad . When the Hittite king Ḫattušili I against the expansive Hurrites around 1630 BC Moved eastwards, he still had to deal with the Hurrian kings of Suda and Ilanzura . From the inscription on the statue of Idrimi is around 1470 BC. The existence of the state Hurri / Mittani attests for the first time, which at the latest at the end of the 16th century BC. BC and already stretched from northern Mesopotamia to the Mediterranean.
The beginning of the state is completely in the dark. Mittani's kings only carried non- Hurrian throne names, some of which have been identified as Indo-Aryan . Since the Šattiwazza Treaty mentions Indo-Aryan deities (albeit not in the leading position) and the Hurricane Kikkuli used Indo-Aryan terms for horse training in a Hittite text, it has been assumed that Indo-Aryans had at some point headed Hurrian principalities or tribal associations. According to another view, (later) Hurrian elites were influenced by Indo-Aryan cultural assets at an unknown point in time, which could also be indicated by the fact that at least one Mittani king (Šattiwazza) had a Hurrian name before his accession to the throne. Unfortunately, in the absence of sufficient evidence, this question cannot be decided at the moment. In any case, Idrimi came from a dynasty residing in Halab , which two or three generations before him had contractually bound itself to the young Hurrian empire - a procedure that can also be observed in the case of Assurs and later Kizzuwatna and which may also have been typical of the formation of the empire was. Around 1500 BC Idrimi and his older brothers were driven out, apparently because Halab no longer complied with his Mittan overlord. After several years of flight, Idrimi submitted to the Mittani king Parrattarna. For the sake of the oaths that the two ruling families once swore, Idrimi was endowed with the province of Mukiš and its capital Alalach , which had also been ruled by his forefathers.
The great kingdom of Mittani
A brief biographical note from Idrimi's older contemporary, Pharaoh Thutmose I (1504–1492 BC), could indicate a first dispute between Egypt and Mittani in the course of Thutmose's Syria campaigns. His grandson Thutmose III. According to Thutmose I, he is said to have erected a stele on the west bank of the Euphrates . Whether Mittani actually, as sometimes claimed, pulled the strings in the background when the Syrian coalition led by the King of Qadeš met Pharaoh Thutmose III. (1479–1425 BC) at the Battle of Megiddo in 1456 BC. BC opposed is doubtful. The confrontation between Mittani and Egypt is only certain for 1446 BC. After Thutmose III. Having undertaken several campaigns to consolidate his position in southern Syria, he could now move further north. On the "juniper hill", west of Halab, he defeated the king of Mittani, who fled over the Euphrates. Thutmose III, too. moved east, brought his grandfather's victory stele to the eastern side of the Euphrates by means of boats prefabricated in Gubla near Karkemiš , planted it there and devastated the land downstream to Emar . The fact that he then had to fight further battles on his way to the west in central Syria and also had to move back to Syria in 1445 BC could point to the by no means decisive situation in the fight with Mittani, especially since 1444 BC. In the Syrian region there were again Mittan troops. Perhaps their defeat was the reason that even the northern Syrian Alalach sent the pharaoh "slaves, copper, timber and sweet plants". How uncertain the situation for Egypt in this region nevertheless remained, is shown somewhat later by uprisings in Lebanon and in the Syrian coastal area, in the course of which soldiers from the Mittan area of influence were also captured.
While Egypt had temporary garrisons in southern Syrian cities such as Ullaza or Gubla, northern Syria was certainly never permanently controlled by Egypt. When evaluating the Mittani-Egyptian disputes, one should not forget that, in view of the sparse sources from Mittani itself, historical knowledge is essentially based on the certainly tendentious annals of Egyptian rulers. Mittani had in the middle of the 15th century BC. BC apparently the entire northern arc along the fertile crescent from Arrapcha on the Lower Zāb in the east to the northern Levant region in the west. The northern Syrian coastal city of Ugarit was also temporarily Mitannian, but was mostly controlled by Egypt. Due to the use of its fleet in the coastal region , however, Egypt's influence extended further north than inland. In the north of Mesopotamia, the Hurrian countries Išuwa and Alše in the headwaters of the Tigris were temporarily in Mitannic hands. In the second half of the 15th century BC BC Kizzuwatna broke away from the Hittite Empire and allied with Mittani. But during the same period the ambition of the future heirs of the Mittani empire became noticeable. On the one hand, the Hittite Empire offered itself to the Pharaoh as a coalitionary by means of gifts and was temporarily able to bind Halab to itself. On the other hand, the Mittani submissive Assyria made itself independent and renewed its connections with Babylon , which led to a recapture and sacking of the city by the Mittani king Sauštatar .
Thutmose 'III. Son of Amenophis II (1427–1401 BC) saw himself forced to several expeditions to Syria at the beginning of his reign. However, it is to be seen as a sign of the balance of power between Mittani and Egypt that he later established diplomatic relations with the Hurritan state, which were initially accompanied by a clash of arms, but gradually led to a lasting reconciliation. Amenhotep's son, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren took Mittan princesses into their harems. A special proof of solidarity was the two sending of the healing Šawuška statue from Nineveh by the Mittani kings Šuttarna II and Tušratta to their sick "brother" Amenophis III. (1391-1353 BC). In Amarna many testimonies of an exchange of letters and gifts between Thebes and Washukanni been recovered. Tušratta wrote: “We are united, and the Hurrian country and the Egyptian country are united as one country. I am like the lord of the Egyptian land, and my brother is like the lord of the Hurrian land. ”In these words, however, Tušratta's desire to lean on the strength of the Pharaoh to cope with new problems also resonates.
Until the first two decades of the 14th century BC Mittani was a fairly stable power factor in the Middle East. After the assassination of Atrašumara by a usurper who was probably not from the dynasty, a fight broke out between Atrašumara's brothers for the throne: Tušratta got rid of the usurper and usurped the rule, while another pretender, Artatama II, both in the Hittite Empire and in Assyria for support of him Claims advertised. The unreliability of Mittani, which is to be feared, is likely to have caused Šunaššura von Kizzuwatna to turn away from the Mittani Empire and towards the Hittite Empire, citing an earlier agreement. In addition, Babylon occupied parts of Arrapchas and Aššur-Uballit I of Assur shook off the Mitannic yoke. To the Pharaoh Amenophis III. opposite Aššur-Uballit claimed equality with Tušratta von Mitanni. The campaign he carried out in coalition with the King of Alše around 1330 BC To assert the claims to the throne Artatamas II and his son Šuttarna III. as far as the northern Euphrates region is considered to be the first manifestation of the power of the young Central Assyrian Empire. Šuttarna III. in return had to deliver Mittani's crown treasure to Assur. The subsequent successful campaign of the Hittite king Šuppiluliuma I in support of the heir to the throne Šattiwaza, a son of Tušratta, is regarded as the first high point of the Hittite empire. The former Mittani empire thus essentially disintegrated into the heartland of the Central Assyrian Empire, some newly created Hittite provinces west of the Belich and - in between - the kingdom that the Hittites called Mitanna.
Mittani / Hanigalbat between Ḫatti and Assur
Šattiwaza , descendant of the Mittani rulers and now the first King Mittanis by Hittite grace, had to recognize the suzerainty of the Hittite king . Although Šuppiluliuma I still announced that he wanted to “restore the dead land”, the following story is characterized by the struggle between the two new great powers for a province. The weakness of the immediate successors Aššur-Uballits and the Hittite backing encouraged the kings of Mittani to aggression against Assyria, to which Adad-Nērārī I of Assur (1307-1274 BC) responded with an invasion of the Habūr region . Šattuara I of Mittani was brought to Assur and had to swear there his submission to the Assyrian suzerainty. However, Šattuara's son Wašašatta rebelled again. The Hittites were probably due to their clashes with Egypt that began in 1274 BC. In the battle of Qadeš , unable to answer the call for help of the Wašašatta of Mitanna, culminated in the battle of Qadeš when Adad-Nērārī attacked the country again. Now the Assyrian king occupied Mitannian territory permanently, built his own palace in Taidu, the capital of Mittani, and deported the king's relatives to Assyria. However, he could not occupy Tūrira , which was still under the king of Mitanni (KBoI 14).
What happened after the - probably only partial - incorporation of Hanigalbat by Adad-Nērārī is very controversial. In Adad-Nērārī's second attack, the Mittan king probably fled along with his household power to an area beyond the new Assyrian borders - perhaps to the region of Tur Abdin or north of it - and either ruled a remnant state there or found accommodation in an allied principality. The Hittite king Ḫattušili III. was able to devote himself again to his eastern ally, the King of Mitanna, after he had cleared his back in the west with his famous peace agreement with Ramses II . He formed a coalition in which, in addition to Šattuara II , the new king of Mittani, there were also Aramaic tribes who had immigrated from the west and who were to trouble the Assyrian empire for many decades from now on. In 1267 BC There was a clash between Adad-Nērārīs son Shalmaneser I (1273-1244 BC) and this coalition.
The question of whether the Hurriterstate was finally given the fatal blow - as an inscription from Shalmaneser suggests - has been judged extremely differently by historians. What is certain is that Šattuara II was the last prince documented by sources in this region with an Indo-Aryan ruler name. In addition, it is not known of any of the Hurrian rulers who Shalmaneser I and his successor Tukultī-Ninurta I (1243–1207 BC) were subsequently to add the title “King of Mittani / Hanigalbat ”. A large part of Hanigalbat was certainly firmly in Assyrian hands during the reign of these two kings. Assyrian troops patrolled and Assyrian law was introduced. Hurrians were systematically excluded from the administration, even Hurrian temples were subordinate to Assyrians. Shalmaneser I began a resettlement policy in this region, which was developed into a real deportation policy under Tukultī-Ninurta I in the course of his conquests, which also took him to Hurrian countries such as Alše , Kašiari ( Tur Abdin ) and Šubaru . Above all, this reflects how much the Assyrians feared the re-establishment of a strong Hurricane empire through newly flaring uprisings supported by the Hittites. Indeed, at the end of Tukultī-Ninurta's reign, the signs of tension between Ḫatti and Assur increased markedly. In the heart of Hanigalbat the Hittite king (probably Tudḫaliya IV. ) And the Assyrian king finally fought a battle. Tudḫaliya, who had been abandoned by his Hurrian ally, the king of Išuwa , had to withdraw defeated. Tukultī-Ninurta had now created an empire that reached from Babylonia to the Naīri regions. He used the deportees (including many Hurrians) both to order royal goods and to build his new capital Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta, which had sprung up from the ground . But at the end of his life he seemed to have already felt that his forcibly established order would not last if he invoked his god Assur with the following words: “An evil circle has surrounded (your) countries and your city, God Assur (! ) ... They fraudulently agreed to plunder your country, Assyria. All countries wish the destruction of your miracles; Day (and night) they are eager to destroy your cities in the north as in the south ... "
The fact that Hanigalbat was perhaps not fully incorporated into the Assyrian Empire under Shalmaneser I could indicate that the Tur Abdin area he had conquered, which had been an integral part of Mittani, was again the subject of Tukultī-Ninurta's campaigns. The Assyrian kings Adad-nērārī II (911-891 BC), Tukultī-Ninurta II (890-884 BC) and Aššur-Nāsirpal II (883-859 BC) then undertook campaigns of conquest again in this country. However, at the end of the 2nd millennium (perhaps also favored by Tukultī-Ninurta I's deportation policy) the ethnographic weight shifted increasingly in favor of the Arameans. The name " Hanigalbat ", however, was used as a geographical name for a long time.
Breeding horses and chariots
Mittani was famous for horse breeding and the military use of chariots . (See also the Kikkuli's instructions for horse keeping and training). One of the most important innovations in war technology was the development of a maneuverable two-wheeled chariot to replace the cumbersome Sumerian chariot drawn by wild asses. In over 184 days of dressage courses, horses were trained to become high-performance animals, which were harnessed to drive the chariot faster. This Mittani innovation was later copied by the Hittites, Assyrians and Egyptians.
The individual cities were usually administered by relatives of the king, but there was also an assembly of elders (senate). The palace and the great temples had their own land, cattle herds and orchards. The land was worked by dependent farmers, taluhi . In addition, free farmers had to put part of their labor into the service of the palace (ILKU). The palace restaurant was headed by the ŠAKIN BITI . The Mariyanni ( rākib narkabti ), the charioteers , were assigned land with which they could earn a living and which they often cultivated with the help of slaves. The title Mariyannu became partially hereditary; Texts from Alalaḫ mention Marijanni-na who have no chariots, but in Arrapha they lost their land if they could not provide chariots. Land allocated by the king ("crown land") could only be inherited, but not sold, but in Arrapha this rule was often circumvented through adoption . Some Marijanni-na thus became large landowners.
The farmers and artisans were organized into families (BITU), which were both economic and religious units. Women could own land and manage districts. This is evidenced by a letter from King Sauštatar that was found in Nuzi . It is addressed to a certain Ithiya, perhaps the ruler of Arrapha, and deals with the demarcation of the boundary between the Paharasše district, which was under the Amminaye, and a settlement which the king had given to a certain Ugi. As compensation, Amminaye is to receive the city of Atilu , and Šatawatti from the Atilu city council is to set the new borders.
In his letters to the Egyptian pharaoh, King Tušratta regularly mentions the goddess Šauška / Inanna , whose idol he sent to the sick pharaoh - as well as the weather god Teššub and the sun god Šimige . In addition, Eyašarri is mentioned, which is to be equated with the Akkadian Ea .
In the contract of his son Šattiwazza , in addition to Hurrian and Akkadian deities, the gods d mi-it-ra-aš, d a-ru-na / ú-ru-ua-na, d in-da-ra and d na-ša- called at-ti-ia-an-na, which supposedly correspond to the Rigvedic gods Mitra , Indra , Varuna and the two Nāsatyā . The Mittani pantheon is a mixed religion of various Near Eastern peoples. It is doubtful whether the named, perhaps Indo-Aryan deities played a major role in the cult.
Cylinder seal, glyptic
The oldest surviving royal seal of the Mittanis rulers can be found on texts from Alalach. Two heroes are shown grabbing a lion. It is probably a cut seal from the first III period . According to the inscription, the owner of the seal is King Šuttarna I. The seal was used until the time of Sauštatar (around 1440 BC). Another royal seal is known from Sauštatar. It shows a winged genius with a simple crown of horns , who holds two lions up on his hind legs, in the background other animal-conquering figures, etc. a. a woman with a snake. At the top, two lions with raised paws and a bird on their backs sit under a tree of life crowned by a star. A seal imprint from the Amarna archive is divided into registers and probably belongs to Tušratta . It shows u. a. an adoration scene and a winged genius with entwined legs.
According to Edith Porada , a distinction is made between two glyptic styles: on the one hand the so-called common style , predominantly on cylinder seals made of frit , and on the other hand the elaborate style , predominantly on cylinder seals made of semi-precious stones (agate, chalcedony, carnelian). Both groups often represent hybrid creatures, plants, as well as gods and heroes, for example animal slayers. Instead of standing on a common stand line, the figures are very often scattered over the seal surface.
Kings of Mittani
The following dates are estimates based on middle chronology .
- Kirta (cannot be classified chronologically)
- Šuttarna I. (cannot be classified chronologically)
- Paratarna I 1500-1470 BC Chr.
- Parsatatar 1470-1450 BC Chr.
- Sauštatar 1450-1410 BC Chr.
- Artatama I. 1410-1400 BC BC (son of Sauštatar)
- Šuttarna II. 1400–1375 BC BC (son of Artatama I.)
- Artaššumara 1375-1370 BC BC (son of Šuttarna II.)
- Tušratta 1370-1350 BC BC (son of Šuttarna II.)
- Artatama II. 1350-1340 BC BC (son of Šuttarna II.)
- Šuttarna III. 1350-1340 BC BC (son of Artatama II.)
- Šattiwazza 1340-1320 BC BC (or Mattiwaza / Kurtuwaza, Kili-Teššup, son of Tušratta)
- Šattuara I. 1320-1300 BC Chr.
- Wašašatta 1300–1280 BC BC (son of Šattuara)
- Šattuara II. 1280. – 1267 BC BC (son or nephew of Wašašatta; was defeated by Shalmaneser I )
- Eva Cancik-Kirschbaum : Confrontation and Coexistence. Hattuša and the northern Mesopotamian states of Mittanni and Assyria ; in: Exhibition catalog The Hittites and their empire. The people of 1000 gods ; Stuttgart: Konrad Theiss, 2002; ISBN 3-8062-1676-2 ; Pp. 282-287
- Bruno Meissner , Erich Ebeling , Wolfram von Soden , Dietz-Otto Edzard , Michael P. Streck : Real Lexicon of Assyriology and Near Eastern Archeology ; Berlin, Leipzig 1932-2005 (previously 10 vols.)
- E. Gaal: The economic role of Hanigalbat at the beginning of the Neo-Assyrian expansion ; in: Hans J. Nissen , Johannes Renger (ed.): Mesopotamia and its neighbors. Political and cultural interrelationships in the ancient Orient from the 4th to the 1st millennium BC Chr .; Berlin contributions to the Middle East 1; Berlin: Reimer, 1982; ISBN 3-496-00710-9 ; Pp. 349-354
- Amir Harrak: Assyria and Hanigalbat. A historical reconstruction of the bilateral relations from the middle of the 14th to the end of the 12 centuries BC. (= Studies in Oriental Studies ), Georg Olms, Hildesheim 1987, ISBN 3-487-07948-8 .
- Annelies Kammenhuber : Hippologia hethitica. Wiesbaden 1961.
- Horst Klengel : Syria: 3000 to 300 BC A Handbook of Political History. Berlin 1992.
- Michael Klein: The Mittani letter and the orthography and grammar of Hurrian. Book 5: Notes on the Mittanni letter - Wed. I 83-109 as a certificate of diplomatic correspondence, GRIN-Verlag, Munich 2013.
- Cord Kühne : Political scenery and international relations in the Middle East around the middle of the 2nd millennium BC (also a concept of the short chronology). With a timetable ; in: Hans-Jörg Nissen, Johannes Renger (Ed.): Mesopotamia and its neighbors. Political and cultural interrelationships in the ancient Orient from the 4th to the 1st millennium BC Chr .; Berlin contributions to the Middle East 1; Berlin: Reimer, 1982; ISBN 3-496-00710-9 ; Pp. 203-264
- Mirko Novák : Mittani Empire and the Question of Absolute Chronology: Some Archaeological Considerations ; in: Manfred Bietak , Ernst Czerny (Ed.): The Synchronization of Civilizations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium BC III ; Austrian Academy of Sciences Memorandum Volume XXXVII; Vienna, 2007; ISBN 978-3-7001-3527-2 ; Pp. 389-401.
- Manfred Mayrhofer : Die Vorderasiatischen Arier (discussion Kammenhuber), In: Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy , Rüdiger Schmitt (Ed.): Selected small writings, Vol. 1 ; Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1979; ISBN 3-88226-038-6
- Nimet Özgüç: Seals and seal impressions of the level Ib from Karum- Kanish ; Ankara 1968
- Edith Porada : Seal impressions of Nuzi . In: Annual American School Oriental research , Volume 24, 1947.
- Richard FS Starr: Nuzi ; London 1938
- Paul Thieme: The, Aryan Gods' of the Mitanni Treaties. In Journal of the American Oriental Society , Volume 80, 1960, pp. 301-317.
- Ernst Friedrich Weidner : Assyria and Hanilgalbat. In: Ugaritica , Volume 6, 1969.
- Gernot Wilhelm : Notes in the Mittani Letter. In: Nuzi , Volume 9, 1998, p. 181 ff
- Jak Yakar : Ethnoarchaeology of Anatolia. Rural socio-economy in the Bronze and Iron Ages. Jerusalem.
- EA Speiser, A Letter of Saushshatar and the Date of the Kirkuk Tablets. Journal of the American Oriental Society 49, 1929, 274
- G. Wilhelm, keyword Mittan (n) i in the Reallexikon der Assyriologie
- here and in the following in transliteration based on the cuneiform originals
- Urs Willmann: Mesopotamia: The palace in the lake . In: The time . June 26, 2019, ISSN 0044-2070 ( zeit.de [accessed on March 10, 2020]).
- Archaeologists discover a palace from the time of the Mittani Empire in the Duhok province of the Kurdistan region of Iraq ( Memento from September 12, 2019 in the Internet Archive ) (press release from June 27, 2019)
- EA Speiser, A Letter of Saushshatar and the Date of the Kirkuk Tablets. Journal of the American Oriental Society 49, 1929, 269-275